Aceh

Puteh knew of chopper markup: Corruption Commission

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) said on Friday that Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh knew that some procedures had been violated in the purchase of a Russian- made Mi-2 helicopter in 2002.

KPK made the statement after it summoned Puteh as "one of the sources" in its preliminary investigation into the alleged markup by the Aceh administration.

KPK deputy chairman Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, however, refused to go into detail, arguing that "the questioning of the governor has not touched on substantial matters because he (Puteh) did not bring supporting documents."

Puteh was questioned by KPK's investigating team led by former police officer Jaswardana for about four hours, starting at 8 a.m. He left the office at midday and immediately went to the Soekarno-Hatta International Airport and flew to Aceh's provincial capital of Banda Aceh for "an important meeting on preparations for the imposition of civil emergency in the province". Erry said that Puteh promised to come to the KPK office on June 10, or three days after a national working meeting of Indonesian governors in Banda Aceh.

"During the four hours of questioning, we asked him about 13 questions with regards the governor's main tasks. However he did not bring documents to support his assertions," Erry told a press conference.

"We could understand his argument because he came to Jakarta not for the questioning, but to meet with officials of the Ministry of Home Affairs to prepare the planned national working meeting of all Indonesian governors," he added.

Earlier, KPK investigators also questioned speaker of the Aceh legislature Muhammad Yus and his deputies, T. Bachrum Manyak and Moersyid Minosra, as well as the Aceh administration's supply and procurement division head Syahruddin M. Gadeng and treasurer T.M. Lizam.

From the officials, Erry said, the KPK learned that at least 10 regents donated around Rp 700 million (US$72,916) to help the administration purchase the helicopter. Erry refused to name the regents, but confirmed that the funds were taken from regental budgets.

Meanwhile, two other officials, Aceh administration secretary Thantawi Ishak and the Aceh administration's logistics division head Khalid, will come to Jakarta for questioning on June 10. They did not meet a summons early this week, claiming they were ill.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri has appointed Puteh as the civil emergency administrator in Aceh, after one year of martial law to stamp out decades of rebellion there.

Puteh, nevertheless, is in the hot seat following an investigation by the Aceh Police in cooperation with the military into the corruption charges that involve billions of rupiah in government funds.

The alleged markup in the purchase of the helicopter caused some Rp 12 billion in state losses. Some are trying to link the case to Puteh.

Earlier on Wednesday, Puteh was also questioned at the National Police headquarters here over another corruption case related to the purchase of power generators worth Rp 30 billion.

Puteh grilled hours over graft case

Jakarta Post - June 4, 2004

Abdul Khalik and Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The National Police here questioned Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh in Jakarta for more than eight hours over a corruption case worth Rp 30 billion (US$3.1 million) in losses to the state.

Puteh arrived at the National Police headquarters at around 8 a.m. on Wednesday. He was asked at least 20 written questions about the Aceh government's alleged mark-up in the purchase price of power generators.

The governor was questioned as a witness about how the purchase was carried out and who was involved in the transaction, National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Suyitno Landung Sudjono said. "We will also summon several Aceh councillors as witnesses soon. We hope this will give us enough information on Abdullah Puteh's role," he said added.

National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Paiman told The Jakarta Post that investigators would later discuss the results of the probe into Puteh. "The team will examine whether there is sufficient evidence from the interrogation to name Puteh a suspect," he added. Paiman said the governor would most likely be summoned again to clarify evidence the police had collected from other witnesses.

Speaking after the questioning, Puteh denied being involved in the graft case, arguing the purchase had been approved by the Aceh legislative council. "I am innocent because all the Aceh councillors approved the decision. What I did was simply to follow it up," he said.

Puteh's lawyer, OC Kaligis, said the government began planning to buy the generators in October 2002 after protests by university students, who demanded it fix the electricity system damaged by separatist rebels. The demonstrators had complained about frequent power cuts across Aceh, he said.

Kaligis said Puteh responded to the demand by arranging a hearing with councillors and community figures. Subsequently, the council endorsed the project and asked Puteh to finance the project from the budget.

"Because state electricity firm PLN was responsible for the project, it handled everything the right way after the approval. PLN later appointed William Taylor as the contractor," he said. From that point, Puteh had nothing to do with the project, Kaligis said. Aceh Police have already arrested Taylor in connection with the case. His testimony led to the questioning of Puteh.

As the governor of Aceh, Puteh has again begun administering the province after the state government downgraded the state of martial law to a state of civil emergency last month.

The corruption scandal has made Puteh widely unpopular in the province and the government has since dispatched a team of "special advisors" to monitor activities in the regional government.

Last week, President Megawati Soekarnoputri gave permission to the National Police to interview Puteh. The probe was part of police efforts to resolve at least 42 alleged corruption cases in the provincial administration.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is also scheduled to question Puteh on Friday over a suspected markup in the Rp 12 billion purchase of a Russian Mi-2 helicopter in 2002. "We have sent a summons to him for questioning on Friday," said KPK deputy head Tumpak Hatorangan Panggabean.

The commission had already questioned three Aceh councillors about the purchase, he said. It had also talked to the company that brokered the deal, the Navy and the Air Force. "We hope to name suspects [in the case] sometimes next week," Tumpak said.

While, Aceh is rich in oil and other resources, it is one of the country's poorer provinces.

Aceh's dress code police under fire

Jakarta Post - June 4, 2004

Nani Afrida, Banda Aceh -- The sharia police officers here are being criticized over their "sweeps" on women -- who have allegedly donned attire deemed inappropriate under Islamic law -- which has been in force in Aceh since 2001.

The alleged violators of the dress code blasted the sharia enforcement task force officers, or Wilayatulhisbah, as arrogant, since the mostly-female force began operating a few weeks ago in the predominantly Muslim province. Many have said they were often treated like common criminals.

Suspected violators were taken aboard police trucks to the sharia enforcement office, where they were later lectured on how to dress in a manner consistent with Islamic law.

The victims admitted they were traumatized after being rounded up and put in police trucks. "It was as if we were being treated like common criminals," said Ani, a 23-year old student from Syiah Kuala University (Unsyiah).

She questioned the very reason for her arrest by the dress-code police last week, because she was already wearing a traditional jilbab, (Muslim headscarf), which is considered befitting of a good Muslim woman.

When Islamic law was established in Aceh three years ago, many feared that it would mostly affect women, as it would only take their clothing choices into account.

Ironically, sharia is not, according to some people, being enforced to cope with other major problems in Aceh, particularly rampant corruption and other abuses alleged to have taken place under martial law.

Sharia implementation itself is somewhat controversial because Acehnese Muslim women and the dress-code police differ on what constitutes proper Islamic attire.

A 19-year-old victim named Rina, who resides in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh, said she was extremely humiliated by the way the sharia officers had taken action against her.

"If we had made a mistake, they should have notified us properly. They didn't need to drag us [down to the station] in trucks," she told The Jakarta Post through tears.

Ani and Rina were among a group of women in Aceh, who are upset about the controversial sweeps by the Wilayatulhisbah, in addition to the stress they already face amid separatist- government clashes in the province.

The sharia task force has also launched raids on liquor distribution, prostitution and gambling across Banda Aceh and neighboring towns in the restive province.

However, its implementation has mostly been focused on women's attire. For that reason, the sweep victims have lodged a protest because they felt they were dressed appropriately.

Wilayatulhisbah chief T. Lembong Misbah said that under sharia, Muslim women must wear headscarves and are banned from wearing such things as tight jeans or see-through skirts.

Sharia officers would arrest any Muslim woman wearing tight or transparent clothing, even if they are wearing the jilbab, he said. "It [the mass arrest] is merely for the process of educating them. There will be no legal action taken against the violators, at least not yet," Lembong told the Post.

He explained that those picked up in the raids were ordered to sign a statement at the sharia enforcement office vowing to never again wear "un-Islamic" clothing. "We are legally authorized by a sharia bylaw to make arrests of violators," he stressed.

However, the sharia enforcement task force has also been accused of discriminating against Muslim women. "I've noticed that if the wives or girlfriends of soldiers were affected by the raids, they were immediately released. Isn't that discrimination?" wondered Abdullah, 45, a civil servant.

Aceh sharia office head Alyasa' Abubakar said he would check into the allegations. "If there is a mistake, we will correct it," he said.

The sharia officers, mostly women, were hired in September 2003 on a contract basis for a one-year term. However, they have only been active on the streets in Banda Aceh over the last few weeks.

Puteh to remain at helm until declared a suspect

Jakarta Post - May 31, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- The police plan to question Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam governor Abdullah Puteh would not, for the time being, affect his status as civil emergency administrator, the government said on Sunday.

Ad interim coordinating minister for political and security affairs Hari Sabarno said on Sunday that the police would question Puteh as a witness, not as a suspect.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri would suspend the Governor and appoint another official to administer the province only if he were charged as a suspect and if there was a demand for his suspension from the provincial legislative council, Hari said. "It's quite common for people to be questioned as witnesses," he added.

Usually a governor who was unable to perform his duties would be replaced by his deputy, the minister said. He was commenting on the recent approval by the President for the police to question Puteh in relation to graft allegations.

Puteh is said to have been involved in the markup of power generators that were purchased in 2002, a scam that allegedly defrauded the state of Rp 30 billion (US$3.3million).

Megawati's consent came just a few days after Puteh officially became the civil emergency administrator in the province on May 20 after martial law ended on May 19.

Earlier, the martial law administrators had conducted preliminary questioning of Puteh and submitted the case to the National Police and the Attorney General's office.

The National Police's director of corruption cases, Brig. Gen. Sugiri, said that Puteh was scheduled to be questioned early next week. "I just had the President's letter [of consent for the questioning of Puteh] on my desk this morning. It's not easy to arrange the questioning of such a senior official as Puteh, but we will summon him early next week," Sugiri said on Saturday.

The allegations against Puteh are believed to have led to the assigning of a government team "to advise" the governor in administering the province under the state of civil emergency. "To help monitor the use of funds, auditors from the State Audit Agency will also help supervise spending," Hari said.

The government has come under fire for its failure to ensure public accountability as regards the use of the funds provided for the "integrated operations" under martial law, which were supposed to have comprised military, humanitarian and law enforcement operations.

Hari said that the team of special advisors to be sent to Aceh would be briefed at his office on Tuesday and the presidential instruction to appoint the officials would be signed by Megawati "as soon as possible".

Troops kill 12 Aceh rebels in past two days

Associated Press - May 31, 2004

Indonesian troops gunned down 12 suspected separatist rebels over the weekend as violence continues despite the government's decision to lift martial law in the troubled Aceh province.

Nine rebels were shot dead Saturday in gunbattles across the region on the northern tip of Sumatra island, said Lt. Col. Asep Sapari.

He identified one of the rebels as Ahmad Indra, a middle-ranking commander of the Free Aceh Movement. Three others were gunned down in separate clashes on Sunday, he said.

The rebels, who have waged a 27-year war for independence in the oil- and gas-rich province, couldn't be reached for comment. It's impossible to independently verify military claims about Aceh, as journalists are barred from parts of the province.

On May 19, the government downgraded a one-year state of martial law to a state of emergency in the province, but the military continues to maintain a large presence there.

Jakarta abandoned an internationally sponsored peace process with the rebels last year and launched a massive offensive to crush the Aceh rebels who have been fighting since 1976.

About 50,000 troops and paramilitary police were deployed there to confront an estimated 5,000 insurgents and sympathizers. More than 2,000 rebels have died in the fighting during the one-year operation, the military says. Human rights groups say most of the victims were civilians.

Indonesian troops shoot dead four Aceh rebels

Agence France Presse - May 31, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Indonesian troops have shot dead four separatist guerrillas and captured another in Aceh province, the military said on Monday.

The Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels were killed in several clashes in the districts of South Aceh, East Aceh and Pidie on Sunday, said provincial military spokesman Asep Sapari. Troops seized five automatic rifles and more than 100 rounds of ammunition from the rebels.

The military claims about 5,000 rebels have been killed, captured or have surrendered during a year-long operation to crush GAM, which has been fighting for independence since 1976.

Martial law was lifted on May 19 in the resource-rich province on Sumatra island and replaced by a state of civil emergency.

Labour issues

Migrant workers flee labor agency

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Medan -- Six women from East Nusa Tenggara province seeking work in Medan left a labor recruitment agency in the city, fearing that they might be sold into prostitution, a police officer said on Friday.

They are now in safe hands, said chief of Medan Police detectives First. Insp. M. Taufik.

Hesti, one of the women, said that they had stayed in the office of the labor recruitment agency for a month without any news of employment in Malaysia.

Nikko Hotel workers against dismissal

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Jakarta -- A total of 237 employees of the Nikko Hotel in Central Jakarta staged a protest in front of the Jakarta Manpower and Transmigration Agency office on Friday, against the hotel management's decision to dismiss them.

The hotel workers union chairman Nurbukhori Effendi said the management had violated a 2003 purchase agreement under which, in the three years following the agreement, the management was not allowed to dismiss the workers. The management argued that it has suffered financial losses in 2003 and 2002 and had too many employees.

"The hotel's occupancy rate is over 70 percent, the highest among hotels in the city," Nurbukhori said. "Besides, the hotel's financial report states that the management profited last year, as much as Rp 1.4 billion (US$148,936)." A total of 75.97 percent of shares in the hotel were sold by the office of the State Minister of State Enterprises through the old management of PT Wisma Nusantara Internasional to Singapore-based PT Guthrie Logistic Private Limited on December 13, 2002.

Government not committed to workers: Minister

Jakarta Post - June 4, 2004

Jakarta -- Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob Nuwa Wea admitted on Wednesday that violence against Indonesian workers overseas was a result of the government's lack of political will to deal seriously with labor exports.

"One of the obstacles to making labor exports a success is the absence of commitment from relevant authorities," the minister told a hearing with House of Representatives Commission VII for labor and religious affairs.

Nuwa Wea was bombarded with criticism and questions about the recent abuse against Indonesian housemaid Nirmala Bonat in Kuala Lumpur during the session.

The minister said his ministry was not the only department to blame for glitches in exporting labor.

"Before departing for abroad, workers have to obtain documents from the local administration where they live, the immigration office, the foreign ministry, the manpower ministry, labor export companies and security authorities," he said.

The minister said many workers developed problems in their workplace because they worked illegally and without vital preparation, such as job and language training and clear-cut labor contracts.

"We do appreciate the Malaysian government's good and quick response to the (latest instance of) labor abuse, which is a good example for other countries employing Indonesian workers," he said.

Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi officially apologized for the abuse and said stern action would be taken against Nirmala's employer. He also and offered comprehensive medical and psychiatric treatment for the East Nusa Tenggara resident.

Nuwa Wea insisted that the government could not prevent violence against Indonesian workers at the hands of foreign employers but had enhanced cooperation and signed bilateral agreements with several countries to minimize abuse.

"To provide protection for workers, the government is appointing several more labor attaches in Kuwait, Hong Kong, South Korea. It is also proposing bilateral agreements with the countries," he said.

Indonesia has so far placed labor attaches in Kuala Lumpur and the Saudi Arabian cities of Riyadh and Jeddah. It signed bilateral labor agreements with Jordan in 1996, Kuwait in 1996 and Malaysia in 2004.

The minister also urged the President to submit the bill on labor protection to the House, saying the nation was in urgent need of legislation that enabled it to take action against labor exporters that failed to protect the workers they recruited and sent abroad.

There are more than 1.5 million documented Indonesians migrant workers employed in various countries, 75 percent of them in the informal sector. Indonesia has gained US$5.49 billion in foreign exchange from the workers over the last three years.

Neo-liberal globalisation

Water sector privatization looms, NGOs warn of risks

Jakarta Post - June 4, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- Less than three months after the House of Representatives approved the water bill amid public outcry, the government has talked about a plan to privatize state-run regional water companies.

After a meeting with House legislators in mid-May, director- general of city and village planning at the Ministry of Settlement and Regional Infrastructure Patana Rantetoding disclosed the government's plan "to revive over 300 ailing regional water companies across the country, and to provide clean water".

He announced that several international financial institutions and foreign governments had pledged to fund the program.

Among them are the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the World Bank and the governments of France, Australia, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands, Patana said.

"We will fund the program from the state budget, and loans or grants from foreign (institutions and countries). We also welcome investors, both foreign and local," he said.

Patana said the government would be able to repay the loan within 20 years, thanks to the huge market in the country.

The government, he said, has decided to borrow the money from foreign institutions and governments, some Rp 4 trillion (around US$434,000), to finance the program.

The program follows Indonesia's commitment to the United Nation's 2000 Millennium Development Goals (MDG) that require participating countries to double people's access to clean water by 2015.

In 2000, only 42 million residents, or over 20 percent of the country's population of 200 million, had access to clean water, Patana said.

Under the program, the government expects the figure to rise to 150 million, or 60 percent of the population, and reach 80 percent of residents in urban areas and 40 percent of people in rural areas by 2015. The government blames the regional water companies' huge debt burden for their failure to provide clean water to people.

"Of some 300 state-owned water companies in the country, only 9 percent are considered healthy," Patana said.

Non-governmental organization activists consider the government's plan a clear confirmation of their suspicion, long before the bill was passed by the House, of the possible privatization of water management. The activists had warned that privatization would only benefit a few giant foreign water companies.

"It's clear now. The privatization of water management has affected the country," said Heine Nababan, a member of the Coalition of People's Right to Water, which was among staunch critics of the water resource bill.

He said privatization was not the only way to provide people with access to clean and affordable water, as private companies would turn water into a profit-oriented business, therefore blocking the poor's access to clean water.

Heine pointed to cases in Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Panama and South Africa, where people took to the streets to protest the commercialization of water. Some of the protests turned violent.

Assisted by the Jakarta Legal Aid Institute, the coalition is set to file a judicial review with the Constitutional Court against the new law, saying it violates the Constitution.

"We hope the Constitutional Court justices understand the consequence of the privatization of water management. Many people will suffer as most of them, including farmers, cannot afford to buy water, the basic necessity of human beings," he said.

'War on terrorism'

Indonesian expulsion fuels anti-terror doubts

Wall Street Journal - June 3, 2004

Timothy Mapes, Jakarta -- Indonesia's move to expel a US citizen, who has become the most highly regarded expert on terrorism in Southeast Asia, could renew questions about the determination of the world's largest Islamic country to fight violence by extremist groups.

The expulsion of Sidney Jones, director for Southeast Asia of the International Crisis Group, also appeared to be a major escalation of increasingly authoritarian controls over freedom of speech in the run-up to next month's presidential election. The US Embassy said it is "very concerned" about Ms. Jones's expulsion, which it said stood "in stark contrast to the impressive progress made by Indonesia in recent years in developing a democratic civil society."

Based in Brussels, the International Crisis Group is an independent, nonprofit organization that works to prevent and resolve conflicts. It is chiefly funded by foreign governments.

At a news conference, Ms. Jones said immigration officials told her the decision to force her to leave the country was driven by a complaint from Indonesia's intelligence service about her work. She added, however, that she has been unable to learn the specific nature of the complaint, despite months of trying without success to contact the agency.

"We must have touched a couple raw nerves. I just don't know what those raw nerves are," Ms. Jones said. She said she planned to leave the country by the weekend, along with an Australian colleague who was expelled.

The government ordered the two to leave the country "immediately" in a letter delivered to the organization late Tuesday. Ms. Jones, 52 years old, began her work at the group's Jakarta office in May 2002 and quickly gained attention for a series of detailed reports about the background and extent of Islamic terrorist groups in Indonesia, as well as their connections with international networks such as al Qaeda. Ms. Jones issued reports on separatist conflicts in Indonesian provinces such as Aceh and Papua that were frequently highly critical of Indonesian government policies.

Ms. Jones's reports on terrorism were particularly notable because their detailed and meticulous use of court records and interviews helped to dispel the widespread perception in Indonesia at the time that terrorism wasn't a serious problem. Before joining International Crisis Group, Ms. Jones was the Asia director for New York-based Human Rights Watch, a job that helped her develop extensive contacts among Indonesia's fundamentalist Islamic community, which was persecuted during the authoritarian regime of former Indonesian President Suharto.

During August 2002, for example, Ms. Jones issued a report that explored extensive and longstanding links between al Qaeda and an Islamic boarding school in the Indonesian city of Solo. Two months later, several alumni from the school helped to bomb nightclubs on the island of Bali, killing 202 mostly Western tourists.

The Indonesian government is holding the school's co-founder, Abu Bakar Baasyir, under its antiterrorism laws, which allow for detention without charge.

Many Western governments believe Mr. Baasyir leads a Southeast Asian terrorist group called Jemaah Islamiyah, but Mr. Baasyir denies that charge, and an effort to prosecute him was rejected by an Indonesian judge last year.

At a news conference Monday, Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri denied that the move to oust Ms. Jones showed her government is softening its antiterrorism drive. "The Indonesian government is seriously fighting against terrorism without any pressure from any party because we know that terrorism is bad for Indonesia as well as for the world," she said.

Ms. Megawati is trailing badly in opinion polls ahead of the July 5 presidential election, and steps to fight back against criticism by foreigners are frequently popular with Indonesian voters. But the leading contender, former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, yesterday called on the government to explain the decision more thoroughly. "Let us hope the expulsion doesn't damage the democracy that we are building," he said.

Hendropriyono, the director of the State Intelligence Agency, couldn't be reached for comment yesterday. But during recent days he has publicly complained about Ms. Jones's reports.

In an interview published Monday in Tempo, an Indonesian newsmagazine, Mr. Hendropriyono was quoted as saying Ms. Jones's reports were "not all true." He added: "There must be steps taken against people who aren't liked by the people of Indonesia."

Strong support continues for Bashir at school

Radio Australia -- May 31, 2004

The murder last week of a prosecutor in the case of three suspected Bali bombers has been blamed in some quarters on the regional militant network, Jemaah Islamiyah. JI's alleged spiritual leader Abu Bakar Bashir continues to be held without charge by Indonesian police, while the religious school Pondok Ngruki he founded remains under suspicion as a breeding ground for militants..

Presenter/Interviewer: Karon Snowdon

Speakers: Ustadz Wahyuddin, director, Pondok Ngruki (through a translator)

Snowdon: Ngruki was established in 1972 by Abu Bakar Bashir and three other religious leaders who support the idea of Indonesia as an Islamic state. It's been accused notably by the International Crisis Group of having links to known terrorists and providing military training to its students.

The head of the Indonesian chapter of the group Sidney Jones is currently fighting the government's refusal to extend her work permit. The current director of Ngruki, who is known by just one name, Wahyuddin, says the school does none of the things it's accused of.

Wahyuddin: "How can we provide military training because we are a non-state educational institution. So it is wrong what Sidney Jones said, what's we provided here is as I have mentioned the eight principles in our teaching including the building of a sound body. For that purpose we teach them, we give them opportunities to for instance do hiking, climbing, mountaineering, so that they have survival training, so that they have the strength to carry out duties as well as to rise up to challenges."

Snowdon: My visit to Ngruki last week coincided with the controversy over the assassination of a prominent prosecutor in the Bali bombing trials, and the government's hard line approach to Sidney Jones and other NGOs.

I was with a group of Australian and Indonesian journalists given access to the school and a meeting with the director. We had lunch in the home of Abu Bakar Bashir's adopted daughter. It was the first time journalists had visited since the doors were firmly closed against the media whose reports violated the school's trust and distorted the truth, according to Wahyuddin. He singles out for particular criticism the government and media of the United States and what he considers its lackeys, Australia, the UK and Singapore.

Wahyuddin: "So I'm actually referring to four countries, the United States, Britain, Australia and Singapore. It's because the three other countries outside of the United States are the assistance of the United States. For instance there was a journalist from Singapore and then we met with them and then they came out with the headline: the head of the Jemaah Islamiah school, with my picture plastered on the newspaper. Because this journalist came here with sponsors they're not here to seek the truth, to know the truth, but they came here to seek justification."

"What we don't like is the policies of these countries' governments and administrations. Yes because those four countries have created the most negative portrayal of Islam in Indonesia."

Snowdon: Whatever the truth here in Ngruki and the surrounding community the Bali bombing, even the 11th of September attacks on the US are an American conspiracy, and the absent Abu Bakar Bashir remains a revered religious leader. Banners are strung across the streets to welcome him home, and include the words "we love you Abu Bakar Bashir". His friend, Wahyuddin explains:

Wahyuddin: "The reason why we welcome him is because we know, because we in fact with him we know how he is, who he is, he is an educator and people knows him and his datwah and his activities."

2004 elections

Commission announces wealth of presidential candidates

Channel News Asia - June 4, 2004

Jakarta -- An Indonesian anti-corruption commission has announced the wealth of five pairs of candidates running for next month's presidential election, reports said.

The richest among the 10 is vice-presidential candidate Jusuf Kalla with total wealth of 122.7 billion rupiah (13 million dollars) plus 14,928 dollars, according to figures announced by the Commission for the Eradication of Corruption and published in newspapers.

Some figures are for this year and some for 2001. They include the value of land, houses and vehicles.

Kalla, a businessman who owns companies in his home province of South Sulawesi, is the vice-presidential candidate for the new Democrat party alongside frontrunner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Yudhoyono's wealth is put at 4.7 billion rupiah.

Amien Rais, the national assembly chief, is the poorest candidate with assets of 867.9 million rupiah in 2001.

Incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri had total wealth of 59.8 billion rupiah in 2001 while her running mate Hasyim Muzadi, a Muslim cleric, has 7.2 billion rupiah.

Rais's running mate Siswono Yudhohusodo, a former cabinet minister, is the second richest with 74.8 billion rupiah in 2001 plus 81,000 dollars.

Former armed forces chief Wiranto, running for president on a ticket from the largest party Golkar, has 46.2 billion rupiah. Officials are required to declare their wealth as part of efforts to stamp out graft in Indonesia, one of the world's most corruption-prone countries.

Indonesian civil servants and other public officials are poorly paid but some enjoy lavish lifestyles.

Jakarta poll body's readiness in doubt

Straits Times - June 5, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- With a month to go before the July 5 presidential vote, questions have arisen over whether the General Elections Commission (KPU) is up to the task, given its series of embarrassing bungles in April's parliamentary polls.

The list of KPU's problems from two months ago is long. Delays in the printing and delivery of ballot papers, as well as the late arrival of other supplies, forced some regions to hold the recent polls at a later date.

Elections watchdog Panwaslu recommended a re-vote for 815 polling stations and recounts at 2,009 following allegations of tampering and electoral-law violations. Some 10.5 million votes, out of the 124 million that were cast, were deemed invalid. Critics said that the high percentage meant KPU should have devoted more resources to making sure people knew how to vote properly.

The commission bought aluminium ballot boxes, at higher costs than wooden ones, saying that it expected to use them over a number of years. Reports have emerged that the boxes were poorly constructed and a large number had to be replaced.

But observers said that despite KPU's gaffes, it did well enough in April and should do better next month. For one thing, the presidential vote will be much smaller in scale and an easier job for the commission to tackle. And yes, there are also expectations that the KPU has learned from past mistakes and will not repeat them.

An international consultant working on the elections said: "July will be a different ball game altogether. The hope is for a simpler and smoother process."

There are several key differences between April and July. The coming election will still be nationwide but, instead of 660 million ballot papers, the KPU needs to worry about only a quarter of that number.

There were 24 political parties contesting in April, but next month, voters will choose from only five pairs of candidates.

Ballot boxes, with the exception of those broken previously, are already in place, so there will be no need to mobilise thousands of delivery vehicles to get them to polling stations.

A longer run-up period to the presidential election means the KPU will have more time to let people know about it and tell them how to cast their votes properly.

There is also more time to educate its own staff in the regions about how the election day will progress.

Observers said, however, that some basic issues such as transparency of KPU's decisions remain and should be addressed. After a meeting last week with printing companies to discuss ballot papers for July, KPU member Hamid Awaluddin declined to disclose how much the commission and taxpayers are paying for the job.

This, despite the KPU's own pledges for transparency in its procurement procedures, and the fact that several companies that printed ballot papers for April's election vote had said that they earned large profits of as much as one US cent (S$0.17) per page.

The international consultant said: "There is formal transparency with the KPU, but there is a lack of access to the reasoning for some of its decisions."

Anti-Mega 'fatwa' deplored, called misuse of religion

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Jakarta/Yogyakarta -- Political observers expressed discontent on Friday with a group of Muslim clerics, who they said, misused religious teachings to discriminate against a political candidate based on gender.

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) acting chairman Masdar Faried Mas'udi said the country's largest Muslim organization had ordered all its clerics through the issuance of an edict (fatwa) to vote against any woman candidate in the upcoming election. Incumbent Megawati Soekarnoputri who was nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), is the only woman in the race.

"NU does not support particular presidential candidates. We also ban the use of religion to discriminate against presidential candidates on the basis of their gender or ethnicity," Masdar told The Jakarta Post.

A number of senior NU clerics from East Java, including Abdullah Faqih of Langitan in Tuban, Chotib Umar of Jember and Chamid Abdul Manan of Madura, issued an edict on Thursday that fully supports the decision of the National Awakening Party (PKB) to endorse the candidacy of presidential and vice presidential candidates under the banner of the Golkar Party, Wiranto and Solahuddin Wahid.

In a clear reference to Megawati who teams up with Hasyim Muzadi, the edict also forbids Muslims from voting for a female candidate in the July 5 presidential election.

Hasyim has been non-active as NU chairman, while Solahuddin has resigned as NU deputy chairman due to their new political adventures.

The ulemas cited a verse in the Koran that stipulates that "men are leaders of women" and a verse in hadits (Prophet Muhammad's tradition) saying that a nation will be far from happy under a woman leader.

Masdar said the verses suggest that men protect women and no king or queen is entitled to absolute power. "We should also take the social and historical contexts into account. A president is not like a king or queen. We will clarify the edict with the clerics," he said.

He recounted that NU issued a decree in a congress in Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara in 1998, which stipulated that both men and women had an equal right to lead the country. The decree also stated that a leader should be judged based on his or her capability and acceptability.

Separately, noted Muslim scholar Azyumardi Azra regretted the issuance of the edict, saying that it would create tension among NU members. "The edict will create friction in the NU. It's regrettable," Azyumardi, who is also rector of the Syarief Hidayatullah State Islamic University, said in a workshop in Yogyakarta on Friday.

Even the PKB, which is endorsing Wiranto-Solahuddin, opposed the edict. PKB deputy chairman Mahfud M.D. said his party would not take advantage of the edict because it was against the use of the gender issue to discriminate against certain candidates. "Although the edict might benefit our candidates, we will not use it to woo support," Mahfud said.

Presidential contenders get professional touch

Straits Times - June 4, 2004

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Professionals, not just politicians, are running the show for the election.

Presidential contenders have been relying on their team of political strategists, public relations consultants and advertising experts ahead of the July 5 election.

The candidates set up think-tanks for campaign strategies and seek professional advice to polish their public image. Pundits help formulate their platforms and senior journalists are hired to run their media centres.

The first-ever direct presidential election in Indonesia has prompted the five contenders to employ modern campaigning approaches to boost their popularity and win the ground.

Some campaign teams have sought help from more experienced ones abroad, collecting campaign formats of successful presidential candidates in countries such as the United States and the Philippines.

But of all the contenders, National Mandate Party chairman Amien Rais can proudly claim to be the pioneer in this new battle for the presidency.

Unlike others, who only began to seriously market themselves for the top post early this year, Dr Amien started the groundwork for the contest in 2001, when he established the Amien Rais Centre think-tank.

The centre at the time started formulating a design format for his 2004 presidential campaign, knowing that the allotted official 30-day campaigning session this month would not be sufficient to promote the National Assembly Speaker across the sprawling archipelago.

The centre's chairman, Mr Jeffrey Geovanie, told The Straits Times: "First thing we did was to make a standard portrait of [Dr] Amien so that everyone across the country will instantly recognise him when they see his picture." At the centre's suggestion, Dr Amien began making personal trips to various countries to meet influential figures there.

"We want him to actively clarify to the international community that he was not a fundamentalist as he had been misrepresented in the foreign media," Mr Geovanie said.

The institution monitors media and public perception on Dr Amien, and makes sure his public statements are consistent and centrist. He also started making overseas trips two years ago to participate in various cultural programmes.

It was also two years ago when he began what later become his trademark -- visiting wet markets. It was a move that incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri has seemingly emulated this week.

Mr Geovanie is not a member of Dr Amien's official campaigning team, which was established late last month, but some members of the Amien Rais Centre have joined the campaigning team.

Dr Amien's campaigning team is made up of political scientists Rizal Sukma and Irman Lanti, as well as renowned economists Didiek Rachbini and Dradjat Wibowo.

Similarly, the incumbent President's think-tank, the Mega Centre, comprises academics such as Mr Cornelis Ley, her long-time political adviser, historian Hermawan Sulistyo and economist Sri Adiningsih, as well as several Cabinet ministers.

The Mega Centre monitors public opinion polls, advises Ms Megawati on campaign strategies and formulates political and economic platforms.

Leading contender Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has his own SBY Information Centre. Named after his initials, the centre groups people from various backgrounds, such as law and communication. Former journalist Syahrial Nasution is one of them.

"It is basically an SBY fan club and we are all volunteers because of our personal relations with him," Mr Syahrial, the centre's managing executive, told The Straits Times.

The Wiranto camp has also hired senior journalists to run its Wiranto Media Centre, which is one of the most efficient of all the think-tanks. The centre has been quick in sending out information and organising press briefings.

Political campaign management may have yet to become an industry in Indonesia, as in other more developed democracies, but Mr Geovanie said it would soon become a norm as the country adopts a new set of electoral systems.

"Right now, professionals join the presidential contenders' team out of personal sympathy or political connection. But in the future, when even governors or regents will be elected directly by the people, it is natural that there will be demand for professional services for campaign management," he said.

Strategists: Men behind candidates

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

• Sukosudarso: PDI-P politician who crossed over to support Mr Bambang's bid.
• Rachmat Witoelar: A Golkar founder, former ambassador to Russia.
• Joyo Winoto: Former official at the National Development Planning Agency.

Wiranto

• Fachrul Razi and Suaidi Marasabessy: Retired generals.
• Rizal Ramly: Economic czar in Abdurrahman Wahid's Cabinet.

Megawati Sukarnoputri

• Cornelis Ley: Political strategist.
• Sri Adiningsih and Anggito Abimanyu: Economic advisers.

Amien Rais

• Rizal Sukma: Political strategist.
• Dradjat Wibowo and Didiek Rahbini: Economic advisers.

Hamzah Haz

• La Ode Kamalludin: Adviser to Vice-President Hamzah Haz.

Mega tries to shed her aloof image

Associated Press - June 4, 2004

Jakarta -- With opinion polls showing her facing electoral disaster, Indonesia's normally aloof President Megawati Sukarnoputri has embarked on an unprecedented campaign of mingling with the people.

The 57-year-old President hosted her first press conference in five years and was interviewed by almost every local television network since campaigning began on Tuesday for next month's presidential election.

But analysts and opponents said Ms Megawati's slick new strategy is unlikely to win back the support of the country's millions of poor, who voted for her in droves in 1999.

On Wednesday, she toured a slum in north Jakarta and visited a bus station and a market in a low-rent district. In an apparent show of support, hundreds crowded around her to kiss her hand, shouting: "Mega, Mega."

"I was very happy to see Megawati in the flesh and kiss her hand," said Ms Indrawati, 35, a housewife in a slum in northern Jakarta. "She looks very pretty and motherly." Still, Ms Indrawati said she would vote for former military chief Wiranto.

"I think it's probably a case of too little too late," said Mr Damien Kingsbury of Australia's Deakin University. "The voters will judge her record, not on some last-minute burst of enthusiasm."

Ms Megawati has been criticised for the slow pace of political reform and her failure to crack down on corruption. Until this week, she rarely appeared in public to explain government polices or promote her achievements, and regularly ignored reporters' questions.

"The press have not supported me and the things I have done in my limited time as President," she told local Metro TV station when asked why she had been reluctant to speak to the media.

Ms Megawati's campaign advisers -- who have long called for her to make more public appearances and speak to the media -- said the new strategy of presenting their candidate was already proving a success.

"People like Megawati's smile, the way she responds to the peoples' greetings," said campaign manager Jacob Tobing. "Her performance is improving."

Gus Dur gloomy about run-up to July 5 polls

Straits Times - June 4, 2004

Shefali Rekhi, Indonesia's -- immediate future is gloomy, if former president Abdurrahman Wahid's forecast is anything to go by.

He hinted at the possibility of a coup d'etat and economic instability, advising investors to stay away till the situation has stabilised. Yet he held hope that once the elections were over, Indonesia will pull through.

Mr Abdurrahman was delivering a talk here yesterday at a seminar jointly organised by the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies and The Straits Times.

The Nation Awakening Party leader, popularly known as Gus Dur, said the uncertainty could last up to three months -- till the run-off in September this year, which the top two winners of the July 5 presidential elections will contest.

None of the five presidential contenders has a chance of getting a clear majority in the forthcoming round, he said, adding that he believed they could find it difficult to get even a fifth of the votes.

"My supporters have disclosed to me two facts. People are refraining from electing Megawati Sukarnoputri, Hamzah Haz or Amien Rais. I have been given another report that people will not vote for leaders of military origin," he added, in a reference to former military generals Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Wiranto. These five are the key candidates in the presidential elections.

This kind of a situation could be "frightening" but it was a possibility, he told the audience, which included academics, students and business leaders. This could also lead to a slowdown of the economic growth rate, he noted.

Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential polls are spread over three phases. The period has been marked by a slowdown in investments. Financial analysts and economic experts believe the current phase is likely to continue till there is a clear indication of greater political stability.

Gus Dur seemed to back that view. "The most important thing is that we have to defer everything, defer investment, defer reforms, for at least three months," he said. "In three months, we will have a second round of election and things could be more clear." Till then, he said, his "advice" to people was "to be careful and not take any decision".

Yet, at no stage did he think that the current "crisis" would get out of hand. Gus Dur told the audience that, if need be, the army could take control of the situation. "If necessary, we will have to opt for the coup d'etat by the army." In the course of his talk, he mentioned that the army had maintained its neutrality in the elections. Not only that, it had also issued statements urging candidates to refrain from using military-owned vehicles for political campaigning.

Spelling out his own "aims" if he had been given a chance to become president, Mr Abdurrahman said Indonesia had to strive for more democratisation and globalisation, increase its per capita income and become a leader in the Islamic world. "We will sort out our problems," he said. "I am optimistic ... the nation will rise to the challenge."

Islam prohibits female president, clerics in PKB say

Antara - June 4, 2004

Surabaya -- A gathering of 12 muslim clerics of the East Java chapter of the National Awakening Party (PKB) at the Miftahul Ulum boarding school in Pasuruan district on Thursday reminded themselves that in Islam it is 'haram' (forbidden) for a woman to become president.

KH Anwar Iskandar, chairman of the advisory council of PKB's East Java chapter, told Antara, at the beginning of the meeting the clerics discussed a plan to support Golkar Party and PKB's presidential aspirant Wiranto and his running mate Sholahuddin "Gus Sholah" Wahid.

"But the topic of the discussions somehow shifted to the question of women in positions of leadership after one of the clerics opened a book on Islamic law. It was noted, the prohibition on women to assume positions of leadership was no longer 'khilafiah' [a question still in dispute] but already 'ijma' [something that has been generally accepted] among muslim clerics," he said.

He said the view that women cannot become president had existed for a long time,including among clerics in the United Development Party (PPP).

The meeting was attended among others by Solahuddin Wahid himself, KH Abdullah Faqih of Langitan, Tuban district, and KH Khotib Umar of Jember district.

NU clerics issue 'fatwa' to support Wiranto

Jakarta Post - June 4, 2004

Indra Harsaputra, Pasuruan -- Several influential clerics of the country's largest Muslim organization issued an edict on Thursday for its members to vote for Wiranto and Solahuddin Wahid in next month's presidential election. The edict stressed that Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) members should not abstain from voting in the July 5 election and that Muslims were prohibited under Islamic law, or sharia, from choosing a woman leader, except in an emergency.

"The sharia bans women from becoming leaders. But if Megawati [Soekarnoputri] is elected president, we will support her," said Abdullah Faqih.

Faqih and a number of other influential NU clerics gathered in the East Java regency of Pasuruan, from which resulted the edict's issuance. Other prominent mullahs from East Java in attendance were Chotib Umar from Jember, Idris Abdul Hamid from Pasuruan, Soleh Kasim from Sidoarjo and Lutfi Abdul Hadi from Malang.

Dozens of other heads of NU-affiliated boarding schools across Java and Solahuddin also attended the meeting, which appeared to be politically motivated, as it again raised the issue of a woman leader ahead of the election. Megawati is making a reelection bid alongside running mate NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi, who is suspended for the duration of the campaign period.

The clerics are known for their loyal support of former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, who was ousted by supporters of Megawati in 2001. The nearly blind Gus Dur has been disqualified from the presidential race because of his poor health.

Faqih, leader of the Langitan Islamic boarding school in Tuban, East Java, said the NU mullahs had made a mature decision in choosing to support Wiranto and Solahuddin. Solahuddin is Gus Dur's younger brother.

It was not clear, however, whether Wiranto's poor human rights record was included in the clerics' consideration. Wiranto has been indicted by a East Timorese court for crimes against humanity in the 1999 Dili massacre.

The mullahs have also decided to back Gus Dur's lawsuit against the General Elections Commission for its ruling on his presidential bid.

Faqih hoped Gus Dur would change his decision to abstain from voting in order to protest what he and human rights activists allege to be discriminatory treatment.

"We have issued a fatwa for people to use their right to vote in the upcoming presidential election, as it will determine the future of the nation," he said. He also called on NU members to maintain national unity despite rivalries among the political elite.

Megawati defends record, denies capitalising on father's name

Agence France Presse - June 2, 2004

Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri, facing a tough re- election fight next month, has defended her record in an interview and denied she was capitalizing on her father's name.

"I have worked hard over the past three years. Can't they see any progress compared to when I was vice-president?" Megawati said in an interview with Kompas daily.

"It's funny that some people say reform has failed. We have achieved much together, one of the most fundamental being the constitutional amendments," she said.

Megawati took over from Abdurrahman Wahid after he was sacked by the national assembly in July 2001 for alleged corruption and incompetence.

Her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle finished only second after the Golkar party in an April 5 parliamentary poll as voters punished her for lacklustre growth, rising prices, high unemployment and continuing widespread corruption.

She faces an uphill fight against two ex-generals -- former military chief Wiranto and ex-security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono -- in the country's first direct presidential election on July 5.

An opinion poll released Tuesday shows Yudhoyono with 41 percent compared to 11.2 percent for Megawati and 10 percent for Wiranto, the Golkar candidate.

Megawati dismissed suggestions that her popularity was merely due to the fact that she was a daughter of charismatic founding president and independence hero Sukarno.

"Sometimes I wonder if someone who says that did some thinking first. My father had eight children. If simply capitalizing on father's name, the other seven should have been successful too," she said.

"The truth is, no. I'm one of Sukarno's daughters. What's wrong with that? Am I not allowed to be? So what? Do I have to say that I'm someone else's daughter?" she said.

Megawati's status as Sukarno's daughter is seen as one of her electoral assets.

Wary Mega breaks her silence at press briefing

Straits Times - June 2, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Wearing a blue, body-hugging dress, Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri began her first full- scale briefing to journalists in her three years in charge of the country by nervously wringing her hands and flashing shy smiles.

The event, as her advisers admitted, was a big step for the woman whom observers labelled as the "mute president". In contrast to Mr Abdurrahman Wahid, her predecessor who often gave off-the-cuff comments, Ms Megawati has rarely gone off the script.

Her speech, delivered in clipped tones though she was using the Indonesian language, defended her time in office and outlined a programme for a possible second term.

There were glances to her right, where Mr Hasyim Muzadi, her running mate, sat smilingly. Mr Hasyim looked more comfortable in front of the cameras and microphones, and appeared to will some encouragement Ms Megawati's way during pauses that seemed too long and silences that sounded too loud.

Both tried to crack jokes, but the defensiveness came through, especially on questions about the government's track record in fighting corruption or helping the poor. Ms Megawati appeared cross or offended at times, and at one point cut off a foreign reporter's question on corruption.

Another journalist's query got mistaken for a comment and Ms Megawati scoffed: "It must be easy for journalists to criticise." Her inexperience and discomfort clearly showed, but the hope was clearly for her to improve each time she does this in the future. Mr Rizal Mallarangeng, one of the President's confidants, told foreign reporters before the start: "Just go easy on her to start with. There will be many more of this."

The event was held on the front yard of her private residence instead of the palace or a hotel ballroom, perhaps to add a personal touch and impart a better sense of who Ms Megawati is. Her husband, prominent businessman Taufik Kiemas, was conspicuously absent.

Observers have noted that his presence during the campaigning for the April 5 parliamentary election and his perceived role in Ms Megawati's political decision-making may have hurt her. Critics also said that his association with the country's richest 1 per cent was not the right image Ms Megawati should project as she woos the country's poor.

Yesterday, he stayed in the house as she spoke outside. Only after the cameras were turned off did he surface, staying for a few minutes as he greeted some friends. An observer who was present said: "For a first time, and for Megawati who rarely goes to the public like that, it wasn't a bad performance. Maybe she will get better as she does more such briefings."

Mega goes all out to win support of the poor

Straits Times - June 1, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri yesterday launched a re-election charm offensive aimed at drawing support from Indonesia's millions of poor people.

With barely five weeks to go before the July 5 presidential election, she is trailing about 20 points in opinion polls behind the frontrunner, retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

A day ahead of the launch of official campaigning, Ms Megawati and running mate Hasyim Muzadi sought to close the gap by publicising a vote-getting plan targeted at the masses.

Their vision calls for creating 12.9 million jobs, hiring half a million new teachers, building schools and health clinics, and giving more loans to small businesses.

Underneath a banner that read: Untuk orang kecil kita berjuang ("We struggle for the small folk"), they also pledged to keep up rice, fuel and fertiliser subsidies, fight graft and halve the poverty rate, which now stands at around 17 per cent, by 2009.

Observers have credited her with restoring stability, but fault her government for failing to tackle corruption and reduce poverty. She is also seen as being out of touch with the common people.

Yesterday's press event -- unprecedented for being her first full news briefing during her three years in power -- was an apparent attempt to rally support and answer her critics.

"My government has shown progress," she insisted during the half-hour press conference. "Our focus now is to speed up reforms..." Taking issue with the view that hers was a failed tenure, she said: "People who say the economy is stagnant are not looking at the facts. Do you think it is easy to manage 220 million people, all of whom have their own opinions?" The President sidestepped questions on how her government would pay for the initiatives.

When asked whether she could beat Mr Bambang, she said testily: "To win or lose is normal." Mr Laksamana Sukardi, a member of the presidential inner circle, said: "In politics, things can change week by week, and there is no such thing as too little, too late."

But other observers said Ms Megawati faces a tough battle and her new approach smacks of desperation. Her PDI-P party lost 40 per cent of its support in the April parliamentary polls, compared with its 1999 showing.

Mr Umar Juoro of the Centre for Information and Development Studies said: "Since the 1999 elections, PDI-P and Megawati have not really focused on the poor, their main constituency. Now they are scrambling to get back to the folks in the villages. Unfortunately for them, there is little likelihood that the people will buy it. Megawati should have been doing this during the last five years, and not just right before an election."

Candidates scramble to court NU

Straits Times - June 1, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- What is the most attractive catch for presidential contenders in Indonesia today? Answer: The 40 million votes of the Nadhlatul Ulama (NU).

In a battle for numbers, the NU -- together with other Muslim- based outfits -- may well prove to be the decisive swing factor that could shift the political balance in favour of any one candidate.

None of the five aspirants and their running mates in the July 5 election is likely to command an NU majority. But this has not stopped them from jostling to capture the predominant share.

Nearly every presidential ticket features a candidate with links to the country's largest Muslim organisation.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri has joined forces with its chairman, Mr Hasyim Muzadi. Her rival Mr Wiranto has secured the backing of Mr Solahuddin Wahid, the younger brother of former president Abdurrahman Wahid, the chief patron of the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) and a key NU elder.

Presidential front runner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has turned to South Sulawesi-born businessman Jusuf Kalla, and not just because of his links to the outer regions. Mr Jusuf also has ties to the NU. His father, the late Achmad Kalla, was elected as a parliamentary member from the NU party in the 1955 election.

And Vice-President Hamzah Haz, who has thrown his hat into the presidential ring with retired general Agum Gumelar as running mate, is also a key NU member with a following drawn from his Muslim-based United Development Party.

East Java, NU's home base, is now everyone's favourite hunting ground. Over the weekend, the big guns and their supporters were in a blitzkrieg pre-election safari in the region.

Former military commander Wiranto attended a mass prayer at a religious boarding school in the Buduran district, where he also met Mr Abdurrahman for the first time since the PKB endorsed the candidacy of the retired general.

Mr Solahuddin was in Pasuruan to get the backing of Mr Habib Abdurrahman Assegaf, the chairman of the hardline Islamic Defender's Front.

NU leader Hasyim attended a ceremony for the opening of a new office for his organisation in Surabaya, where he donated one billion rupiah towards the 12 billion rupiah project.

Ms Megawati sent her daughter Puan Maharani to Jombang to visit the influential Chasbullah Bahrul Ulum Islamic boarding school, where she called on members to support the 55-year-old leader.

On paper, Mr Wiranto has the best chance of garnering most of the NU votes. He has the backing of the "blue blood" brothers in the organisation. Mr Abdurrahman, in particular, still wields enormous influence in the NU.

But NU members traditionally do not vote in a single block. Their votes are likely to be parcelled out, especially in the first round. Part of the votes could go to Mr Hasyim, Mr Bambang and, to a lesser extent, Mr Hamzah.

A recent survey by the International Foundation for Electoral System (IFES) sheds some light on the different shades of support in the NU. IFES found Mr Bambang to be the most popular in NU. Mr Hasyim, and for that matter Mr Abdurrahman and Mr Wiranto, were ranked far behind in the approval ratings.

But popularity might count for little in the end. Given NU's paternalistic culture, voting will be determined largely by clerics, several of whom might have cut deals with candidates who are their financial patrons.

The scenario would be more straightforward if there is a September run-off. The NU and PKB will almost certainly close ranks behind a single candidate -- either Mr Wiranto or another contender if the former Suharto adjutant does not make it to the second stage.

The NU will be crucial in tipping the balance in favour of its candidate. It could draw other Muslim outfits, such as the 30- million strong Muhammadiyah, along in the process if it can secure political concessions and Cabinet posts in any new government.

The Muslim swing vote will be crucial in pushing any candidate first past the post. That is why the election campaign that begins today will see the main battles being fought in the NU heartland. The NU vote is the ticket to victory.

Slogans and snub on Day 1 of campaign

Straits Times - June 1, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- For Indonesia's five pairs of presidential and vice-presidential hopefuls, yesterday began with prayers, the signing of a unity declaration, a parade of floats and promises.

Before they officially endorsed a public pledge to "accept victory or defeat" in the July 5 election, there were handshakes between the candidates at the National- Monument (Monas) complex.

But the incumbent, President Megawati Sukarnoputri, snubbed her former security chief Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. After the endorsement, candidates watched brightly decorated vehicular floats, bearing their photos and slogans, move off to parade around the capital city.

Political observers doubted that banners and slogans would play a big role in helping voters to make informed choices, but these were displayed by those gunning for the nation's top jobs.

Mr Bambang, a retired general whose popularity skyrocketed following his resignation from the Cabinet in March, promised "a peaceful and prosperous Indonesia". Former military boss Wiranto, dogged by allegations of human rights abuses, suggested that voters should pick him if they wanted "a firm leader".

Voters are likely to perceive the two ex-generals in a very different light, with Mr Wiranto being seen as a tough guy, whereas SBY, as Mr Bambang is popularly known, has the reformist tag.

Ms Megawati's campaign team chose a pious Islamic dress code, themes and songs to go along with her vice-presidential choice of Mr Hasyim Muzadi, leader of Indonesia's biggest Muslim organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama.

However, her current deputy and head of the conservative United Development Party (PPP), Mr Hamzah Haz, opted to shake up his public image with advertising of a different flavour: sexily clad young women dancing erotically on his floats.

Some of the candidates took their messages personally to the streets.

Ms Megawati, for instance, went to a hospital and two traditional wet markets where she bought plenty of goods from merchants, promised renovations to their places of business and distributed campaign pins and flags.

Dr Amien Rais, the Speaker of Indonesia's highest legislative body, and running mate Siswono Yudhohusodo, a leader of the country's farmer groups, also hit the markets promising no more rice imports in a move that would improve prices for growers.

The pair pledged to eradicate rice smuggling. They said that wide rice fields across the country would enable Indonesia to meet its daily needs for rice. They also noted that while 40 per cent of the rice supply in the country was illegally imported, no action had been taken against smugglers.

SBY, in his first official campaign speech yesterday, also promised "a second wave of reforms", saying the country would be "more resilient" under his leadership.

Observers said, however, that millions of voters would continue to be confused about whom they should support next month. Many are disappointed with Ms Megawati's government, but others feel they should give her a second chance. Even those who think she should be replaced can't quite figure out which of the others deserves to get her job.

According to an opinion poll published this week by the International Foundation for Election Systems (Ifes), she has the support of 11 per cent of the electorate compared to his whopping 41 per cent.

Watching campaign floats pass by, hamburger seller Suparto said: "We want a stronger leader, but we don't want someone like Suharto." He was referring to Indonesia's autocratic leader for 32 years up to 1998, when a financial meltdown brought about a new era of chaos and uncertainty.

Damning accusations dog Wiranto's bid

Jakarta Post - June 2, 2004

Tiarma Siboro and Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- The challenges to Wiranto's presidential bid have taken another twist after his former aide in the Indonesian Military (TNI) Maj. Gen. (ret) Kivlan Zein revealed that the Golkar Party candidate had a key role in the deployment of civilian guards during national assembly meeting in November 1998.

Kivlan, then the chief of staff of the Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad), said he was ordered by Wiranto, who was the TNI chief, to hire youths to block the demonstrating students from disrupting the Special Session of People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). The MPR legislators endorsed the appointment of B.J Habibie as the president, formally replacing Soeharto, who had stepped down six months earlier.

"Wiranto said it was a secret operation and he asked me to cover the expenses myself with the assumption that I would be reimbursed later," Kivlan said.

Clashes erupted between the civilian guards, who were armed with sharpened bamboos, and the students.

The operation was initially discussed between the two, but later it involved former Jakarta Military Commander Lt. Gen. Djadja Suparman and former Jakarta Police Chief Insp. Gen. (ret) Nugroho Djajusman, Kivlan said.

He said he hired 30,000 people from, among other places, Jakarta, Lampung, Makassar and Banten as civilian guards, known as PAM Swakarsa, for the operation that cost him around Rp 5 billion (US$543,000).

"I've already told Wiranto several times that we have unsettled business. He cannot just contest the presidency," Kivlan said, adding that he had done his thesis on the PAM Swakarsa to obtain his master's degree from the University of Indonesia.

But Wiranto's top campaign strategist Lt. Gen. (ret) Suaidi Marasabessy denied the accusation and chalked it up as another attempt at character assassination of Wiranto.

Wiranto, who is contesting the presidential election from the Golkar Party, has been linked to a number of past crimes against humanity while he was the TNI chief.

"This most recent accusation is aimed at assassinating Wiranto's character to foil his presidential bid because the PAM Swakarsa thing is already an old issue. Why does he raise the issue now, during the election?" asked Suaidi, who was Kivlan's classmate in the Military Academy.

Suaidi said he met Kivlan two weeks before the Golkar convention in April to discuss the matter. "I offered him Rp 200 million as a friend to help him deal with his financial problem," said Suaidi. But Kivlan said he refused the money because Suadi did not want to give him a receipt as a proof of money transfer.

Kivlan said he had sold his two houses in Jakarta and Surabaya and cars to pay the debts incurred from the 1998 operation. He said Habibie had allocated sufficient funds through Wiranto for the recruitment but he had never been reimbursed.

Kivlan said only Rp 1.25 billion was given to him, and that came from the Jimly Asshiddiqie -- then Habibie's aide and the current Constitutional Court chief. The House of Representatives has found no indications of irregularities in the use of Rp 10 billion in state funds for the operation to secure the MPR special session in 1998. Suaidi said his team was considering a lawsuit against Kivlan.

'Black' accusations

Tempo Magazine -- May 25-31, 2004

Under the glaring light of the Jakarta Convention Center in South Jakarta, General (ret) Wiranto stood with a sullen face, quite bereft of his usual strength. Maybe the famous chin was held uplifted, but the smile seemed just a little too forced. For those looking carefully that Tuesday night two weeks ago, it was clear the Golkar Party presidential candidate was disturbed.

Before hundreds of cadres from the Central Organization of Indonesian Socialist Workers (SOKSI), which was holding its national management meeting, the former TNI "numero uno" made public his problems -- literally pouring out the dejection buried deep in his heart. Wiranto revealed that a certain official was busy working to support a student demonstration on May 12 that would force him to confront human rights and anti-military issues. "A meeting to plan for the demonstration was also held at his house," Wiranto said.

Wiranto's revelation stunned the cadres of the mass organization, which is closely affiliated with the Golkar Party. The room became suddenly quiet.

Several senior Golkar officials present stared at each other. They wondered, who was the official that Wiranto spoke about? The pensioned general was apparently reluctant to name the person in public. Later that night, however, the name kept secret by Wiranto came into the open when a document about the surprise meeting was circulated among journalists.

The contents of the document, which resembled a leaflet, analyzed the result of a meeting held on Thursday, May 6, at the official residence of Minister of Manpower Jacob Nuwa Wea at the Widya Chandra Complex, South Jakarta.

Many were said to be present, including 43 representatives from 26 student groups. Nua Wea, the host, allegedly commenced proceedings for the meeting at 10pm, but when the discussions became intense, he handed over the leadership to students. "You formulate and organize the plans yourself," he apparently said. "My role would only be in providing the required funds."

The group later discussed the details for a student demonstration on May 12. They determined the time and location for the demonstration -- 1pm at the Hotel Indonesia circle and then heading towards the People's Legislative Assembly (MPR) -- House of Representatives (DPR) Building. The number of participants would reach 5,000 and transportation would require 156 Metromini buses. A command post would be readied at Jalan Otto Iskandar Dinata V, Kampung Melayu, East Jakarta and each group estimated the need of approximately Rp16 million in funds.

The main issue of the demonstration, they decided, was the refusal to accept Wiranto, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Agum Gumelar as the presidential and vice-presidential candidates from among former military officers. Wiranto would also be challenged because he was suspected to be responsible for several cases of human rights violations such as the Trisakti, Semanggi, and East Timor incidents.

With the leak to the press, public knowledge of the meeting inspired quick reaction. Chairman of the Golkar Party Central Executive Committee, Agung Laksono, believed that the story of the meeting was indeed true. In his opinion, the meeting was designed specifically to attack his party's presidential candidate. "The act could be categorized as 'black' propaganda or negative campaigning," he said. "It doesn't educate the people."

Nuwa Wea admitted that he did meet with students at his official residence on May 6 but Nuwa Wea, one of the senior leaders of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) denied that the meeting was held to discuss an anti-military demonstration. "If [the students] discussed it," he said, "I don't know."

That day, Nuwa Wea said, he did not come to his office but instead intended to take care of his work's loose ends. But starting that morning, however, his official residence was filled with guests. Nuwa Wea claimed that he could not remember who had come. "The atmosphere was similar to an open house during Lebaran or New Year's Day," he said.

Nuwa Wea claimed that he met with the students late that afternoon. But, as he recalled, the meeting lasted for fewer than five minutes. "Please, what plans do you have, what help do you need? There were those that asked [money] from me, I gave. But, what was it for, I don't know," he said.

Hasyim Rahayaan, Coordinator of the East Indonesia Students Forum (Format), who attended the meeting, also rejected accusations the demonstration was a plot against Golkar. He said the meeting did not, at any time, discuss plans for a demonstration against presidential candidates from the military. He said that those who were present that evening were student representatives from the Nahdlatul Ulama Youth Movement, the Nahdlatul Ulama Student Association, Famred (Student Action Front for Reform and Democracy), Format and from a number of tertiary institutions in Jakarta. "They came without any invitation, but on their own," the undergraduate from the Az-Zahra Jakarta Islamic University said. "Pak Jacob was only there for a short time."

In another account of the meeting, those assembled apparently agreed to form nine teams to formulate a plan for the demonstration. The nine teams requested that Nuwa Wea help arrange for an anti-New Order and anti-military campaign with a budget of Rp410 million, but that he refused to provide the funds because he did not want to be part of the plan. "Pak Jacob only gave Rp5 million as the transportation cost of all the students who were present that evening," a member of one of the nine teams said.

Confident that Nuwa Wea would eventually provide the money, the nine teams finally met Saturday, May 8 at Hotel Mega on Jalan Proklamasi in Central Jakarta. The meeting in Room 210 apparently resulted only in major accusations about the funding and the leak of the meeting held in Nuwa Wea's house. The harsh words resulted in a scuffle among members of the nine teams.

Hasyim suspected that rumors suggesting that Minister Jacob Nuwa Wea supported the anti-military movement was spread by students who were disappointed after the minister declined to offer the full funds requested. Hasyim was reluctant to name the students but it was clear that not all the students present agreed to keep their lips sealed about the meeting. According to Supriyanto, who attended the meeting, student activists that came to the meeting at Nuwa Wea's house were from various backgrounds and had different views, a fact indicated by the formulation of the action plan, which was rife with conflicting priorities. "We also don't really know who they were," he said. "Thus, if a story was leaked, it's possible."

Supriyanto's suspicions seem to be confirmed. A week after the meeting, Wiranto received a report written by a group of students that included the leaflet and the attendance sheet of the meeting. "We also have the data and a complete recording," said Slamet Effendy Yusuf, Chairman of the Wiranto-Solahuddin Wahid success team. "It's not ethical for us to reveal who forwarded them."

As a former activist, Slamet claims to have a wide network among activists. "How bad it is, I'm a former activist," he said. "Many of my friends supported our struggle. I feel slighted if youths are being used and paid to serve certain political interests. Allow them to continue to take on moral movements."

The offended parties are not sitting still. Currently, Golkar's and Wiranto's legal teams are sifting through a pile of evidence and documents that could drag Nuwa Wea to court. "We're gathering the evidence," Slamet said. "We're only waiting. Once we've concrete evidence, we'll take the necessary legal action. We don't want to be seen as only talking."

The PDI-P has requested that Wiranto and Golkar take the legal route. According to the Deputy Secretary-General of the PDI-P, Pramono Anung, if it is true that the move was supported by Nuwa Wea, such action would not be consistent with his party's line. "It's not part of the PDI-P agenda," he said. "The reason: We've requested that our members refrain from organizing negative campaigning for the presidential election.

Munir, director of the human rights group Imparsial, argued that the "black" propaganda practice is one carried out by success teams for every single presidential candidate. "It's a lie if [someone says it] happened only to Mega or Wiranto," he said. "All the candidates did the same thing."

But what is new about "black" campaigning and negative propaganda? Are the two not the same potent weapons used by the New Order to weaken its political opponents? The question remains whether Golkar, this time a victim, has sufficient evidence and an interest serious enough to take the matter to court.

[Widiarsi Agustina, Sunariah (Tempo News Room).]

Old soldiers never die

Tempo Magazine - May 25-31, 2004

Edy Budiyarso -- The success team of Golkar Party presidential and vice-presidential candidates Wiranto and Solahuddin Wahid is controlled from the Imperium Tower in Kuningan, South Jakarta. As if it were an army base or veteran's hospital, staff and visitors to the luxurious office include a surprising scattering of retired generals. Wiranto, the former TNI commander, has indeed made former and close military colleagues a key component of his bid for the presidency.

Former soldiers who have become the driving force behind Wiranto include Gen. (ret) Fachrul Razi, deputy chairman of the success team. In third order of importance, Maj. Gen. (ret) Affandi serves as the team's secretary and former Pattimura Military Region Commander Lt. Gen. (ret) Suaidi Marasabessy, is Wiranto's Coordinator of Planning, Conception, and Evaluation.

"Experience from past positions plus friendships are very important in building a network," Suaidi said.

Maj. Gen. (ret) Tulus Sihombing appears in the Wiranto team's lineup of organizers as Director of Information, Joint Organizations, and Head of the Anti-Rumors Section. Maj. Gen. Sonny Soemarsono, another two-star general, is Deputy Head of Institutional Relations and among those coordinating the various regions is Maj. Gen. (ret) Soentoro, plus former Jakarta Regional Police chief, Nurfaizi, for Central Java. The Aceh area is being commanded by Commodore (ret) Afwan Madani and Maj. Gen. (ret) Nasution.

Similar to the Wiranto camp -- and also a competitor from with a military background-Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, or SBY, and partner Jusuf Kalla have also pulled eight generals into their success team fold. Former defense minister Gen. (ret) Edy Sudrajat has shown up at Yudhoyono's headquarters, bringing with him his Indonesian Justice & Unity Party. Present, too, is the commander of the armed forces during the era of President Abdurrahman Wahid, Adm. (ret) Widodo A.S.

Apart from being backed by these two full generals, another, Maj. Gen. (ret) Evert Erenst Mangindaan, former commander Trikora Military Region VII and North Sulawesi governor also sits on Yudhoyono's advisory board.

Yudhoyono's senior in socio-political matters, Maj. Gen. Ma'aruf, has also signed up for duty.

Other associates on the team include Maj. Gen. (ret) Syamsoedin, former commander of Iskandar Muda Military Region, Maj. Gen. Djali Yusuf, and Chairman of the Election Victory Body, Air Force Brig. Gen. (ret) Suratto Siswodihardjo.

Civilian presidential candidates themselves have shown no reluctance to dip into the military to build their success teams. The pairing of Hamzah Haz and Agum Gumelar counts on the third largest number of former military officers and those involved include the United Development Party's Secretary-General Lt. Gen. Yunus Yosfiah, while former head of the TNI Information Center Brig. Gen. (ret) Abdul Wahab Mokodongan is deputy chairman of the campaign team.

PDI-P, championing Megawati Sukarnoputri and Hasyim Muzadi for the nation's highest office, has brought in Maj. Gen. (ret) Theo Syafei, the former Udayana Military Region commander. As clarified by Mega-Hasyim success team secretary, Heri Akhmadi, however, Theo's involvement is limited because of his position as party chairman and chairman of the election victory team. "There's only one of him, no one else," the former Bandung Institute of Technology Student Board chairman said.

Amien Rais, once the locomotive driving the country's reformation, has also turned to a former military man, Maj. Gen. (ret) Suwarno Adiwijoyo, a former assistant for politics to TNI's Chief of Social and Political Affairs and previously chairman of the National Mandate Party's Central Leadership Board.

Based solely on their resumes, the men wearing stars in each team's lineup generally claim rich backgrounds in socio-political and territorial affairs-but it is existing networks built among a great number of people in numerous areas that truly attract the candidates' attention. Can they, though, guarantee an actual boost in votes for the presidential hopefuls? CSIS military observer, J. Kristiadi, says there is no apparent correlation between former officers and actual vote counts.

Nevertheless, he cautions, the building tradition of recruiting politicians from among the military indicates the inadequacy of politicians from the civilian pool. "Imagine it! an ex-army man who has just joined the party immediately serving as its secretary-general," Kristiadi said. "Long-serving party cadres have had to queue up for ages to get that."

Kristiadi says the perceived weakness of Indonesia's civilian leadership comes after tepid efforts by those leaders to democratize within the parties.

"This is the result of [civilians] being 'bonsai-ed' throughout the New Order regime," he said. Perhaps, in the country's young days of democracy, only former military men are strong enough to serve as guiding hands-or fists.

Prostitutes pray for peaceful poll

Jakarta Post - May 31, 2004

Surabaya -- No less than 500 sex workers operating in six red- light districts across the East Java capital of Surabaya gathered on Sunday for a mass prayer, to pray for a peaceful presidential election.

The women, dressed in Muslim attire and head scarfs, many seen carrying the Koran, looked pensive when local cleric Ahmad Muhajit delivered his sermon. Some of the sex workers shed tears while chanting the verses.

Event organizer Muhammad Suhandri said the mass prayer was aimed at campaigning for Muslim solidarity, in particular with those neglected by the community such as sex workers. He said the event carried no political objectives, although an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle executive in charge of women's affairs Tri Andjarwati was in attendance.

Razzle-dazzle battle

Straits Times - May 31, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- The razzle-dazzle begins tomorrow. Tooting horns, banging drums and waving flags and banners, thousands will take to the streets across Indonesia for the start of the July 5 presidential election campaign.

Five contenders and their running mates will fight for the country's top job. Besides mudslinging, rivals will be making bizarre promises as colourful as an artist's palette.

But underlying the heated atmospherics -- and the festive mood where local dancers gyrate and squirm to cheering crowds -- the month-long campaign could significantly do one other thing: expose the strengths and weaknesses of each presidential aspirant.

Presidential frontrunner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is soaring high in opinion polls. At least three surveys in recent months have ranked him the No. 1 contender.

Why has Mr Bambang become the favourite? Much of it boils down to image. With his imposing frame and clean-cut good looks, he is the poster boy of the month. His face even appears on T-shirts with the words "I love SBY".

But SBY, as he is known, is also a man of substance. He has a good track record as a military officer and as a member of President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Cabinet.

As one of the most high-profile ministers, he became a voice of reason and authority. He appeared on television almost every other day with headline news on terrorism, Aceh, Papua and Poso.

That profile increased dramatically when he quit the government after falling out with the President and her garrulous husband Taufik Kiemas, who chided him publicly for 'acting like a child'.

Many also see Mr Bambang and his running mate Jusuf Kalla, a successful businessman from South Sulawesi, as a force for change in Indonesia. They have the reformasi tag.

His reform agenda, and its limitations, can be found in a smart blue booklet titled Vision For Change, which he outlined at a seminar last week in Singapore organised by the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies and The Straits Times.

The agenda sets the enigmatic general miles apart from his key rivals -- incumbent Ms Megawati and former military commander Wiranto -- in terms of defining what needs to be done to bring back the good old days in Indonesia.

Mr Bambang is popular on paper. His detractors, though, are loath to believe opinion polls which they say are biased.

The campaign period will give us the best clue yet on his popularity. Crowd turnout will show whether his support base is confined to just urban centres, as his critics charge, or whether its reach extends to the rural heartland in and out of Java.

It will also reveal whether Mr Bambang has the machinery for a sustained campaign. His small Democrat Party won just 7 per cent of votes in the April general election.

Are its tentacles long and wide enough to cover the sprawling archipelago to mount an effective charge to win voters? This does not seem to bother his biggest rival Wiranto, who finds himself at the other end of the pole -- backed by a mammoth party machinery but dented by a poor image at home and abroad, given accusations of human right violations in the 1999 imbroglio in former East Timor.

It is an open secret that Washington would prefer a Bambang presidency, even if he is on a charm offensive to win over the international community.

But do the poor in Indonesia care about an endorsement from the United States? Despite his historical baggage, Mr Wiranto offers the prospect of firm leadership. He also has a huge war chest and network which helped him beat Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung, against all odds, at the party convention.

The Wiranto camp has long believed that its machinery will do the job to win the presidency.

Mr Wiranto now has two major parties behind him -- Golkar, which won the most seats in Parliament in the election, and the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), which is linked to the Nadhlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation.

Will the machinery go his way or in a different direction? Again, the campaign will provide telling answers on whether the Golkar, PKB and NU branches are solidly behind the former military commander.

Clearly, it is not going to be easy for him to galvanise support. NU members, for example, traditionally do not vote in a single block. Part of the NU vote could go to its chairman Hasyim Muzadi, who has teamed up with Ms Megawati, and Mr Bambang.

Mr Wiranto faces another problem. He does not have the full backing of Golkar, with subversive elements in the party -- led by Mr Akbar -- trying to block his chances.

Caught in a tug-of-war with his enemy, Mr Akbar is in a Catch-22 dilemma. His greatest fear in lending the general full support is that it could bring down his own standing in Golkar. A victorious Mr Wiranto might try to place his men in the all-powerful central executive board of the party instead.

But not supporting him leaves him open to accusations that could further weaken his grip on party cadres desperate to return to power, and see this as Golkar's best chance.

The savvy politician is treading the line carefully. He has hedged his bets on all the frontrunners. If Mr Wiranto is defeated in the first phase, Mr Akbar could play the kingmaker's role in the run-off. The Golkar vote could easily shift the balance of power in favour of either Mr Bambang or Ms Megawati if they enter the second round.

The President is the third major force in the equation. The campaign could do several crucial things for her.

For one, it offers her a chance to cultivate the ground and make up for the devastating loss of her Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle (PDI-P) in the legislative election.

The party has been trying to revamp her image to get closer to the wong cilik or little people. The game plan, drawn up more than a month ago, had been for her to leave her palace cocoon to crisscross the vast archipelago with one mission: to win precious votes.

She has been kissing babies, mingling more with farmers, fishermen and labourers and explaining government policies. But some believe she needs to do more. They argue that she is still steeped in the "Air Force One syndrome".

A senior PDI-P source noted: "In 1999, she was just an opposition figure. She did not have any resources and was forced many times to stay overnight in provinces she was travelling to. Now she has a private jet, her own Air Force One, that allows her to spend just a few hours in every region she visits. There was no chance to talk to the people. She was seen as distant and aloof."

Ms Megawati's symbolic appeal is in her name. She is former president Sukarno's daughter. Right now, she has a core support base of close to 20 per cent, mostly diehard Sukarnoists.

She could also capture votes from the NU through her partnership with Mr Hasyim. The NU leader might not be able to capture the majority but he could get a decent share, given the backing of other prominent clerics like Mr Abdullah Abbas, formerly a strong supporter of ex-president Abdurrahman Wahid.

Loyalists argue that with the resources of the state at hand -- and taking advantage of the campaign period to demolish the image of rivals tainted by links to the Suharto regime -- she could still clinch the presidency.

Wishful thinking? Perhaps. The prevailing mood in Indonesia today is one for change. Indonesians are seriously considering alternatives.

National Assembly chairman Amien Rais is certainly one of them. But he is not in the same league as the top three candidates. His National Mandate Party could only manage about 6 per cent of the national vote in the parliamentary election.

Six other parties might have declared their support for him. He also has the backing of the Muhammadiyah, the country's second- largest Muslim organisation.

But the Amien-Siswono ticket is at best a dark horse, facing an uphill battle in terms of national popularity and securing funds for his election campaign.

Likewise for current Vice-President Hamzah Haz, who is running together with former transport minister Agum Gumelar.

In the end, this historic election, where Indonesians will vote directly for their next president, is likely to be a three-way fight among Ms Megawati and the two generals.

The rallies might well highlight the popularity of each candidate. They could also alter the relative positions of the top three, depending on who gains the upper hand in swaying the ground with fiery speeches amid the razzle-dazzle of campaigning. It is going to be a long, tumultuous campaign.

Indonesia kicks off presidential election campaign

Associated Press - May 31, 2004

Jakarta -- Campaigning starts Tuesday for a July 5 election in which Indonesian voters will for the first time choose their president directly. Five candidates are running, but analysts doubt the outcome will usher in sweeping reforms for the problem-ridden Southeast Asian nation.

All five are from the country's political, military and religious establishments and have occupied top government positions in past administrations, including the 32-year regime of former dictator Soeharto that ended with his ouster in 1998.

Previously, the head of state was chosen by lawmakers acting as an electoral college.

If, as widely expected, no candidate wins an outright majority at the July ballot -- Indonesians would choose between the two front-runners in a second round of voting in September.

Analysts predict that whatever the result, the Southeast nation will continue its gradual transition to democracy without major reforms that could upset the entrenched power of the elite.

Personality rather than policy is expected to be a major feature of the campaign. "No candidate has offered anything like a coherent political or economic program of reform," said Jeffrey Winters, a professor and Indonesia specialist from Chicago's Northwestern University.

Incumbent President Megawati Soekarnoputri's star has dimmed since parliamentary elections in April in which her political party lost nearly 40 percent of the votes it had won in 1999, a year after Soeharto was ousted amid massive pro-democracy protests.

Megawati owed that victory to the votes of the poor who supported her as an icon of the reform movement because of her struggle against the dictatorship and her legacy as the daughter of Indonesia's founder, Sukarno.

Nowadays, she is widely perceived to have done little to improve living standards or to eradicate endemic corruption left over from Soeharto's era.

Opinion polls show her running about 20 points behind Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired four-star general who served as Megawati's top security minister for the past three years.

Susilo, who teamed up on the ticket with the popular welfare minister Yusuf Kalla, is seen as a straight talker not tainted by corruption.

Susilo is also viewed as the candidate most likely to stand up to Indonesia's hardline generals in bringing the traditionally independent-minded army brass under effective civilian control.

Political analysts expect that Susilo would move quickly to end the current separatist war in the northern province of Aceh, and to settle lingering religious conflicts in the Maluku archipelago and Sulawesi island.

The remaining candidates -- Gen. Wiranto, Megawati's Vice President Hamzah Haz and Amien Rais, speaker of the country's highest legislative assembly -- are all polling further behind Yudhoyono and Megawati.

Wiranto -- Indonesia's former military supremo -- has been indicted by a UN-backed special tribunal in East Timor for war crimes allegedly committed during that territory's successful secession from Indonesia in 1999. At the time, troops under his command went on a rampage that killed 1,500 people and destroyed much of the province's infrastructure.

Although he trails both Susilo and Megawati, Wiranto is the nominee of the Golkar Party. Golkar once was the political machine of Soeharto.

It has found favor with the electorate, and became the largest bloc in parliament in April's legislative poll. Golkar is seen as the most effective political machine in Indonesia and is said to have accumulated a considerable war chest.

Wiranto is also likely to get the support of the party of former President Abdurrahman Wahid -- the country's third-largest. Wahid was disqualified from running because of multiple health problems, including near blindness.

Gus Solah to launch VCD on Wiranto's case

Detik.com - June 3, 2004

Triono Wahyu Sudibyo, Semarang -- Golkar Party vice-presidential candidate Salahuddin Wahid will soon be launch a VCD titled "Gus Solah [Salahuddin's nickname] responds". The launch will be a clarification to counter all of the accusations of gross human rights violations by [Golkar presidential candidate former armed forces chief] Wiranto.

"There has been news that a number of pesantren [Islamic boarding schools] have received books about Wiranto's human rights violations. I am surprised as to why these books are being distributed now. Clearly it has political backing".

This was related by Gus Solah in his address to meeting of Central Java Ulamas [Islamic religious leaders] at the East Java regional headquarters of the National Awakening Party on Jalan Walisongo in Semarang on Thursday June 3.

"There has not yet been a legal ruling which has declared Wiranto as being guilty. He has never been a defendant in any single case. Either the case of human rights violations in East Timor, Trisakti-Semanggi(1) or May", said Solah.

The former deputy-director of the National Human Rights commission rejected the view that he was Wiranto's "washing machine". I am not Wiranto's washing machine. I only represent a counterbalance against public opinion which suspects my partner [Wiranto] has been involved in human rights violations", he explained. (ton)

Notes:

1. On May 12, 1998, security personnel shot into a crowd of student protesters from the Trisakti University near their campus in West Jakarta, killing four students and injuring several. This proved to be the spark which set-off three days of mass demonstrations and rioting in Jakarta which eventually lead to the overthrow of former President Suharto. Similar incidents occurred on in November 1998 and September 1999 when troops opened fire on demonstrators from the Atmajaya University in Jakarta using rubber bullets and live ammunition in the area of Semanggi, South Jakarta, resulting in the death of dozens of student demonstrators.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Campaign against militarism

A chorus of anti-military songs

Tempo Magazine - May 25-31, 2004

Movements opposed to a military president have spread into a number of cities-some with apparent help from the competition.

Sociologist Imam Prasodjo was shocked. While waiting at the station to record the talk show Ada Aa Gym, a program that was to present Imam and Golkar Party presidential candidate Wiranto on RCTI TV two weeks ago, he was abruptly summoned by Edi Pribadi, the program's producer. "Pak Wiranto does not want you on the program," Edi said.

The program, hosted by charismatic leader of the Darut Tauhid (Home of God's Unity) Islamic center, K.H. Abdullah Gymnastiar, was to begin just a few minutes later. Imam, who did not know where the sudden change in plan originated, suddenly became determined to find out more when he saw Wiranto enter the VIP waiting room. The sociology lecturer from the University of Indonesia Political and Social Sciences Faculty sat down beside the candidate and asked him directly. "Is it true," he asked, "that you are not comfortable with being on the program with me?" Wiranto answered, "Oh, that's not true at all." He repeated this denial again and again. Hearing Wiranto's answer, Imam confronted Edi and RCTI's Deputy Chief Editor, Atmadji Sumarkidjo. "Go ahead, there's no problem," they said. Imam ultimately appeared on camera.

Maj. Gen. (ret) Asman Akhir Nasution, former PT Telkom president director and now a member of Wiranto's success team, was the individual at the heart of the situation: the call to pull Imam from the show had actually come from him.

When Imam joined the show despite these orders, A.A. Nasution blew his top at the RCTI crew. "I did hear him getting angry," recalled Rasyidin, Aa Gym's secretary, who was present at the studio.

In fact, RCTI had earlier explained that the program would not be broadcast live. "If there was something that didn't sit well ... it could be edited out, right?" Edi said. All was sorted when the recording was replayed and Wiranto had absolutely no complaints. Asked to comment, A.A. Nasution did clarify the matter at great length, but he had absolutely no wish to be quoted.

The incident with Imam Prasodjo then began to circulate, starting from a single SMS and spreading through others, changing slightly with each transmission.

People were soon knocked backwards by the implications of the question: Is this what happens when we have dealings with a presidential candidate from a military background, who is also surrounded by many former generals?

When Wiranto won at the Golkar convention and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a former armed forces socio-political affairs chief, was certain to enter the list of candidates, the "specter" of a military administration quickly turned ghastly. There were images of freedom of expression muzzled; a government running without any external controls. Apart from Wiranto and Yudhoyono, another candidate, Agum Gumelar, a former commander of the Special Forces Command, is Hamzah Haz's vice-presidential candidate.

That is why the anti-military president movements have spread so quickly.

Head of the State Intelligence Agency, (BIN) A.M. Hendropriyono, at a closed-door meeting with the DPR last Tuesday, revealed there are some groups who want the presidential election to be chaotic. One of them is seeking this by sowing the seeds for a negative reaction among the international community to those presidential candidates considered to have violated human rights.

Although he wasn't explicit, it is not difficult to guess that the candidate Hendro alluded to was Gen. (ret) Wiranto, who is often accused of responsibility in various cases of human rights violation.

Golkar faction's Yasril Ananta Baharuddin said that BIN then described a group of institutions (NGOs) from Indonesia and abroad that it believed could disturb security. "There are around 20, including the Director of International Crisis Group (ICG) Sidney Jones and the Institution for the Study of Human Rights and Public Advocacy," Yasril said (see Facing Expulsion).

Movements opposed to a military president are certainly nothing new but the most recent was with the appearance of the New Indonesia Movement (GBI), announced two weeks ago. A forum for 1998 student activists and a number of NGO activists, the group also includes the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI).

None other than performing artists Wanda Hamidah and Gugun Gondrong appeared among the NGO activists at its declaration. "The New Indonesia Movement rejects military presidential candidates," said one GBI representative, Togi Simanjuntak.

In Malang, East Java, movements to reject retired military officer candidates began two weeks ago and were enlivened by the burning, in the Malang town square, of colored mannequins in military camouflage. In Central Java, the rejection of former military candidates is being supported by the Semarang Prodem Alliance. Robertus Belarminus, Chairman of the Indonesian Catholic Student Union Presidium (PMKRI), says that the issues that his group supports are not only the rejection of former top-brass candidates, but also rejection of militarism. "We don't just reject military figures," he told TEMPO reporter Sohirin, "we also reject top civilians engaged in militarism."

In Yogyakarta, similar actions were staged by the Yogya Student Action Front (FAMJ). "The military are still too frightening to us to become national leaders," FAMJ coordinator Achmad Rifqi Ilmu said. One of the reasons is that the military are basically non-democratic, even though people such as Wiranto, Yudhoyono, and Agum Gumelar are no longer actively serving officers.

"Although SBY [as Yudhoyono is called] has been stamped a military reformist, that is still not sufficiently convincing for us," Rifqi told Tempo's Heru C.N.

In Surabaya, a demonstration by the People's United Democratic Front (FDRB) even ended with the breaking down of the gates to the Grahadi State Building, where the East Java Governor receives his guests.

Actions opposed to candidates who are former generals, whether or not they succeed in fully derailing those hopefuls, do seem to benefit their civilian competitors. What's more, a number of students' movements are even said to have been sponsored by politicians of parties supporting non-military candidates.

The media has frequently referred to the involvement of PDI-P official and Minister of Manpower Jacob Nuwa Wea in student actions-something Jacob denies.

The City Forum Group (Forkot) is also commonly said to be funded by the PDI-P. Forkot activist, Adian Napitupulu, however, strongly denies the reports, even though he did not deny that he had once been invited to join the Mega Center. "If you say that I have known lots of PDI-P people for some time, well that's true, but I have never joined the party," he told Nunuy Nurhayati from Tempo News Room.

YLBHI Chairman Munarman, too, did not deny the possibility that the GBI has already been approached by Mega's success team. However, he stressed that his group's agenda only covered four issues: anti-militarism, anti-corruption, anti-New Order, and anti-imperialism. "Possibly there could be a symbiosis, provided it doesn't interfere with these four agendas," he said.

Although he rejects accusations that its actions were being supported by the "Wild Bull" PDI-P camp, FDRB spokesman, Rudy Asiko, does realize that FDRB's anti-militarism and anti-New Order campaigns will benefit Mega and Hasyim's position. But he claims this is part of the movement's strategy. "When we face a larger enemy, that larger enemy must be opposed [jointly]," he said.

The Wiranto camp is well aware of the hidden "attack" that is likely behind most anti-military candidate movements. That is understandable, given that his past has frequently been in the spotlight. Wiranto is accused of being responsible for the May 1998 disturbances, the Semanggi I and II incidents, as well as the post-opinion poll disturbances in East Timor in 1999.

"Apparently, Teuku Umar [where Megawati lives] is trying to apply the strategy that led PDI-P to victory in 1999," said Komaruddin, one of Wiranto's success team. He alluded to PDI-P's effort to stir up anti-military and anti-New Order sentiment to win the July 5 election.

Slamet Effendy Yusuf, Chairman of the Wiranto-Solahuddin Wahid success team, says that they are collecting evidence on the PDI- P's efforts to back students to stage a negative campaign against Wiranto. He even claims to have complete data and recordings of the discussion at a meeting at Jacob Nuwa Wea's house on May 6.

The PDI-P success team denies accusations that they are funding the demonstrations. PDI-P Deputy Secretary-General Pramono Anung says that the party's top leadership has already forbidden party members to campaign negatively in the presidential election. "We have asked anybody supporting Mega-Hasyim to campaign smartly, elegantly, and not to engage in a negative campaign," he told Dedy Sinaga from TEMPO News Room. He was unwilling to comment on the rumors involving Jacob.

Even though he is not in as much difficulty as Wiranto is in fending off human rights issues, Yudhoyono, too, has been swept up in many oblique rumors, such as that of his support by non- Muslims and the US. There is also the question of money from a "black" conglomerate in his success team's camp.

Yudhoyono has even appeared personally to straighten out some of these accusations. His success team argues that the guerrilla tactics of the anti-military candidates are no longer fair. "This is part of black propaganda," said Democrat Party Deputy Secretary-General, Max Sopacua.

There has been no excessive reaction from Indonesian Military (TNI) Headquarters at Cilangkap. "The military will not be affected by that sort of campaign," said TNI Information Center Head Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin.

"We have already stressed that we won't side with any of the candidates. People should feel free to campaign against [anti- military candidates], because the candidates affected are no longer military personnel, after all."

Compared to his two competitors, the vice-presidential candidate from the United Development Party, Agum Gumelar, seems safest. Possibly because his position is 'just' that of vice-presidential candidate, he has been left unscathed by any attack. "We don't need to a priori, or even frontally, confront those who do not agree with having a military figure," said Abu Hasan Sazili, success team member for the Hamzah Haz-Agum Gumelar pair.

It will certainly be difficult to ensure that the anti-military candidate movement runs purely without any accusation of being infiltrated by civilian candidates' interests. Being against one candidate may very well be interpreted as being for another one. The fact that the civilian candidates also have success teams containing old soldiers from the green-uniformed corps could also weaken these movements (see Old Soldiers Never Die).

Imam Prasodjo argues that the militaristic attitude should be rejected-as one that can infect both former military men and civilian politicians as well. Imam remains unconvinced that an anti-military campaign, either one that is untainted or one paid for by other candidates, will be effective.

Apart from only touching urban dwellers, not all anti-military groups are participating in this campaign, unlike in 1998. "The only ones to be influenced will be the emotional voters; it won't get down to the grass roots," he added.

The Wiranto camp remains confident-if perhaps a little shaken by the various actions-that their final vote will not be affected. Slamet points out that Golkar's vote, and this for a party that had been battered half-dead, did rise phoenix-like in the last legislature election. What people hunger for now, he argued, is a leader who can resolve their difficult lives. "What is needed is a leader who offers a solution to the nation's problems," he said, "not someone who creates issues, holds grudges, and keeps prejudices."

Research by the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) and International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) shows that, compared to the other candidates, it is precisely Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a military man, that the public are most drawn to. LSI researcher Saiful Mujani said some time ago that the popularity of Yudhoyono could be attributed to the drop in the public's trust for civilian politicians and Yudhoyono's strong image. NGO Imparsial's Munir said that even "civilian politicians are generally still dependent on support from the military."

Some suggest that, rather than staging an anti-military candidate campaign, it would be better to lay out in full view the past sins and backgrounds of all the candidates, both civilian and military, so the facts become clear in voters' eyes. As for the rest, let the public make the decision-leave the true test for the voter's box.

[Hanibal W.Y. Wijayanta, Widiarsi Agustina, Sudrajat, Sunudyantoro (Surabaya).]

Makassar students burn photos of Mega, Wiranto and SBY

Detik.com - June 4, 2004

Gunawan Mashar, Jakarta -- Scores of students in the South Sulawesi provincial capital of Makassar from the United Opposition (Front Oposisi Bersatu, BOB) have for the umpteenth time held a demonstration against military presidential and vice-presidential candidates.

On this occasion they gathered in front of the entrance of the Reformasi toll road on Friday June 4. The students burnt photographs of three presidential candidates, [former armed forces chief and Golkar Party candidate] Wiranto, [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party candidate] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and [incumbent President] Megawati Sukarnoputri.

The action took place at 10am local time with around 50 students listening to a series of "anti-military presidential candidates" speeches. Initially they gathered at the Reformasi toll road intersection but then moved to the middle of the entrance of the toll road. As a result, vehicles which wanted to enter the toll road were delayed and the number of vehicles around the location of the demonstration piled up.

As well as giving speeches the demonstrators repeatedly sang songs who's lyrics appealed for the public to reject military candiates. A number of demonstrators also brought posters with the writing "reject the military". Also visible among the demonstrators were those who were carrying photographs of the three presidential candidates who they believe are militaristic.

After giving speeches, the demonstrators then gathered up the photographs of the three presidential candidates which they burnt while shouting anti-military slogans. "We also burnt photographs of Megawati because she is just as repressive as the military", said Rudi Harsono, one of the coordinators of the action during a speech.

BOB is a coalition of a number of student organisations including the Makassar National Student League for Democracy (LMND), Student Executive Councils from the faculty of literature and the faculty of maritime studies at the Hasannudin University (Unhas), the South Sulawesi People's Democratic Party (PRD) and the South Sulawesi Indonesian National Labour Front for Struggle (FNPBI). (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

PRD tramples on photos of candidates at KPU demo

Detik.com - June 4, 2004

Arif Shodiq Pujihartom, Jakarta -- Scores of activists from the People's Democratic Party (PRD) demonstrated at the National Election Commission on Friday June 4. They were expressing their opposition to military presidential candidates. Strangely, the demonstration ended with them trampling on photographs of all of the presidential candidates.

The PRD action began as usual with one of the demonstrators giving a speech while the rest sat listening. Others held up posters with the writing "Reject military presidential and vice- presidential candidates".

In a leaflet the PRD appealed to all parties to unite to block military presidential and vice-presidential candidates form winning the July 5 presidential elections. However the PRD reminded people that rejecting military presidential candidates did not simply mean rejecting [former armed forces chief and Golkar Party candidate] Wiranto and [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party candidate] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY).

Opposing military presidential candidates must also mean being on guard against and paying close attention to the working programs of all of the presidential candidates. Every single presidential candidates must included a program to abolish the dual social and political role of the TNI (armed forces), do away with the TNI's territorial command structure and remove the TNI and police from politics. Presidential candidates who do not have such a program must be rejected they said.

At 3.45pm the demonstrators disbanded however before ending their action they trampled on pictures of all the presidential candidates -- not just pictures of Wiranto and SBY but other presidential candidates with a civilian background such as incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Amien Rais from the National Mandate Party. (iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Photos of Wiranto, SBY and Gumelar burnt in front of parliament

Detik.com - May 31, 2004

Dian Intannia, Jakarta -- Scores of students from the City Network (Jaringan Kota) have again demonstrated against military presidential and vice-presidential candidates by burning photographs of [former armed forces chief and Golkar presidential candidate] Wiranto, [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party presidential candidate] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and former minister of communications and vice-presidential candidate retired General Agum Gumelar.

The photographs of ex-military presidential and vice-presidential candidates were burnt when City Network was holding a demonstration in front of the national parliament on Jalan Gatot Soebroto in Jakarta on Monday May 31. "Reject... reject... reject the military, reject the military now" shouted the demonstrators as they burnt the photographs and a military shirt.

According to City Network's public relations officer, Rey, it is inappropriate for either Wiranto or SBY to become the next president of Indonesia and their presence on the Indonesian political state is only for the sake of saving [former President] Suharto and his cronies.

"Both of them are being backed by forces from the Cendana [Suharto's Central Jakarta neighborhood, the relatives of the Suharto clan]. Moreover, how can they be able of upholding the law and human rights in this country if they themselves have been involved in human rights violations", said Rey.

After burning the photographs and shirt the demonstrators disbanded. They are planning to travel around Jakarta to hand out anti-military leaflets. (djo)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Surabaya students burn Golkar and military T-shirts

Detik.com - May 31, 2004

Budi Hartadi, Surabaya -- The day before the presidential campaign was to start around 150 activists from the Indonesian National Student Movement (GMNI) and the National University Student Executive Council (BEM) demonstrated against military presidential candidates and burnt Golkar Party T-shirts and military clothing.

The action took place in front of the Grahadi Building on Jalan Gubernur Suryo in Surabaya, East Java, on Monday May 31.

"Keep the military out of civilian government. The generals who are in power are a serious threat to democracy in Indonesia. All civilian forces must close ranks in to hold beck the forces of the New Order [regime of former President Suharto] and the generals who want to return to power", said one of the speakers.

The students called on the people of Surabaya to save civil society by rejecting presidential candidates from military circles.

During the action the students burnt yellow Golkar T-shirts and military clothing. They also brought a bier which was covered by a black cloth with the writing "The death of democracy" and brought banners and posters with the writing "The military are the enemies of the people", "Confine the military to their barracks" and "Try the generals the violators of human rights".

Following this, the student held a long-march to the Surabaya regional parliament on Jalan Yos Sudarso some one kilometer away. The long-march caused a traffic jam because they took up an entire lane of traffic and were being guarded by scores of security personnel. (aan)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Local & community issues

Bekasi residents plant trees and release fish in damaged roads

Kompas - June 1, 2004

Bekasi -- Residents of the Jakarta satellite city of Bekasi who are fed up with the poor condition of roads have again taken action by planting trees on damaged roads. Not only that, on Monday May 31 they also released fish into the larger pot holes on Jalan Perjuangan which are constantly full of water.

The action by residents from the Social Alliance of Struggle was held on Jalan Perjuangan between PT Kertas Bekasi Teguh and the Taman Wisma Asri housing estate or for a length of three kilometres.

The action represented a form of protest and a call for the Bekasi city government to repair the road which represent the main access for North Bekasi residents into the city.

When Kompas' went to investigate, scores of banana, mango, taro and acacia trees could be seen standing in the damaged parts of the road supported by wooden sticks and old tyres. In addition to this, they also released four kilograms of freshwater catfish and three kilograms of eels -- but the fish didn't last long because they were soon caught by local children and housewives. As a result of the action traffic was congested from the Bekasi train station to the Taman Wisma Asri housing estate.

According to Pepen, one of the coordinators, Jalan Perjuangan, beginning at the Bekasi train station up to the boarder between the Babelan and Bekasi regencies or for a length of around eight kilometers has been in a poor state or repair since 2001. The Bekasi city government has only repaired the roads by filling holes with concrete for one kilometer or so but only a number of points, not all of them. (ELN)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Focus on Jakarta

Bicycle taxi drivers pedal to get ahead

Jakarta Post - May 31, 2004

Leony Aurora, Jakarta -- People coming out of the two great arched doors of Kota railway station in West Jakarta are first greeted by blue public minivans, with touts frantically screaming the destinations and ushering the passengers into the vehicles.

Further out, in the second lane of the road, orange bajaj (three-wheeled pedicabs) and their drivers wait patiently for passengers.

In between these two lines of vehicles, a row of bicycles stand ready to ferry passengers to the nearby Mangga Dua or Glodok shopping centers, or places father afield.

There were eleven bicycle taxis parked in front of the station when The Jakarta Post went there on Friday. At the sight of people exiting the station, the drivers wave their hands in an attempt to attract the attention of prospective passengers.

"My passengers are usually people on their own or who have a lot of stuff with them," says Basuki, 50, a bicycle taxi driver who originally comes from Kebumen, Central Java.

It takes him only 10 to 15 minutes to weave his way in and out of the chaotic traffic to Mangga Dua, famous for its electronic goods and textiles. "I get Rp 2,000 (22 US cents) per trip," said Basuki.

Working from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m. daily, Basuki earns up to Rp 40,000 a day to feed his family of seven children. "We also have a small kiosk in front of our house," he says.

Basuki used to work as an employee in an office, but likes riding his bicycle better because "at least I am free".

According to Basuki, there are only two places with bicycle taxi -- Kota railway station and Tanjung Priok Port in North Jakarta.

Therefore, it is not surprising that the drivers are used to reporters looking for stories.

"No, no, talk to somebody else. I've been interviewed six times or something," said another driver whom the Post tried to talk to.

Salim, 59, said that he too had been interviewed many times, and, indeed, he told his story like a pro. "I used to be a farmer in Pandeglang (a district of West Java) before I came to Jakarta," he started.

He claimed to only be a "part-time" bicycle taxi driver, although he works every day from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. "I work as a security guard in a supermarket from midnight to 9 a.m.," he said.

"I can sleep at work, but not for too long as my supervisor might catch me." The father of eight said that he had been ferrying people around on his bicycle for the last 14 years because he needed the extra money for his children. "I can get Rp 30,000 a day, enough for their pocket money." Each day, he pedals for 1.5 hours from his house in Kalideres, West Jakarta, to Kota railway station and spends another 1.5 hours cycling back. "I'm healthier, and I save Rp 8,000 in bus fares," he said.

Salim takes pride in his bicycle, which he bought brand-new for Rp 75,000 when he started out in the business. "This is an original Chinese model, not like those ones produced in Tangerang.

"My bicycle can carry a load of up to 120 kilograms," said Salim proudly. "Mind you, it all depends on how quickly I'm able to pedal," he said with a big grin.

News & issues

Indonesia's skeletons from the past

Today (Pakistan) - June 5, 2004

Farish A Noor -- What has upset some sections of the Indonesian political and military elite are not the findings of Sidney Jones and her team, but rather the links and ties they have uncovered in the course of their research, some of which go right to the Indonesian military elite.

Jakarta has given marching orders to Dr Sidney Jones, prominent researcher and whistle-blower of the International Crisis Group (ICG). This should not surprise Indonesia-watchers. Jones has unearthed vital pieces of information -- more so than any other researcher in the field to date -- and her findings have ultimately proven to be embarrassing for the government in Jakarta.

Not every scholar in the field would agree with all her conclusions. Some would argue that she has not shown enough rigour and discrimination in analysing the whole pesantren/madrassah (religious seminary) phenomenon in Indonesia.

Yet, it cannot be denied that she and her team at ICG were among the first to re-construct the complex network of individual actors and agents, families, business and educational contacts and marriage ties that make up the nebulous network of radical- conservative Islamists in the country.

It remains an open question whether or not the elusive underground movement summarily labelled "Jama'ah Islamiyyah" actually exists in Indonesia and what its purported goals and aims may be. But what has upset some sections of the Indonesian political and military elite are not the findings of Sidney Jones and her team, but rather the links and ties they have uncovered in the course of their research, some of which go right to the Indonesian military elite.

Here, then, lies the crux of the matter: Since September 11, 2001 and more importantly the 2003 Bali bombings, Indonesia has been roped into the so-called "coalition of the willing" and has been seen and presented as a "model Islamic state" by Washington. From being cast as a dysfunctional state tottering on the verge of collapse and financial ruin, Indonesia has been elevated to a major strategic and political ally of the West and the USA in particular.

Along with Pakistan (another major non-NATO ally of Washington), Indonesia looms large in the political calculations of the hawks and neocons of the White House who see it as a major player in the global war against the so-called "radical militant Islam".

With the turning of the political tide, Indonesia's military elite and security agencies have had a field day. From vilified pariahs they have suddenly been re-elevated to the status of saviours and defenders of the Indonesian state.

This is a dubious promotion to say the least, considering their role in numerous cases of human rights abuses in troubled regions and provinces like Aceh, South Sumatra, West Irian and East Timor. During the peak of the reformasi (reform) movement in 1998, many of the senior leaders of the Indonesian army and intelligence services were accused of torture and murder, and most of them were seen as wanted men. Today they remain on the "wanted" list, but are wanted by Washington instead.

A case in point would be ex-General A M Hendropriyono, who was a household name in Indonesia for all the wrong reasons. During the Soeharto era he was one of the key generals who ran the Indonesian army's intelligence and counter-insurgency apparatus. Under his guidance, the Indonesian special forces and covert ops units were responsible for some of the worst human rights violations in Indonesia's history. It was he who was put in charge of the operations in the Lampung district in South Sumatra, where the Indonesian army was given the task of "containing" the "threat" of Islamist activists and mass movements.

Hendropriyono's actions were typical of the man: after a series of covert actions and psy-ops warfare (where the public was told that the Islamists were a "terrorist threat") the army was ordered to move in for the kill.

The end result was the massacre of hundreds of innocent civilians. This earned Hendropriyono the nickname "the Butcher of Lampung". Rather than have the man taken to court, Hendropriyono has been made the head of Indonesia's new counter-insurgency intelligence service! Likewise, ex-General Wiranto, who has been accused of human rights abuses in East Timor, is now brazen enough to think that he can contest the post of president of Indonesia.

The most worrying development of all has been the near-total erasure and collective amnesia about the close links between the Indonesian army, intelligence and the so-called "Islamic militant groups" in Indonesia. When the Indonesian government was told to rein in these groups some of their leaders -- such as Jaafar Omar Thalib, leader of the infamous "Laskar Jihad" militia -- openly stated that they enjoyed close relations with the Indonesian army.

And these links go way back to the sordid past of Indonesia when it was under the helm of President Soeharto. One such bogus "Islamist militia" was the shadowy Komando Jihad group that emerged in Indonesia in 1977 and was under the leadership of the young Indonesian cleric Imran bin Zein. An underground paramilitary movement, it was based mainly in Jakarta and Bandung, West Java, and its members were mainly young disaffected Muslims from the cities.

After the Iranian revolution of 1979, however, the leaders of the Komando Jihad claimed that they would embark on a revolutionary struggle against the Indonesian state.

By then it was widely speculated that the Komando Jihad had actually been set up under the watchful eye of Indonesian army intelligence, who wanted to use the Komando Jihad to eliminate opponents of the government and residual elements of the banned Communist party of Indonesia.

Later, in the late 1990s, groups like Jaafar Omar Thalib's Laskar Jihad came on the scene and made the headlines with their "moral cleansing" campaigns that often involved violent raids on hotels and bars in the country. But it should also be noted that groups like the Laskar Jihad, Front Pembela Islam and Majlis Mujahideen Indonesia also played a role in creating havoc in troubled regions like the Moluccas, which in turn served as the pretext for further military intervention there, as well as in other places like Timor and Aceh.

Taking into consideration these factors and the complex and murky history of Indonesia's army and intelligence services, it shouldn't be a surprise that Sidney Jones and her research team at ICG discovered concrete evidence of ties that go beyond the purely symbolic. It also explains why she and her researchers have become an embarrassment for the Indonesian government and why they have been told to pack their bags and keep their mouths shut.

As Indonesia blunders its way towards another presidential election, the stakes have risen accordingly. With the army poised to stage a comeback and the economy still on the verge of collapse, the skeletons of the past have been hurriedly buried once again while the criminals are allowed to run free.

[Dr Farish A Noor is a Malaysian political scientist and human rights activist.]

NGOs fan the flames in Indonesia

Asia Times - June 5, 2004

Tony Sitathan -- The latest crackdown by the Indonesian government, just one month before presidential elections on July 5, is not being aimed at rebel forces in Aceh, but rather at the International Crisis Group (ICG) and other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) operating in Indonesia.

ICG's Southeast Asia director Sidney Jones and analyst Francesca Lawe-Davies were given the marching orders to leave Indonesia "immediately" on Wednesday and could depart before the weekend is over. Almost overnight they were made persona non grata and have since been treated more like dissidents than international activists.

The move is strongly reminiscent of actions taken during the rule of former dictator Suharto. But perhaps there were higher motives of nationalism involved in expelling Jones and Lawe-Davies from Indonesia, as many government officials believe ICG's reports on terrorism and separatist movements have only fanned the seeds of discontent in the country. The ICG was among 20 NGOs named by the head of the state intelligence agency (BIN), retired general A M Hendropriyono, as potential security threats to the upcoming presidential elections.

Since its establishment in 2000, the Brussels-based ICG, which researches the causes of conflicts worldwide, has published critical reports on Jakarta's handling of separatist conflicts in Aceh and Papua provinces. It has published 37 reports and briefing papers on conflict related issues and has reported extensively on the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist movement, communal violence and the transition from military to civilian rule.

It comes as little surprise then that ICG's independent reports, circulated both inside and outside of Indonesia, were ruffling a few feathers in certain quarters of the government, as well as the Indonesian military.

"It was clear that her [Jones'] reports were creating some embarrassment to the government since it was later revealed that the National Intelligence Agency head, general Hendropriyono felt that her reports were not all true and it damaged the country's image overseas," said Agus Marjoedi a former human rights activists in Jakarta.

The first sign that trouble was brewing for ICG occurred in February when Jones' visa extension was denied approval by the Labor Department. The BIN is empowered by Presidential Instruction No 5/2002 to coordinate all intelligence activities and has the authority to review foreigners' work permits. Many see this directive as a way for the all powerful government machinery to expel anyone it deems dissident as there is no legal recourse in place to dispute decisions made by the BIN.

Although several officials have reacted to the expulsion -- national assembly speaker Amien Rais, a candidate in the presidential election, said that the expulsion "will have a negative impact" -- no government official has taken responsibility for the decision to expel Jones, who remains largely in the dark about the causes for her expulsion. "We haven't even been told directly what we've done wrong -- the officials concerned won't meet with us. We have not been able to respond to any charges, and there is no legal mechanism to challenge the expulsion," Jones said.

ICG's president, former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, said "the expulsion order is outrageous and indefensible, utterly at odds with Indonesia's claim to be an open and democratic society, and is bound to damage Indonesia's reputation far more than ICG's. We urge the government to allow us to resume our activity. To shoot the messenger doesn't say much for the state of political liberty in Indonesia under the Megawati [Sukarnoputri] government," he said in a press statement.

ICG's reports have been labeled as counter-subversive to the Indonesian republic and are seen by the government as having the potential to divide the public. An excerpt from ICG's most recent report on new violence in Ambon reads: "The response of the Indonesian government at both local and national levels has been poor, from the short-sightedness of the police to the unhelpful portrayal of the violence in some quarters as Christian independence supporters against Muslim defenders of national unity.

"What is needed now is a thorough, impartial, professional and transparent investigation into the causes. ICG discounts the government's quick presumption that the gun men belonged to FKM or radical Muslim groups. The former have no sniper capacity, the latter would not have aimed at members of their own community. Much speculation has focused on members or ex-members of the security forces, who would have the necessary marksmanship. But no hard evidence at this stage supports any of the conspiracy theories that link the killings to the national presidential elections later this summer or local police-military rivalry."

This report seems like hardly enough of a reason to expel Jones, particularly after the earlier release in December 2002 of a controversial ICG report on JI operations and the Christmas Eve bombing in Medan. Although the report did not conclude that Indonesian military intelligence worked directly with the alleged terrorist network, ICG did suggest, although not conclusively, that the Free Aceh Movement, Indonesia's military (TNI) and JI may be surprising bedfellows. In addition, it recommended that the government strengthen the capacity and coordination of intelligence, with an emphasis on the police rather than the BIN or the TNI, and also pay serious attention to corruption among police, the military and the immigration service, particularly in connection with the trade in arms and explosives.

This inflammatory report would seem to have been a more compelling reason to expel Jones two years ago rather than now with the start of presidential campaigning. The real motivations behind expelling Jones, and possibly curbing NGO activity in Indonesia, are unclear, but putting an end to criticism from groups such as the ICG could promote the ruling faction led by President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Democratic Party of Struggle and give her added leverage in the run up to July's elections, the first in which voters in the world's largest Muslim nation will choose their leader directly.

In hindsight, the ICG reports largely look at how the violence started in the troubled provinces such as Ache and Papua, discuss the missteps, if any, made by officials in addressing the violence and the different theories that have emerged to explain it. However, according to Todung Mulya Lubis, a human rights lawyer and chairman of ICG's board in Indonesia, the reports are based on analysis and are not loaded or sensationalized. "We feel that these reports were fair, objective and balanced," he said, adding that BIN's assertions that the ICG's reports damaged the country's reputation are too simplistic.

In addition to the ICG, another NGO that has come under the close scrutiny of BIN is Elsam, a human rights organization. Its chairman, Ifdhal Kasim, said in an earlier interview with the Jakarta Post that he had no idea why his NGO was included on the watch list, as no government or security officials had ever complained about its activities.

"Our reports are mostly about government policies on human rights and legal reforms. And our criticisms are based on scientific analysis and are intended for policymakers, not for the general public," he said. Being censured by the government now seems to Ifdhal like a return to the days of Suharto, when acts of intimidation and public censure were used as a powerful tool to control objective views and opinions. Elsam has published reports on violence in East Timor and the 1984 Tanjung Priok massacre, assisted in human rights tribunals and legal reform and formulated recommendations on the establishment of a reconciliation commission.

For now, with elections on the horizon, it will be interesting to see whether Indonesia chooses to stay the democratic course and be committed to reforms in light of its earlier reformasi period, or go the other way and adopt the very policies that in retrospect it tried to overturn during the Suharto era. Perhaps the need to strengthen national unity comes at the expense of the Indonesian republic, and officials such as Hendropriyono see giving a hand to NGOs like ICG as fanning the seeds of discontent that are fast brewing in the Indonesia archipelago.

But Indonesia would do well to take a page from its history and realize that a closed society only breeds closed minds. Taking a bit of criticism could go a long way toward repairing its international image as the largest, democratic Muslim country in the world. Perhaps the next president, whoever that may be, will start to look at things differently and put a stop to Indonesia's falling foreign direct investments instead of stopping its foreign nationals.

Putting the clock back

Laksamana.net - June 2, 2004

The decision of the Indonesian government to expel Sidney Jones and other expatriate staff of the International Crisis Group is a clear attempt to put the clock back, and at the same time, as Jones herself noted in a recent interview, an exercise that is doomed to fail.

Indonesia's security authorities are reverting to Suharto-era tactics in restricting access to information and to whole geographical areas of the country in a bid to cut the lines of communication. The foreign media has been over the past few months increasingly hampered in going about its business in the country's troubled regions.

The theory now being put into place by the government appears to be is that if the world does not know about Indonesia's problems, no one will make a fuss.

The problem with this argument is two-fold. First, the extension of modern communications technology into all but the remotest corners of the country has made information very much easier to spread. Second, that Indonesians over the past six years have become much more used to speaking their mind.

That the expulsion of the ICG's expatriate staff, announced by means of a letter from the Directorate General of Immigration delivered by hand to the ICG's Jakarta office at 6 p.m. on Tuesday evening, should be occurring in the dying days of the current administration is even more pathetic.

Jones and her team at the ICG may be suitable scapegoats for the Indonesia world-view, but in ejecting them, the government is once more shooting itself in the foot.

Headed by former Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans, the ICG has made a name for itself for publishing deeply researched and well-analyzed reports on a variety of countries that are experiencing what the group has defined as crisis. The expulsion of the ICG team will attract far more criticism than its presence in Indonesia warrants.

The Jakarta ICG office's reports have centered on issues such as separatist movements that raise what is the essential question about Indonesia. Is it merely a line drawn on a colonial map that in reality has no adequate binding force and which is destined to splinter into a number of smaller states that adhere more closely to ethnic lines?

This is, of course, the red rag to the Indonesian national bull, determined to defend the territorial empire that it inherited from the Dutch.

Jones and her team have also performed admirable research on the issue of terrorism. They have laid out a map of terrorism in Southeast Asia that has cast a strong spotlight on the phenomenon, and which naturally has pinpointed the government's often half-hearted approach to it.

The Indonesian Government is most certainly opposed to acts of terrorism, but it has yet to prove itself opposed to the educational institutions and prayer groups that provide the recruits for terrorism.

The ICG's work has explained in very clear terms what those educational and religious structures are and how deeply they are entrenched in Indonesian society. It is because they are so deeply entrenched, reaching into every level of society, that the government is so reluctant to act.

Sidney Jones herself has done little to soften the blow the ICG's official reports have dealt. She has been a keen speaker at breakfast and luncheon meetings and has not hesitated to castigate the government for its failings.

Her regular talks at such meetings, both within Indonesia and beyond, may have done more to earn the ire of the government than the reports published by the ICG.

It is questionable, however, whether what Jones has said is any less vitriolic than many Indonesians are also saying. One example is the director of the Indonesian legal umbrella for ICG, lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis. The lawyer, who has combined a high public profile as a human rights campaigner with a very successful practice representing international corporate clients, has pulled few punches in his criticisms of the government.

The difference is not then one of style but substance. Jones has been far more careful in her research compared to Lubis, who shoots from the hip based on what he has heard and what his emotions tell him.

Indonesia should, rather than expelling Jones and the ICG, have welcomed its work as a valuable contributor to the work of its own intelligence agencies, which have demonstrated little real talent or ability for either research or analysis.

The failings of Indonesian intelligence are, admittedly, no monopoly. Australia's ASIO has been highly embarrassed by the evidence given by Muslim convert Jack Roche in his trial in Perth for plotting to bomb the Israeli Embassy in Canberra.

He has made it clear that Abu Bakar Ba'asyir is the effective leader of Jemaah Islamiyah. He recounted a chain of command in which Ba'asyir countermanded orders Roche received from Hambali, the known operations chief captured in Thailand last year.

Roche phoned ASIO on a number of occasions and over a number of years to tell the organization that he did not like what he was getting involved in, but on each occasion was brushed off and no attempt was ever made to contact him.

In this vacuum of intelligence, the ICG has offered solid research and sound reporting of the reality of both separatism and terrorism.

In effectively banning the organization in Indonesia, the government has reverted to the Suharto-era mind-set in which it is assumed that the truth can be buried ostrich-like.

The action does not accept however, that Indonesia was a far less prominent nation under Suharto than it is now. In the early 1990s, few Westerners had ever heard of Aceh, and bans on visits by foreign correspondents and other observers raised few eyebrows.

Today, there must be few perceptive people anywhere in the world who make a habit of checking the newspapers and listening to radio and watching television news who have not heard of Aceh, Jemaah Islamiyah and other realities of life in the Unitary State of Indonesia.

The act of expelling Jones and other expatriate ICG staffers suggests that the Megawati government, painfully aware of how unpopular it is among the electorate, is lashing out blindly at any convenient scapegoat.

Police arrest suspects in phoney 'revolution'

Jakarta Post - June 4, 2004

Jakarta Police arrested on Wednesday two people suspected of organizing a rally to supposedly declare a revolution at the People's Consultative Assembly compound on Jl. Gatot Subroto on Tuesday.

Chief Insp. Gen. Makbul Padmanagara was quoted by Antara as saying that his men had taken into custody two men, who he referred to only as T and S.

National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Paiman, who accompanied Makbul, said the police had detained two other suspects in Indramayu, West Java, -- T and CF -- in the same case. The mastermind of the case, however, is still being pursued. Makbul further said the whole incident had been a hoax. "We urge the public not to believe what they read in such pamphlets, especially if a sum of money is promised," he said.

Hundreds of people gathered outside the compound after receiving pamphlets dated May 10 signed by "retired marine Berti Liwoso". The pamphlets promised to pay each person Rp 10 million (US$ 1,081) for attending a declaration of the "Revolution to Benefit the People" on June 1. The money is said to come from founding president Sukarno's "revolution fund".

Besides people from the capital, others traveled from Karawang and Cilacap in West Java, Tegal, Purwokerto and Surakarta in Central Java and Madiun in East Java. Some came as far away as Riau, Kalimantan and West Nusa Tenggara.

Several people realized they had been duped but said they had no money to return home. Jakarta Police provided 12 buses to help some 800 of them return home.

Jones expelled over security: Megawati

Sydney Morning Herald - June 3, 2004

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri has backed a decision to expel a leading anti-terrorism researcher and has linked the move with Indonesia's right to take action against people who might harm the country.

In a meeting with nine Australian editors, Ms Megawati defended the expulsion of Sidney Jones, a US citizen who is South-East Asia director of the International Crisis Group (ICG), along with her Australian researcher, Francesca Lawe-Davies. The two say they will leave this weekend.

Ms Jones called a media conference at which she detailed numerous unsuccessful attempts to contact General Hendropriyono, the head of the national security agency, BIN, and the person she believes is most responsible for her failure to have her work permit and visa renewed.

Ms Jones said she was "devastated" to leave Indonesia and could not imagine living outside the country, which she said had become her life. She was mystified about what had caused the unusual decision to expel her from a country that has very free media.

Ms Megawati said the move against Ms Jones was to maintain the security and safety of the Indonesian people, adding that the Government had procedures to use against foreigners who may harm the country. She did not say if she believed Ms Jones was such a person, and ended the meeting soon after the question was asked.

Although Ms Jones has earned a reputation as a leading expert on the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiah, her reports on the sensitive issues of separatist campaigns in the Indonesian provinces of Aceh and Papua are believed to have prompted the moves against her. Still, she said, she was sure Abu Bakar Bashir, the suspected spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiah, "will be quite happy with our departure".

Bashir's lawyer, Mahendradata, said the decision to expel Ms Jones was a political idea of General Hendropriyono, who is known to be close to Ms Megawati, and he refused "to buy into such a cheap issue".

Ms Jones said General Hendropriyono had accused her of "engaging in subversive activities, slandering Indonesia on Aceh and Papua, giving political speeches, selling information abroad or slandering Indonesia to get money from abroad".

The ICG's president, the former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, denounced the decision to expel his staff as "outrageous and indefensible, utterly at odds with Indonesia's claim to be an open and democratic society, and bound to damage Indonesia's reputation far more than ICG's".

Although Ms Jones said she had been "overwhelmed" by Indonesians and foreigners expressing sympathy or dismay at the decision, none of the candidates for president or vice-president has criticised the move.

The leading presidential candidate, the former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, merely called on the Government to "explain clearly to the local and international community" the reasons for the move.

Indonesian MPs say 20 Indonesian and foreign organisations, including the ICG, have been identified as posing security threats to the country.

This new development prompted the chairman of the ICG's Indonesia board of directors, Todung Mulya Lubis, to warn that the moves against Ms Jones were the start of a return to the restrictions of the Soeharto era. "This is very ugly ... it can happen to anyone; it can happen to any organisation," he said.

Ms Jones said she did not think her expulsion meant Indonesia's democracy was under threat. "I have an extremely strong faith in the strength of Indonesian democracy ... they are not going to allow a return to the dark days. I don't believe my departure from Indonesia is final."

Amnesty raps Indonesia's expulsion of Sidney Jones

Agence France Presse - June 4, 2004

Jakarta -- Human rights group Amnesty International has joined a chorus of criticism against Indonesia's decision to expel a US researcher, saying the tactic was reminiscent of former dictator Soeharto.

The US government and several local and foreign rights groups have also criticised the move against Sidney Jones, the Southeast Asia director of the International Crisis Group (ICG), and an Australian colleague.

Amnesty, in a statement received Friday, said the decision was a "serious blow to freedom of expression in Indonesia and the right of the public to access information." The Brussels-based ICG, which researches the causes of conflicts worldwide, has published critical reports on Jakarta's handling of separatist conflicts in Aceh and Papua provinces.

It has also reported extensively on the Indonesian-based and Al Qaeda-linked Jamaah Islamiyah terror group.

The head of the state intelligence agency, retired general A.M. Hendropriyono, has described ICG and another 19 non-government organisations as a threat to national security.

The ICG said no official had taken responsibility for the expulsion decision and no one had complained to its office about the reports.

"This heavy-handed approach combined with the total lack of transparency appears calculated to create fear within the domestic and international NGO community," Amnesty said in a statement. "Such tactics were the hallmark of the authoritarian former President Soeharto. It is shocking to see them being employed at a moment when Indonesia claims to be on a path of democratic reform."

National assembly speaker Amien Rais, a candidate in the July 5 presidential election, said Thursday the expulsion "will have a negative impact because Sidney Jones has an international reputation."

Former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the front- runner in the presidential race, has urged the government to explain its reasons. "If it does not, it will become a problem for democracy," he said Wednesday.

Megawati threat to freedom of speech

The Australian - June 3, 2004

Sian Powell, Jakarta -- Indonesia's apparent crackdown on free speech increased yesterday when President Megawati Sukarnoputri abruptly ended a background briefing for Australian editors yesterday after they had asked her about the imminent expulsion of terrorism analyst Sidney Jones.

Before leaving the meeting, Ms Megawati defended Indonesia's right to take whatever action was necessary for its own protection. Jakarta is sensitive about the Jones case, which has attracted worldwide attention and increased fears of a crackdown on all critical voices.

Ms Jones, Southeast Asia director of the International Crisis Group, a globally recognised conflict policy institute, and her colleague Australian Francesa Lawe-Davies, were ordered by the immigration department on Tuesday to leave Indonesia immediately.

The sudden directive ended months of fruitless negotiation between ICG and the Indonesian Government, and apparently stemmed from Jakarta's unhappiness with certain ICG reports, particularly those on conflicts in Aceh and Papua, but including the seminal ICG reports on the terrorism network Jemaah Islamiah.

Deporting Ms Jones presaged a return to the dark days of former strongman Suharto's New Order, ICG Indonesian board chairman Mulya Todung Lubis said at a press conference in Jakarta.

"If it happens to ICG, it could happen to anyone," he said. "I keep telling the media the New Order is coming back, and this is precisely the sort of thing that took place in the Suharto years."

Former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, the ICG president, said the group had been working with Indonesians to try to understand the sources of conflict in the country for four years, and it wanted to carry on its work. "To shoot the messenger doesn't say much for the state of political liberty in Indonesia under the Megawati Government," he said.

There are fears the crackdown on ICG could mark the beginning of a clampdown on all organisations seen as critical of the Government. Army chief General Ryamizard Ryacudu, alluded last year to "thousands" of foreign spies working in Indonesia in the guise of non-government organisation workers. Ms Jones said the head of the national intelligence agency, General AM Hendropriyono, believed ICG and as many as 19 other organisations were potential threats to the presidential elections.

Australian academic Max Lane, who writes for The Jakarta Post, reportedly has been noted by General Hendropriyono as a security threat; another academic who has worked at an Australian university was deported earlier this year, and an Australian activist said he now feared complaints had been made about him and his work permit would not be renewed.

Ms Jones said she and Ms Lawe-Davies would be leaving the country in the next few days.

Indonesian Muslim militants welcome ICG expulsion

Deutsche Press Agentur - June 2, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's decision to expel terrorism-expert Sidney Jones, the Southeast Asia director of the International Crisis Group (ICG), was welcomed Wednesday by followers of Muslim militant cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, now a terrorist suspect.

"We call on the government to ban Sidney Jones and also have her apologize to Abu Bakar Ba'asyir," said Fauzan Al Anshari, spokesman for the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), an organization set up by Ba'asyir several years ago.

Jones, 52, and ICG analyst Francesca Lawe-Davies, received an order from Indonesia's Immigration Department Monday night instructing them to leave the country "immediately", but allowing them a short grace period until Saturday to depart, Jones told a press conference.

Jones has written extensively on Ba'asyir, currently under investigation for links with the Indonesian-based Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist group which is blamed for the Bali bombings on October 2002 that sparked a crackdown on Moslem militants in Indonesia.

"The anti-terrorism campaign in Indonesia has been influenced by the writings of Sidney Jones," said MMI spokesman Anshari. He called on the government to revoke the anti-terrorism law enacted in the aftermath of the Bali blasts, "because the law was enacted with input from Sidney Jones".

Jones and the ICG are still in the dark about which of their reports irked Indonesian authorities, leading to their expulsion. "We are still mystified by what has taken place," Jones told a press conference on Wednesday.

Jones has been in Jakarta since late 2001 as the Southeast Asia project director for the Brussels-based ICG, a think-tank that monitors crises in 20 countries worldwide and provides analyses and reports for policy-makers.

Deporting the messenger: Civil rights watchdog expelled

Time Asia Magazine - June 7, 2004

Simon Elegant -- For four years, the Jakarta branch of the International Crisis Group (ICG) has provided one of the clearest windows into the troubled state of Indonesia.

The Brussels-based ICG's mission is to use research to help prevent violent conflict, and it has been in the right place at a turbulent time: American human-rights activist Sidney Jones, head of the organization's Southeast Asian office, and a handful of expatriate and Indonesian researchers have produced 39 uncompromising reports on subjects ranging from bloody conflicts in Aceh, Ambon and East Timor to the origins of Islamic terror in the region.

But Jakarta has apparently decided it has had enough of the ICG's warts-and-all reports. Last week, the government refused to renew work permits for Jones and an expatriate staff member. Indonesia's powerful intelligence czar, A.M. Hendropriyono, told the press that Jones' reports had tarnished the image of the country and that "many were untrue." Jones, who has written for TIME, says she's not sure what has upset Hendropriyono's intelligence agency, known by its Indonesian acronym BIN. "The accusations against us keep changing," she says.

"First it was our reports on Aceh and Papua. The latest [claim] is I'm selling information to foreign countries, which is completely ridiculous."

Hendropriyono told reporters last Thursday that up to 20 other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are being closely monitored by security authorities. "Should we find that these people are continuing to sell out their country, we may return to the old measures," he said, referring to the days of strongman Suharto, during which NGOs were tightly controlled and their workers routinely jailed.

As for Jones, whose visa expires on June 10, she continues to press for a renewal but isn't hopeful. Still, she says, even if she's obliged to move to another country in the region, "That's certainly not going to stop me from writing about Indonesia."

Rights groups say expulsion harks back to Suharto era

Agence France Presse - June 2, 2004

Indonesia's decision to expel a foreign analyst who has published sometimes-critical reports on terrorism and separatism harks back to the era of dictator Suharto, local and foreign rights groups said.

Sidney Jones, the Southeast Asia director of the International Crisis Group (ICG), said she and an Australian colleague were served on Tuesday evening with an immediate expulsion order.

She said the immigration department was acting on orders from the state intelligence agency, whose director Abdullah Hendropriyono has criticised her work as subversive and a threat to national security.

"Targeting independent monitors is not about protecting national security, its about protecting officials whose records are embarrassing when exposed by insightful experts," said Sam Zarifi, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Asia Division.

"These tactics signal a return to the bad old ways of the Suharto era." Hendropriyono has accused 20 local and international non- government groups including ICG of endangering national security before the July 5 presidential election.

Human rights lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis, who is a member of ICG's board, said the move was "precisely the policy of the Suharto years" and indicated the government was becoming "more and more repressive." He said the decision was a shock for all civil society and non-government organisations. "We are entering a dark and gloomy situation in Indonesia." Human rights groups and press freedoms were suppressed under Suharto, who stepped down in May 1998.

Former security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the front- runner in the presidential race, urged the government clearly to explain the reasons for the deportation. "If it does not, it will become a problem for democracy," he told reporters while campaigning in the eastern city of Makassar.

Jones, 52, is an expert on the Indonesian-based and Al Qaeda- linked Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), which has staged a series of bloody attacks in recent years. But she told a press conference she believes her reports on separatist conflicts in Aceh and Papua provinces sparked the expulsion.

The US citizen said the intelligence agency reportedly had complained that the ICG was "misusing its status" to criticise the government. She said she and colleague Francesca Lawe-Davies expected to fly out this weekend.

Former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, who is president of the Brussels-based ICG, described the expulsion order as "outrageous and indefensible, utterly at odds with Indonesia's claim to be an open and democratic society..." In a statement he said no government member took responsibility for the decision and no one had made any direct complaints to ICG. "To shoot the messenger doesn't say much for the state of political liberty in Indonesia under the Megawati government," Evans said.

Jones, 52, said her reports "must have touched a couple of raw nerves -- I just don't know what those nerves are." She said she had been summoned by the security ministry in January 2003 after an ICG report suggested links between military intelligence figures and JI, but they appeared satisfied with her explanation.

While she had no reason to believe her JI reports triggered the expulsion, "I am sure Abu Bakar Bashir and others are quite happy at my departure." Police are detaining Bashir as the former suspected leader of JI.

Jones, a fluent Indonesian speaker, said the ICG would continue reporting on Indonesia from overseas and she hoped the political climate would change so she could return. "I can't imagine not living in Indonesia. My life is here," she said.

Indonesia on pre-election crackdown on critics: HRW

Agence France Presse - June 2, 2004

Washington -- Indonesia's decision to expel a prominent American political analyst has raised concerns about the country's crackdown on critical observers ahead of the July 5 presidential election, US-based Human Rights Watch said Tuesday.

The group said Sidney Jones, Indonesia country director for the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG), had received a government order for her to leave the country. It "appears directly related to her critical reporting on Indonesia," Human Rights Watch said in a statement.

During the last two years, ICG has criticized Indonesian authorities about their response to the ongoing activity of an al-Qaeda-linked militant group Jamaah Islamiyah as well as alleged government human rights violations during armed conflicts in the provinces of Aceh and Papua. Jones was a former director of Human Rights Watch's Asia Division.

The group said Tuesday that the Indonesian government had also placed 20 international and local nongovernmental organizations on a "watch list" as threats to the country's security.

"Targeting independent monitors is not about protecting national security, it's about protecting officials whose records are embarrassing when exposed by insightful experts," said Sam Zarifi, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Asia Division.

"These tactics signal a return to the bad old ways of the [Soeharto] era," he said referring to president Soeharto's 32 years in power which ended in 1998.

Zarifi said other organizations and individuals on the Indonesian government's "watch list" include ELSHAM, one of Papua's leading human rights groups; Max Lane, an Australian academic with a long history of reporting on Indonesia; and ELSAM, a Jakarta-based research institute and human rights advocacy group. All have reported critically on the policies and actions of the Indonesian government and military, he said.

Sydney Jones ordered to leave Indonesia

Sydney Morning Herald - June 2, 2004

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- The Indonesian Government has ordered Sidney Jones to leave the country by midnight tonight.

Indonesian authorities have moved to immediately expel one of the foremost experts on terror group Jemaah Islamiah.

Officials hand-delivered a letter to Sidney Jones yesterday, from the Immigration Department of the Justice Ministry of the provincial Jakarta Office, telling her to leave the country by midnight tonight.

The move marks a significant worsening of the dispute between the Indonesian office of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group, which Ms Jones heads, and the Indonesian Government. "We have just got a letter saying 'You are ordered to leave immediately'," Ms Jones said. "Don't let anybody tell you this is not deportation."

Ms Jones failed to get an extension of her work permit several months ago but had expected to stay in Indonesia at least until next week, when her visa expires.

The decision has been criticised by academics and was raised by journalists with President Megawati at a press conference on Monday. Mrs Megawati denied the decision was related to terrorism.

The letter to Ms Jones comes in the wake of remarks last week by General Hendropriyono, the head of Indonesia's intelligence agency BIN, criticising some of the ICG's reports. General Hendrpriyono explained his objection to Ms Jones's work to Tempo magazine. "She's been working here drawing attention to human rights. Then she writes reports and sends them abroad, even though they are not all true. "There must be steps taken against people who are not liked by the people of Indonesia."

Ms Jones is widely considered a leading expert on Jemaah Islamiah. She has produced a series of reports identifying numerous members of the group, as well as its inner workings. Last night she said she had no plans to leave immediately. "I am not going to be packing up tomorrow. I am assuming we have a period of grace."

Facing expulsion

Tempo Magazine - May 25-31, 2004

Akmal Nasery Basral -- It seems that calamity has now struck within the International Crisis Group (ICG), a worldwide institution known for its study and review of national and international flash-points, including groundbreaking work on conflicts in Aceh and Irian Jaya. ICG's problems surfaced last week in Jakarta-not at the organization's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium.

Sidney Jones, ICG Director since 2000, whose office is on floor 14 of the Thamrin Tower, will almost certainly fail to receive an extension of her work permit from the Department of Labor. Jones, an American citizen, says she has struggled since February to obtain the routine permit extension, but that it had finally been refused. "I first heard it from the staff of the Department of Labor," Jones said.

The exact grounds of the sudden refusal to grant Jones's permit remain unclear -- but any justifications appear to reference the scope and potential "threat" of her work here. "She isn't just a social worker," said one member of the DPR's defense and security commission who attended a working meeting with the State Intelligence Agency (BIN), last Tuesday. "Sidney," he said, "has given many talks that have strayed into the areas of politics, human rights, or military matters, and have the potential to divide the public."

At the security meeting last week, which was closed to the press, the items on the agenda included an evaluation of the legislature election, the post-election situation, and preparations for the presidential election.

But the final agenda item was said to concern the names of a number of non-governmental and individual organizations that BIN considered likely to "disturb" the smooth running of the July 5 election. The 20 names circulated at the meeting apparently included Elsam (based in Papua), Sidney Jones, and Max Lane, an Australian Social Democrat Party activist and also the translator of Pramoedya Ananta Toer's works into English.

Speaking about ICG, BIN chief A.M. Hendropriyono first argued that not all reports prepared by the institution, which has 13 branch offices worldwide, are accurate. "Some are not correct," he said, "and this creates a negative image of Indonesia. Our work in the end then just becomes answering questions from the international community about reports that are untrue." Criticism for alleged inaccuracies in ICG reports also surfaced from Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hassan Wirajuda.

ICG in Indonesia has gained wide acclaim for its detailed understanding of conflict areas such as Aceh, Ambon, and Papua. But Sidney Jones's name has perhaps come to greatest prominence as a result of her exclusive-and often quite sensitive- information concerning Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) and the Indonesian Military. Both admirers and critics note that she has talked quite openly, in depth, and with no willingness to smother difficult conclusions. That might be part of her current problem.

In a report on JI operations, for instance-a document coded Asia Report No. 43 published December 11, 2002-ICG sets out to create a link between Acehnese close to JI and Indonesian Military Intelligence in the Christmas Eve bombing in Medan, North Sumatra. Although the report does not conclude that Indonesian Military Intelligence worked directly with the alleged terror network, ICG suggests that by sharing a dim view of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), Indonesia's Military and JI may be surprising bedfellows. Material Jones used in the Medan bombing report included results from Tempo magazine's investigation some time after the tragedy occurred.

In a recommendation section at the end of the Medan bombing report, ICG suggests that the government pursue three steps to combat the national military's potential to sympathize with JI against GAM. The steps include strengthening the capacity and coordination of intelligence, with an emphasis on the police, rather than the State Intelligence Agency or Indonesian Military (TNI).

A more controversial recommendation comes with the report's third point, which suggests that the government "pay more serious attention to corruption among police, the military, and the immigration service, particularly in connection with the trade in arms and explosives."

ICG President and Executive Director, Gareth Evans, who is also a former Australian foreign affairs minister, regrets that Sidney Jones might be expelled from Indonesia. "I believe the Indonesian government ought to weigh this up carefully," he said on the Australian radio network, ABC. "This will do more damage to Indonesia's image than ICG's."

ICG has itself actually twice written to Hendropriyono to seek an explanation. "But he still hasn't replied," Jones said.

Thus far, interim Coordinating Minister for Political Affairs & Security, Hari Sabarno, said he has still not reviewed or formally responded to the proposal to reject the ICG head's permit extension. Sabarno says the question of Jones' continued stay in Indonesia has not yet been raised at the necessary politics and security coordination meeting. "The DPR should make a formal recommendation," he said.

On the other side, Golkar faction's Yasril Ananta Baharuddin, a member of the DPR's defense commission, stressed that determining the policy on whether to extend a foreign citizen's stay permit is by rights under the authority of the concerned government agency. "If we, for instance, do not get stay permits or entry visas to the US, would we then consider that to be a political issue? Please don't make such a big deal out of it," he said.

For the time being, Sidney Jones will apparently leave Indonesia by at least June 10. After that, she says she will ask again for a stay permit from one of Indonesia's representative offices abroad. As Indonesia turns inward to prepare for its second round of elections, one significant voice from abroad seems to have been extinguished.

Megawati shirks responsibility for ICG expulsion

Deutsche Presse Agentur - May 31, 2004

Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri, in a rare meeting with the press on Monday, denied responsibility for the pending expulsion of the International Crisis Group (ICG) director in Indonesia, Sidney Jones.

"I never expelled -- using your word -- this person Sidney Jones," said Megawati, responding to questions from foreign journalists after a brief press conference.

Megawati is one of five candidates contesting the upcoming presidential election on July 5, for which campaigning will begin on Tuesday.

Last week, Indonesia's National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Abdullah Hendropriyono announced that the Brussels-based ICG was on its "watch list" of 20 non-governmental organizations deemed a threat to the country's security.

Jones, a leading authority on the Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist organization blamed for a spate of attacks in Indonesia including the October 12, 2002, Bali bombings that killed 202 people, has not had her work papers extended, meaning she will need to leave the country by next week when her visa expires.

"I'm just back from immigration and there was no reprieve yet," said Jones. "If there isn't one by June 10, I have to leave." While the Indonesian government has not officially banned Jones, the failure by authorities to extend her work papers amounts to an expulsion.

"I believe her case is being carried out according to government procedures," said Megawati.

The foreign ministry has also denied responsibility for Jones' expulsion, which has been greeted as a blow to freedom of expression, although Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda acknowledged last week that he didn't think ICG's presence in the country was conducive for security.

ICG has offices in 20 countries worldwide. Under Jones supervision, the ICG has over the past three years published 19 papers on the JI and Indonesian hotspots such as Aceh, Papua, Central Sulawesi and Maluku.

Many of the reports were critical of BIN's role, or lack thereof, in handling security matters. ICG's current director is Gareth Evans, a former foreign minister of Australia.

Government warned against subverting democracy

Jakarta Post - May 31, 2004

Sari Setiogi and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- A group of well-known national figures criticized the government for intimidating and terrorizing non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and individuals campaigning for human rights and democracy.

The figures said they felt constrained to defend civil society, and that the government and its agencies were emulating the New Order by intimidating or terrorizing groups or people whom the government claimed were involved in undermining national security.

"Strengthening the spirit of democracy, promoting transparency, and upholding human rights and freedom of expression are things that make us proud to be Indonesians. We should not allow these to be derailed," Muslim scholar Nurcholish Madjid said while reading from a joint statement.

Separately, political analysts said the plan to crack down on the NGOs may hurt President Megawati Soekarnoputri's chances of winning the upcoming election. Also signing the statement were lawyers Nono Anwar Makarim and Todung Mulya Lubis, Muslim scholar Ulil Abshar Abdallah, senior journalist Goenawan Mohamad and Tempo news magazine's chief editor Bambang Harymurti.

They further called on the government, legislators and law enforcers to adhere to the goals of reform.

The joint statement was issued in response to the government's threats against a number of NGOs accused of selling out the country through their reports, which the government claims discredit it. Among the NGOs were the well-respected International Crisis Group (ICG).

Todung, who is also a director of the Brussels-based ICG, said he met National Intelligence Agency (BIN) director A.M. Hendropriyono earlier in the day to ask for clarifications regarding the intelligence agency's avowed intention to block the extension of the work permit of the ICG's director in Indonesia, Sidney Jones, which expires on July 10.

Todung says he also asked the intelligence chief about the 20 NGOs said to be on BIN's watch list, but the country's top spook refused to identify them. Regarding the ICG case, Todung said Hendropriyono had implied that two of its reports, one on Aceh and one on Papua, had sparked the government's ire.

Nono said BIN's refusal to identify the NGOs that were being spied on was in itself a form of state terror and intimidation.

On Saturday political analyst Kusnanto Anggoro of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said the move against NGOs critical of government policies had effectively changed people's perception about incumbent Megawati, who is seeking a full five-year mandate.

"Megawati had long lost her image as a strong leader, now her image as a democratic figure and human rights proponent has also gone," Kusnanto told The Jakarta Post.

Another CSIS analyst, Eddy Prasetyantono, questioned Hendropriyono's motive in leaking intelligence reports to the press, saying that the agency was only in charge of gathering, analyzing, and sending reports to the president.

"What has happened is a wrong political process.... and it ruined Megawati's image both here and abroad," Eddy said.

Indonesia blacklists Australian academic

Australian Financial Review - May 31, 2001

Jakarta -- Indonesia's intelligence agency has named a prominent Australian academic as a potential security threat, in the latest sign of the Megawati government's heightened sensitivity to criticism ahead of the July presidential election.

A confidential report by the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) identifies Murdoch University academic Max Lane, a left-wing political commentator, as a "possible threat to disturb national security".

This comes as Indonesian police consider a clampdown on as many as 20 local and foreign critics, including the respected International Crisis Group, in what could herald a return to Soeharto-style restrictions on free speech.

Mr Lane, a frequent visitor to Indonesia for the past 35 years and a harsh critic of successive governments, now faces the possibility of being barred from entering the country.

He said from his Perth home at the weekend he did not know he had been named in the BIN report, but he hoped to visit Indonesia soon for work reasons and possibly live there one day with his Indonesian-born wife.

He had never encountered problems entering or working in Indonesia, even during the autocratic Soeharto regime, which ended in 1998.

Mr Lane's political commentary is published in the English- language Jakarta Post newspaper and other Indonesian publications.

National police chief Da'i Bachtiar said on Friday that his office was monitoring 20 local and foreign activists who had been identified by BIN as possible security threats.

BIN is led by a hardline former army general, A.M. Hendropriyono, a staunch supporter of President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

The apparent crackdown comes as the campaign period begins for Indonesia's first direct presidential election on July 5. Mrs Megawati is trailing her former security minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, in the opinion polls.

The other person named as a security threat in the BIN report, Jakarta-based terrorism expert Sidney Jones, is facing expulsion from Indonesia within days.

Ms Jones, an American who runs the Indonesian office of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group is considered one of the world's leading analysts of the South-East Asian terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah.

She has been critical of the Indonesian government's security policies, especially in separatist hotspots such as Aceh and Maluku.

The ICG is headed by former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, who is seeking to discuss the case with the Indonesian government.

NGOs in lively protest over expulsion of Sydney Jones

Detik.com - June 3, 2004

Suwarjono, Jakarta -- Protests are continuing in response to the deportation of the director of the South-East Asia International Crisis Group (IGC), Sydney Jones.

The Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI), the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and the Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) have venomously condemned Jones' expulsion from Indonesia.

PRD general chairperson Yusuf Lakaseng said that the expulsion of Jones indicates that President Megawati Sukarnoputri's government is militaristic and its approach is characterised by repression and terror.

"These methods are exactly the same as were shown by the New Order government [of former President Suharto] in the past. Actions of terror are again being demonstrated with BIN [the State Intelligence Agency] carrying out repressive actions. This will further damage Indonesia's image in the international community", said Lakaseng to Detik.com on Thursday June 3.

Similar criticisms were made by the chairperson of PBHI, Hendardi, who said that PHBI considers it stupid and strongly condemns the expulsion of Jones. "The expulsion of Sydney Jones will only reap condemnation and chagrin from other world nations. The government will be seen as a reincarnation of the authoritarian regime of the New Order", said Hendardi.

SEAPA meanwhile believes the expulsion of Jones represents a threat against the climate of openness and the process of democracy in Indonesia. "BIN has tried to direct [public] opinion [to the view] that critical figures and non-government organisations are a threat to security. This is a New Order practice which it is no longer appropriate", said SEAPA director Lukas Suwarso. (jon)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Environment

City trucks dumping raw sewage into vital waterway

Jakarta Post - May 31, 2004

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang -- Both the Tangerang regency and municipality administrations on Saturday ordered public order officers to arrest city truck drivers known to be regularly dumping raw sewage directly into the Cisadane River.

The order was made following eyewitness accounts of sewage trucks owned by either the regency's environmental agency, the municipality's environmental agency or its settlement and regional infrastructure agency directly disposing of untreated household sewage into the Sipon irrigation canal -- which flows into the Cisadane.

Those three agencies handle the disposal of sewage throughout Tangerang and are supposed to dump their loads at the 4-hectare treatment facility in Karawaci district.

For the past several months, The Jakarta Post has also observed the truck drivers and their assistants dumping the sewage into the canal, during working hours on a daily basis.

They apparently are oblivious to the numerous signs along the canal warning people not to dispose of any waste in the canal.

The Cisadane river, flowing right through the heart of the city, is the main source of household water used by both the Tangerang regency and the municipality tap water companies.

Tangerang mayor Wahidin Halim had asked his subordinates in March to stop the activities, but apparently he too was ignored.

The municipal administration secretary Harry Mulya Zain told the Post on Friday that the agencies had told the truck drivers not to dump sewage into the canal "but the drivers have just ignored the ban." Although they may be in violation of Bylaw No. 20/2000 on environmental management, which stipulates punishment against such offenders, the truck drivers have their own reason for the dumping.

They explained that it was more important to save time -- giving them the opportunity to make more money -- if they cut the long to trip to Karawaci short and dumped in the river. They also mentioned that the road to the treatment facility was in a bad state and thus did not make for a comfortable ride.

"We charge Rp 80,000 per household ... we are ready any time you need," one of the drivers offered as the Post approached them on Friday morning.

Meanwhile, Abdulllah, a local resident, said that soon after the media highlighted the sewage dumping into the canal last year, the activities were stopped for about two weeks.

"But one by one, the trucks appeared again, and once again, began polluting the canal. I think the Tangerang mayor should assign officers to oversee the matter and act accordingly against the heads of the related agencies for insubordination," he suggested.

Last year, former mayor M. Thamrin had promised to build high walls along the canal to stop the dumping, but nothing was done.

Armed forces/police

The search for safety in the Spice Islands

Asia Times - June 2, 2004

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- Amid claims of human-rights violations and accusations it is paying paramilitary forces to silence locals, Australia's biggest independent gold producer, Newcrest, is once again on the sharp end of a dispute over its troubled gold operations in the "Spice Islands", where Indonesia's worst religious conflict started four years ago.

The Newcrest mine is located in the Toguraci forest on remote Halmahera Island in North Maluku where 500 people were killed in less than one week in January 2000 when some of the fiercest fighting between Christians and Muslims erupted.

In this latest dispute, hundreds of people vandalized the mine's office buildings after allegations by locals that Newcrest was taking sides in the conflict, and protesters have engaged in a sit-down demonstration at the Newcrest mine, asking for Australian help to "bring Newcrest under control".

According to some claims, a helicopter leased and used by the company had supplied ammunition to the residents of one district in the area before an attack on Muslim neighbors. Newcrest was also accused of flying people involved in the conflict.

While the company denied any involvement in the clashes, it did concede that the helicopter was used on occasions by Indonesia's military forces, the Tentara National Indonesia or TNI. Newcrest said it has been paying both the TNI and the elite Mobile Brigade paramilitary police (Brimob), which has a poor human-rights record and a history of killings at Australian-owned mines, to guard the Toguraci mine. The TNI has also guarded a neighboring Newcrest gold mine, Gosowong, since the inter-religious tensions erupted.

Payments from resource companies to the security forces for protection are commonplace in Indonesia, though the Brussels- based International Crisis Group (ICG) described in a 2002 report what it termed "predatory" behavior of the Indonesian security forces.

ICG has warned that resource companies should, "as far as possible, keep the Indonesian military and police away from projects". Meanwhile, Jakarta is about to expel Sidney Jones, ICG's Indonesia director, for writing a series of reports critical of the country's security policies.

Last year, for instance, Freeport-McMoRan, partly owned by the mining giant Rio Tinto, disclosed that it had paid US$10.3 million in 2001 and 2002 to the military for security at its huge gold and copper mine in West Papua. Shortly after, however, TNI chief Endriartono Sutarto said he planned to withdraw his troops from such tasks.

Violence has also resulted from such security deals. After being asked by Perth-based Aurora Gold to keep local people off its Mount Muro mine lease in Kalimantan, Brimob forces fatally shot two people and injured another five in three subsequent incidents in June 2001, August 2001 and January 2002.

A large number of Brimob troops are monitoring the latest protest, but so far have acted with restraint, apart from reportedly detaining one protester, whom they forced to sing the Indonesian national anthem, Indonesia Raya. The man reportedly left out the word tanah (land) from the chorus "tanah air", explaining that Australians have stolen his people's land.

Locals have been calling for Brimob's removal from the mine since an incident this year when scores of protesters were beaten and one was shot dead. At that time, the company said the presence of Brimob forces was the only way it could defend its $100 million project from hundreds of unauthorized miners. It denied any responsibility for the man's death and said it was a matter between local activists and Brimob. Brimob said it was merely firing warning shots.

Igor O'Neil from the Mineral Policy Institute argues that payments to Brimob give it an incentive to repress legitimate community opposition to mining projects. "Mining companies shouldn't be paying the security forces. It's no substitute for proper community relations," he said.

Indonesia's state-owned mining company PT Aneka Tambang owns 17.5 percent of the project, which holds an estimated 260,000 ounces of high-grade deposits of gold. Newcrest was forced to shut down the project altogether last year after 2,000 protesters occupied the site and illegal miners began removing ore, forcing the company to halt pre-mining work for five weeks and delay gold production.

According to local tribes and several Jakarta-based environmental and anti-mining groups, the Toguraci mine is operating illegally and is denying local ancestral rights to the land without paying compensation.

Activists have demanded that 10 percent of the future profits from the site be spent on local community projects. They also have demanded that Melbourne-based Newcrest distribute Rp500 billion ($80 million) in profits from the Gosowong mine to the local people.

Newcrest, however, disputes the land-rights claims and points out that it already shells out large sums in taxes and royalties to the central government, which is then supposed to redistribute the royalties back to the region. O'Neil says protesters have asked for Australia's help to "bring Newcrest under control" and prevent violence by Brimob.

Alleged human-rights abuses at the site have prompted a visit by a team from the Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM). The sit- down is expected to continue until the team has reported its findings and the company agrees to negotiate over the demands made by locals.

Claims also are being made by environmentalists who say that Newcrest gold mining operations violate a 1999 forestry law that prohibits open-cut mining in some of Indonesia's conservation areas. But in March President Megawati Sukarnoputri belatedly recognized the validity of mining contracts signed before the law wentinto effect.

Article 38(A) of Perpu No 1/2004, signed by the president, is a transition ruling, enabling the country to move toward full protection for the forests, while recognizing pre-existing contracts. The ruling initially applies only to 13 mining companies, including Newcrest, with existing operations and allows them to conduct open-cut mining in some forests deemed to be protected. A further nine companies with exploration contracts are to be allowed to proceed.

A group of environmental activists and economists have called on the House of Representatives to revoke the regulation, claiming that allowing the mining operations would also cause more economic losses and environmental damage. Environmentalists say an estimated 35 percent of Indonesia's land mass has been lost to extractive industries, including mining, logging, and palm oil, as well as other industrial plantations. Some of the most sought-after mineral resources are in protected areas and on small islands.

Mining occupies the largest land area of these enterprises. Data from the Indonesian Mining Advocacy Network (JATAM) show that at the end of 2001, 3,246 mining permits had been issued, 893 of which were mining permits covering 32.76 million hectares, 105 contracts of work covering 25.71 million hectares, 110 coal contracts covering 8.4 million hectares and 2,138 local mining permits issued by local governments.

Environmental groups and activists have argued that all companies should be barred from mining in protected forest areas and consider the regulation as a green light for further deforestation. Mining companies, however, claim that illegal logging causes most of the deforestation and argue that Indonesia must revive the mining industry to provide jobs in areas most affected by unemployment and poverty.

Meanwhile, government officials have argued that the move was necessary to prevent mining companies from suing the government for up to $31.5 billion for breach of contracts. The long-awaited decision on the regulation is also expected to free up an estimated $2.5 billion in mining investment that has pending for the past five years.

The legal uncertainty had forced mining companies either to freeze or scale down their operations. Now, mining giant BHP Billiton will go ahead with its $2.1 billion nickel project on the remote, 600-strong population Gag Island in Papua. The project, another "victim" of the ban on open-cut mining in protected forests, had already cost about $45 million before being put on hold.

The timing is opportune, with nickel prices at a 10-year high and few new projects being developed. But the project faces opposition from environmental groups that object to BHP Billiton's plan to dump tailings into the sea.

Paul Coutrier, president of the Indonesian Mining Association, points out that the mine will benefit Gag Island and the people there because BHP Billiton would need to build a harbor, new roads and other infrastructure for its project. BHP Billiton has also revealed a new coking-coal discovery in central and east Kalimantan.

Anglo-Australian miner Rio Tinto is another that will benefit from the regulation, as it owns a share of the Freeport gold and copper mine in Papua, as well as the Citra Palu gold deposit in South Sulawesi.

Unfortunately, the newfound enthusiasm by Australia for digging deep into Indonesian soil may be somewhat reduced after the latest developments on the security front.

Only days after the latest protest started in Maluku, security was shored up outside the Australian Embassy in Jakarta following extremist death threats that Australian officials in Jakarta described as "credible".

The threats were mostly aimed at PT Inco, a huge Canadian-owned Soroako nickel mine in South Sulawesi just 150 kilometers south of Poso, the scene of deadly religious violence and communal clashes in recent years.

Canada and Australia have issued travel advisories on potential terror threats in the province. Reports said the threats were a combination of warnings by locals and extremists, who had become involved in a prolonged dispute with Inco over alleged evictions and unresolved land rights and compensation cases.

Six Australians are part of the 3,000-strong Inco workforce, which includes some 80 expatriates, many of whom have decided to leave the site. In response to the threats, a joint task force of 230 soldiers and Brimob police has been deployed from Jakarta to protect the operations and staff.

International relations

US troubled by move to expel analyst - Boucher

Dow Jones Newswires - June 2, 2004

New York -- The State Department expressed concern and disappointment Wednesday at Indonesia's decision to expel a US researcher who work helped expose a network of al-Qaida-linked terrorists.

"We're very concerned about this development," State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said, according to a transcript of the department's daily briefing.

Sidney Jones, a terrorism expert was ordered out of Indonesia for violating her work permit, according to Indonesian immigration department officials who gave no further details. Jones has claimed that Indonesia's intelligence agency was behind the expulsion order because it considered reports published by her group, International Crisis Group, to be "subversive."

"Ms. Jones is a highly respected policy analyst. We're not aware of any actions by her or other members of her organization that would warrant such a step by Indonesia," Boucher said.

"Such expulsions will be particularly disappointing because this would stand in stark contrast to the impressive progress made by Indonesia in recent years in developing a democratic civil society with freedom of expression," he added.

In 2002, Jones' group released detailed reports on the activities of the al-Qaida-linked Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist group in Indonesia at a time when the government refused to acknowledge its existence.

Jemaah Islamiyah was blamed for the Oct. 12, 2002, Bali bombings. Police have since arrested scores of its members.

On its Web site, the ICG describes itself as an independent, nonprofit organization working to prevent and resolve conflicts. It is chiefly funded by foreign governments.

Business & investment

Bank Indonesia's new plan seen as temporary fix

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Jakarta -- Bank Indonesia's plan to halt rupiah speculation in the banking sector should be helpful in curbing the depreciation of the embattled rupiah, analysts said, but only temporarily as the policy did not address the root of the problem -- huge liquidity in the banking sector.

With no concrete efforts being made to force the banking sector to extend loans to the corporate sector (a move that would reduce excess liquidity in the banking sector), the new Bank Indonesia plan would not solve the real problems, which would therefore reoccur in the future, said Aviliani of the Institute for the Development of Economics and Finance (Indef).

"The move will definitely help, but for how long? This sort of situation (excess liquidity) will continue forever unless attempts are made to deal with the huge amount of excess funds in the banks, which is basically the root of the problem," she said.

"What we need is an integrated attempt to push the banks to lend more to the private sector. If this happens, we will no longer need to worry about excess liquidity being used for speculation against the rupiah." With the banking sector still reluctant to significantly increase its loan exposure to the private sector, Bank Indonesia says that the country's banks at the moment are awash in excess funds. While a significant part of these funds are invested in the central bank's promissory notes (SBI), some has reportedly been used for speculative dollar purchases.

To deal with this, Bank Indonesia announced plans to absorb funds from the market to help prevent the ailing rupiah from falling further. The national unit is currently hovering at more than a 2-year low.

New measures will be introduced in the next two weeks, including raising the minimum reserve requirements of banks and broadening investment alternatives by enlarging the range of financial instruments -- including selling new bills.

Central bank governor Burhanuddin Abdullah expects that all these efforts will be capable of absorbing part of around Rp 40 trillion in excess liquidity.

It is hoped that the planned actions, coupled with other measures already in place including market intervention, will stabilize the battered local unit at around 9,000 per dollar.

The rupiah has so far lost about 11 percent since the start of the year, making it the region's worst performing currency.

However, Anton Gunawan, a Citigroup economist, doubted the moves would be effective in defending the rupiah, which he said would continue on a roller-coaster course for at least a month as sentiment would remain in favor of the dollar.

"In the next month, I think the rupiah will likely remain under pressure as negative sentiment is still prevailing here, mostly as a result of uncertainties regarding the US authorities' plans for an interest rate hike.

"There will also be domestic uncertainty, as well, at least until after the presidential election," Anton said, adding that the local unit would bounce back after that to around 9,000 toward the year-end.

Polling day for presidential election is July 5, with a possibly second round on September 20.

Smuggled goods sell like hotcakes at Belawan Port

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Apriadi Gunawan, Medan -- A range of cheap merchandise, allegedly smuggled from Malaysia and Singapore, can be found on sale openly at Belawan Port, some 20 kilometers from the North Sumatra capital of Medan.

The contraband include dolls, remote-control cars, CD and VCD players, vases, decorative lamps, perfumes, shoes and clothing.

Business is bustling in areas along Jl. Simalungun and others, where it has been going on for years. Several traders interviewed by The Jakarta Post said they enjoyed the business, even though they were dealing in illegal goods.

Yanti, one such Belawan trader, said one of the reasons they continued the business was because it was lucrative. In addition, the goods were more favored by buyers because they were cheaper there than in stores.

For example, she said a 1.7-meter tall vase from Singapore cost Rp 1.2 million (US$150.00), while in store prices could reach over double that at Rp 2.5 million. A remote-control car is only Rp 75,000, compared to Rp 200,000 in stores. "There will always be buyers coming here every day to buy imported products. They usually come from out of town like Binjai, Langkat and even Aceh," said Yanti.

Another trader, Riza, said traders ordered their stock through professional agents, who had networks in Malaysia and Singapore. "Lightweight goods, like perfume, toy cars and dolls, are usually brought in by ship with crew members acting as middlemen, and heavier goods come also by ship, but are unloaded at night," he said.

Cerah Bangun, head of the crime and prevention unit of the Belawan customs and excise office, claimed that every imported item sold was legal and had been approved by the office, and denied smuggled goods were being sold at Belawan open market.

Meanwhile, Medan Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Bagus Kurniawan said on Saturday that the customs office was aware of the items being sold and that they were considered legal.

The police were making efforts to clamp down on traders selling illegal goods, he said. "Actually, we feel for the traders because they just want to make a living. The ones who must be arrested are the smugglers. Relevant agencies should be involved in the case by paying close attention to these illegal activities," he said.

Last Friday, customs and excise director general Eddy Abdurrahman said smuggling cases -- especially via areas on the eastern Sumatra coast, such as Belawan and Tanjung Balai -- had been on the rise lately.

He said smuggling there continued unabated because of a long unbroken coastline with numerous spots where medium-sized vessels could gain easy access, he added. Based on data gathered by the directorate general of customs and excise, smuggling activities in the area in the first five months of 2004 had already exceeded last year's figure of only 29 cases.

The cases being investigated include the smuggling of 57 luxury cars valued at Rp 11.8 billion from Singapore, 1.5 million packs of cigarettes from China, and used clothing and sugar from Port Klang, Malaysia.

Eddy said suspects of the smuggling cases were being interrogated and would be taken to court soon to be tried, while all evidence against them had been seized and much of them were destroyed. "Smuggling must be stopped immediately because it causes our country to incur many losses," he said.

Bank Indonesia blames Pertamina for rupiah fall

Asia Times - June 5, 2004

Jakarta -- Pertamina may have caused the further depreciation of the rupiah against the US dollar, as it reached Rp9,500 on Wednesday, an official from Bank Indonesia said.

"Today's further weakening of the rupiah [occurred] as state oil/gas company Pertamina had also bought the greenback amounting to US$100 million [Rp 945.5 billion], and we still do not know for what purpose," an official at Bank Indonesia (the country's central bank), who refused to be named, said on Wednesday.

The source said Bank Indonesia had already asked Pertamina about the purpose of the dollar purchase, but the state oil/gas company refused to give an explanation.

Pertamina has often made foreign currency purchases at a time when the rupiah has started to weaken, and these purchases have caused increased pressure on the Indonesian currency. "If there was no such an action [the buying of dollars] by Pertamina, the rupiah would not be so weak as it is today," he said.

The source also called on the government to better coordinate with Pertamina to prevent the rupiah from further weakening.

Bank Indonesia has often asked the government to warn Pertamina to refrain from dollar purchases, especially when the rupiah is rather weak, but Pertamina has not taken notice of the warning.

Weak rupiah, political tension send stocks tumbling down

Jakarta Post - June 5, 2004

Jakarta -- Jakarta shares plunged on Friday amid lingering worries of the sharp depreciation in the value of the rupiah against the US dollar and rising political tension ahead of next month's presidential election.

The Jakarta Stock Exchange Composite Index fell by 2.9 percent, or 21.105 points at 697.937, which was slightly higher than its intra-day low of 689.536.

Falls led gainers 87 to 14, with 57 stocks unchanged. Volume was at 1.3 billion shares valued at Rp 1.3 trillion (US$137.57 million).

Traders said that foreign investors sold shares heavily after the rupiah tumbled to around Rp 9,540 per dollar at one point during the day. Suspected central bank intervention managed to lift the local unit, and closed at Rp 9,465, little changed from Wednesday's close of Rp 9,470. The local financial market was closed on Thursday for a public holiday.

The rupiah has been the worst performing currency in the Asia region, falling by around 11 percent so far this year. A sharp drop in the value of the rupiah would hurt companies as it would be more expensive to import raw materials and costly to repay maturing foreign debts.

Concerns over the domestic political situation, high global crude oil prices and losses in many Asian markets after Wall Street's fall overnight added to the negative sentiment.

"There was heavy selling," said a trader with Paramitra Securities as quoted by Dow Jones.

"Some investors may be thinking it's time to play it safe and switch out of Indonesian assets," Paula Komarudin, who helps manage the equivalent of $1.1 billion in assets at PT Manulife Asset Management, was quoted by Bloomberg.. Bluechip telecommunications firm PT Telkom and bank shares led the Friday fall in the local stock market, the fourth consecutive drop this week.

Telkom, the country's largest telecom firm and the largest counter in the exchange, dropped by 5.5 percent, or Rp 400 to Rp 6,850 per share. Telkom had a $424.3 million debt in US dollars, more than a third of its total debt.

Meanwhile, Bank Mandiri, the largest bank in the country, plunged 6.3 percent, or Rp 75 to Rp 1,125.

Dealers attributed the selling of banking shares to the central bank's plan to increase the reserves requirement for commercial banks to defend the rupiah.

In addition to economic factors both at home and overseas, the rupiah has been badly affected by rising political tension at home as the month-long campaign for the country's first direct presidential elections began on Tuesday, resulting in worries about possible clashes among political supporters.

Nervous companies continued to buy dollars on fears the local unit would continue to decline amid the political uncertainty.

"Local companies continued amassing dollars as they expect the rupiah to remain under pressure ahead of the July presidential election," a dealer said. "Bank Indonesia seems to be the main dollar supplier today."

Rupiah falls sharply vs dollar, breaks 9,500 level

Agence France Presse - June 2, 2004

Jakarta -- The Indonesian rupiah fell sharply against the dollar Wedneseday, extending early losses to break the 9,500 mark amid concerns over the domestic political situation, dealers said.

At the same time, strong US economic data was supporting the dollar, which compounded the rupiah's problems, they said.

At 11:10 a.m., the rupiah was at 9,520-9,550 to the dollar, the lowest level since April 2002, and compared to Tuesday's close of 9,360-9,380.

A foreign exchange dealer with a European bank said "positive news about the US economy has added to the already weak sentiment on the rupiah."

Opinion & analysis

The power of money

Jakarta Post Editorial - June 5, 2004

While the national authorities are yet to properly deal with child and woman trafficking in several areas in the archipelago, we are jolted by reports of the selling of girl students of Jakarta junior high schools for their virginity.

At least eight under-17-year-old female students of six different schools in Menteng Atas, Jakarta, have been trapped in a prostitution network, allegedly controlled by a woman named Arum, who is now in police custody. The police have also arrested three men, believed to be the girl's "clients", while two other suspects are still at large.

Arum told the police that she was charging her clients Rp 1,000,000 for every virgin student she provided, and the tariff would gradually decrease for further sessions.

One of the girls told the police she received Rp 1,000,000 for the first date, of which she gave Rp 300,000 to Arum and another Rp 200,000 to two middlemen who accompanied her to meet the client. This means that, for her virginity, she was paid only Rp 500,000.

The story may sound like a cheap soap opera in which teenage girls lose their virginity to men they do not know, merely for money. According to witnesses, all the victims came from low- income families.

This story began when Arum offered the teenagers shoes, clothes, accessories or cellular phones, which the girls could pay for later. When the girls could not meet the deadline, Arum offered a "way out", suggesting that the girls accompany "somebody" for a walk. Arum told the girls that they would get money from the men for occasional kisses or touches.

Seeing no other option, the girls went out with the men, but their dates ended up as hotel-room rendezvous.

Many girls of that age are easily enticed, and these days, the media is likely to play a significant role in intensifying consumerism fever among teenagers.

Soap operas, locally known as sinetron, could be cited as obvious examples. Sinetron, which are presented almost continuously by private television stations, feature characters with glamorous lifestyles. These programs obviously lure many teenagers into imitating the actresses' appearance and behavior. Not to mention other entertainment programs hosted by teenagers with fashionable appearances.

For girls of well-off families, to buy dresses and accessories similar to those worn by celebrities may pose no problem at all. What about those with poor parents? How do they realize their material dreams? In these cases, TV has apparently succeeded in promoting the power of money among teenagers.

Several days ago, a private television station aired a reality TV show that focused on Jakarta's night life. It featured shop attendants, who are also known as sales promotion girls with improper side jobs. According to these girls, they could not live from the small wages they received from their agencies, and admitted that their parents knew nothing about their after-hours activities.

With earnings of between Rp 1,000,000 and Rp 2,000,000 a date, they could buy fashionable clothes, shoes and jewelry. "While I'm still young and able to sell my beauty, why not?" one of the women said.

A shift in attitude is apparently taking place in our society. The spirit of hedonism is getting stronger. It seems that people are competing to get what they want without making much effort.

Are these girls wrong to take money -- which is apparently worth more to them than their self-esteem -- when they are taught by their surroundings that to earn money illicitly is no longer a sin? Many officials abuse their power. Corruption is rampant in our society, while, among politicians, bribery or money politics is said to be commonplace. The economic catastrophe in the country brought with it poverty, while the unemployment rate is getting higher as the government has failed to properly address the problem.

Now, we have a kind of moral catastrophe: illicit prostitution involving teenagers. It is not easy to find who is to blame. It is not only parents and teachers who are responsible for this moral decadence. We must share the blame.

A resident of Menteng Atas, who accompanied the ill-fated students to see the police, said that the number of student victims of Arum's business could be more than ten.

The case could also serve as evidence that the government has been half-hearted in protecting our children. How can child abuse and child prostitution in the more remote areas be properly dealt with if the same problem has existed in the capital of the republic for years? More hidden prostitution networks involving children could well be operating in Jakarta. If the authorities show no concern and give no appropriate protection to our children, then the only choice is for parents to be alert and try to know their children better.

Democracy bites in Indonesia

Sydney Morning Herald Editorial - June 3, 2004

This is Indonesia's year of voting frequently. That in itself is extraordinary. Since 1955 Indonesians have enjoyed only three genuinely competitive, democratic elections.

The so-called "festivals of democracy" which punctuated decades of authoritarian rule under the former president Soeharto tossed the odd free T-shirt and lunch pack the way of the masses. But not political choice. Such scant regard for the opinions of ordinary Indonesians was long dismissed with a simple, paternalistic label. The masses were "orang kecil" -- little people, with as little power. Indonesia may have thrown off the yoke of Dutch colonialism in 1949, but home-grown authoritarianism quickly blunted any hopes that generations of ordinary Indonesians might have had of influencing those who controlled their daily lives.

This week, campaigning opened in the first round of Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential elections. At first glance, it seems the banner of democracy has been strung up over a familiar collection of faces. Indonesia's next president undoubtedly will be a member of the old political elite. But the rules of the political game have changed decisively. The three presidential front runners are two retired Soeharto-era generals and the lacklustre incumbent, President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Mrs Megawati did oppose Soeharto. But her father, Indonesia's founding president, Soekarno, had "guided" his country's infant democracy for his own political ends before being ousted in a Soeharto-led military uprising in the mid-1960s. Mrs Megawati was elected on the coat-tails of her father's populist legacy in 1999. In office, she has exhibited all the disdain of a political princess for the lot of the long-suffering poor. Too many of her officials have also taken up where Soeharto's cronies left off, with their hands in the public purse.

A rare press conference called by Mrs Megawati this week, then, is a telling and important sign of change. It was not the vague, pedestrian policies Mrs Megawati put on the table -- promises on jobs, poverty alleviation, clean water, sewerage. It was the fact that the famously reticent Mrs Megawati felt compelled to bother with a policy launch, and the media, at all. The parliamentary elections in April might explain why. In these, Mrs Megawati's PDI-P lost more than 40 per cent of its support. For the first time in half a century, the Indonesian people had a chance to judge an elected government. In doing so, they produced Indonesia's first electoral backlash. Political power, and the delivery of public services, is now clearly accountable to popular opinion.

The potential for Indonesia's fledgling democracy to continue to be marred by corruption, mismanagement and factionalism remains high. But the political myth in Indonesia of a strongman at the centre of power, much like a Javanese king surrounded by a deferential populace, is breaking down. Australia should welcome this, even though it means Indonesia is becoming an increasingly unpredictable and complicated neighbour. The reformist retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is well ahead in the presidential opinion polls. But the lessons of the April polls will weigh heavily in the presidential race. The political competition for the "orang kecil" has just begun.

Opinion: The return of militarism?

Tempo Magazine - May 25-31, 2004

Those people that have been busy opposing the idea of presidential candidates with military backgrounds have their own reasons. The presence of ex-military candidates is seen as having the potential to bring about a return to the militaristic and authoritarian New Order and to hamper the reform process, especially reform of the law, because of their actions in the past.

These people believe that if a former military person wins, it will lead to a government more or less the same as those of the Suharto era. Nepotism will flourish, there will be collusion between tycoons and the authorities, and the military will have a greater political role.

On the other hand, those who support the idea of a military presidential candidate think that an ex-military figure at the top will guarantee strong leadership of the government. They believe that only an ex-military president will be able to control the military. And anyway, is there any law that stops former military persons from running for president?

It is difficult to reconcile these two opinions, even more so to reconcile the differing motives and political aims. And if the rumors that one party wants to use the anti-military issue to attack its opponents are true, there is a real potential of dangerous conflict in the run-up to July 5.

Basically, people are worried about a return to militarism, a government that runs the state in a harsh and disciplined military fashion. Discipline is needed, but both those who are for and those who are against the idea of an ex-military president oppose the idea of governing the nation in a military style.

And it is not only the military who behave militaristically: civilians groups also do so, for example with the dubious acts of the political parties' task forces. Opposition to militarism is not only found among civilians. There are even military figures who oppose it.

If we say that militarism is the root of the problem, remembering that it can be contagious among the military as well as among civilians, is it right to oppose an ex-military candidate merely because he or she happens to be a former soldier? And conversely, it is by no means certain that a civilian presidential candidate will not act in a militaristic fashion one she or he takes office.

But in the midst of this civil-military debate, there is something odd that stands out, and resembles a political caricature. Those opposed to a military presidential candidate are busy demonstrating against the idea, but at the same time politicians are trying hard to approach former soldiers -- for the role of president or vice president. The picture becomes even more confusing if we take a closer look at these new alliances in the context of events in the past. A person who has struggled for humanistic values, for example, is paired with a former opponent. But what can we do? Civilian or military status is no longer the consideration; what matters is how to gain power.

This means it is more relevant to examine the candidates' track records. This way we have a chance to judge the five pairings who will do battle. For example, what are their leadership qualities, their commitment to democracy, their performance to date, and their commitment to stamping out corruption.

With these criteria, we will know the quality of our presidential candidates, and we will be able to make the difficult choice between civilian and military.

Those who wish to continue campaigning for their choice are of course free to hold their opinions. As long as they break no laws, their freedom of opinion must be protected. Accusing critics of "wanting to cause the election to fail" seems old- fashioned and only serves to remind the public of the disastrous New Order era. If there is proof that these people have broken the law, the courts are the best place to resolve the matter. In fact, militaristic methods to gag protestors-which lately has often been seen-must be fought off.

Remember, militarism is a latent danger that will always threaten our democracy; therefore we must parry whoever wants to endure it-from the very start.

Street demonstrations effective for achieving change

Jakarta Post - May 31, 2004

Max Lane, Murdoch WA, Australia -- On May 26 The Jakarta Post published two interesting opinion pieces: Indonesian democracy or 'demo-crazy'? by Ziad Salim and Complacency: Indonesia's democratic deficit by Adam Tyson. In some key respects, these two articles presented opposite points of view.

Salim argued that Indonesian democracy was, in effect, marred by two much political activity, specifically street demonstrations while Tyson was arguing that there was too much complacency. In some ways, however, there is also an overlap in the two perspectives.

There is little doubt that street demonstrations, called unjuk rasa in the media but aksi (actions) on the street, have played a central role in Indonesian politics since the days of the struggle against Dutch colonialism. In the period of the nationalist struggle, it was called actie massa and actions like strikes and mass rallies (vergadering) became a major weapon against Dutch colonial oppression.

After independence, it was the campaigns of mass demonstrations against the remnants of Dutch colonialism, in particular the unjust foreign Debt, that resulted in the Ali Sastromidjojo government repudiating 85 percent of Indonesia's foreign debt to Holland. Today's demonstrations against the foreign debt to American and British banks have not yet reached the same levels.

Unilateral actions by workers also successfully took control of Dutch plantations, mines and other companies in the late 1950s, providing a basis for Indonesia to develop its economy independent of Dutch neo-colonial interests.

When these companies were mismanaged in the late 1950s and early 1960s by their new managers, usually military officers, there were again demonstrations demanding retooling (i.e. dismissal) of these managers.

There were also demonstrations demanding that state enterprises have management councils where trade unions were directly represented. By 1965 one third of all such state enterprises had trade union representation.

In 1964, when new land reform laws passed on parliament were being thwarted in their implementation, landless peasants also demonstrated by occupying land due for distribution. In these latter cases there was unjuk otot (flexing the muscles) when landowners used the police and militia against the farmers.

One myth is that Sukarno was overthrown by student demonstrations. Sukarno was overthrown as a result of a slow coup by Gen. Soeharto. The student demonstrations by anti-Sukarno students during 1965 and 1966 were used to legitimize the moves made by Soeharto.

They were very different than the street demonstrations in 1997 and 1998 that forced President Soeharto out of power. In 1965- 1966, the students were backed by the Army who had arrested or killed members of the much larger student organizations that supported Sukarno. Anti-Sukarno students went out onto the streets; while pro-Sukarno students went into goal or were buried. In 1997 and 1998, students were defying the Army, not being supported by it.

In fact, the coming to power of Soeharto in 1965 saw a concerted attempt to end all aksi: Depoliticisation and the floating mass were the orders of the day. But Soeharto was not able to end all aksi. because (the anti-Sukarno) students had been allies of Soeharto in 1965 and 1966, the new government felt it necessary to allow some extra freedom on the campuses. Once the 1966 generation had left the campuses and a new generation was active, demonstrations began again, this time mainly against corruption. By 1973/1974, demonstrations were again a daily affair.

From 1978 until 1988, demonstrations were relatively infrequent. But in 1989, students and peasants began demonstrating together, mainly over issues of land dispossession. A whole new generation of aksi and unjuk rasa began. During the 1990s, factory workers joined the process, as exemplified by the protest strikes at factories like Gajah Tunggal and Great River. In fact, I think Salim is underestimating the extent to which ordinary people joined aksi.

A review of the Indonesian press during the period points to an increasing participation by factory workers, office workers, fishermen, farmers, students, teachers and even doctors, all sectors, in aksi and unjuk rasa. Most of these, though not all, were small and around immediate issues, but a new generalized process had begun.

This process began a new stage in June 1996 when about forty thousand people demonstrated on a march to gambit station in Jakarta protesting the coup against Megawati Soekarnoputri in the Indonesian Democratic Party.

As with many demonstrations before, the Army was used against the demonstration. Political unjuk rasa then multiplied during 1996 and 1997, including during the 1997 election campaign. The ground was being laid for what was to happen in early 1998.

Aksi had gone from being only about local and specific issues but about national political questions. Soon there were aksi around the country on Indonesia's campuses demanding the resignation of Soeharto after it was seen that his only response to the socio- economic crisis after 1997 was to appoint even closer cronies, even his own daughter, into his cabinet. It was then that the aksi momentum increased leading to the occupation of the parliament building in Jakarta and even bigger demonstrations in some other cities. Soeharto fell and the era of reformasi began.

So it was unjuk rasa and aksi that has given Indonesia the freedoms it has today. Will they continue to play such a positive role or are they becoming counter-productive as argued by Salim? The extent to which they occur in the form of protests is directly dependent on whether socio-economic sand cultural conditions are improving as a result of government policy, or getting worse. This is a simplistic explanation, but accurate all the same. Will the next government have a program that can reverse the decline in conditions for the majority of Indonesians? Answer that question and you have answered the question about the role of aksi.

[The writer is Visiting Fellow of Asia Research Centre at Murdoch University.]

Back to the Soeharto years?

Jakarta Post Editorial - May 31, 2004

The government has shut down one foreign non-governmental organization (NGO) in Jakarta and is closely monitoring 19 others, including local ones, citing that reports they have made could disrupt stability.

The news came to light during a House of Representatives hearing on May 25 when the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief said the NGOs had been working to disrupt the presidential election on July 5. The police are now gathering evidence to support the government's action. Until such evidence is revealed, the public is left guessing as to the real reason behind this unprecedented move.

Official statements regarding the news have been too general and, at times, intimidating. It was said that the NGO reports had provoked people, caused public disturbance, sowed hatred against the government and sold out the country to foreigners. BIN chief Lt. Gen. (ret) AM Hendropriyono did not rule out the use of "old measures" against dissenting elements, a vague reference to the capital punishment or elimination that existed during the 32 years of Soeharto's iron-fisted rule.

Only two of 20 NGOs have been identified by the government so far: the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM) and the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG). Both have denied the charges, with Ifdhal Kasim of ELSAM saying that his NGO had never broken the law. "Our criticisms are based on scientific analysis, because they are intended for policy makers, not the general public," he told this newspaper. Sydney Jones, a respected human rights activist who is the director of Indonesia's ICG, said that the government had effectively forced her NGO to close down on May 10 and refused to extend her work permit, as well as those of other foreign staff. She said the government had not given any specific reason for the closure.

To many, the crackdown on NGOs is both something disturbingly familiar and a worrying sign. Should such a thing have occurred during the Soeharto years, no eyebrows would have been raised because the suppression of critics or dissidents was all too common at that time. Critics were labeled as communists or antidevelopment or subversive and faced possible detention or elimination. Indeed, some Soeharto critics are still unaccounted for even today. The intimidation and rhetoric used, like "selling out the country to foreigners", harks back to the New Order government.

We are not against attempts to establish stability. Indeed, the government's efforts in this respect should be supported, especially as the presidential election is looming. What we are against is the manner in which this whole affair has been handled. Too many examples in the past have showed that what was being aired by critics during the Soeharto years turned out to be true. In stamping out critics, the New Order government was very often trying to maintain its own grip on power. Similarities with the current episode are therefore worrying.

Governments in the past had a poor track record in revealing the truth. What really happened and who was responsible for the May 1998 riots, for example, the Tanjung Priok killings in 1984 or the 1965 pogroms? It is still unclear. Too many dark episodes in this nation's history remain unresolved.

It is debatable how dangerous the reports by an NGO can be. If they are biased or untrue, could a more elegant response not be offered, such as a meeting with the NGOs concerned? Can truth not be achieved via a concerted effort? Isn't the tireless pursuit of the root causes of sociopolitical problems an attribute of a modern nation? Indonesia is a large country facing huge challenges. The government is ill-equipped to rebuild this battered nation. In any democracy the role of NGOs cannot be ignored. In many ways they help the government to shed light on a lot of issues -- a role that should be assumed by the press. However, the press has to deal with too many issues at any given time, and until it can focus on particular issues it cannot replace the contribution made by NGOs. They are good at drawing attention to specific issues and usually do so relentlessly.

What is worrying in this whole affair is the tendency of the authorities to claim a monopoly on the truth, a trait not uncommon in authoritarian states. Should the government fail to respond to this issue in a more appropriate way, it would be very difficult to deny that we were returning to the practices of a former, repressive government. Civil liberties are under dire threat.