Aceh

Acehnese call for battles against corruption, poverty

Agence France Presse - May 14, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Politicians and human rights activists in Indonesia's strife-torn Aceh province welcomed the end of martial law here Friday, expressing hope it would lead to a new war on corruption and poverty.

The government in Jakarta said Thursday it would call off martial law which has been in force in the resource-rich province for the past year while troops battled separatist guerrillas.

On the first anniversary of the military campaign next Wednesday, Aceh's status will change to civil emergency, in which civilian authorities are in charge but have power to order press censorship, curfews and other restrictions.

"I am of the opinion that the problems of Aceh stems from a lack of concern ... including misuse of authority," said Ahmad Human Hamid, a sociologist at Syiah Kuala University. "If firm steps aren't taken to gain the trust of the people, all efforts are just useless."

He called for continued investigation of corruption in the province where, despite its wealth from oil and other natural resources, there is increasing unemployment and widespread poverty.

A provincial legislator from the National Mandate Party, Almanar, said the priorities of a civil emergency administration should be security and economic recovery. "I reckon prosperity of the people is the key to settling the Aceh conflict. If the people still live in poverty, especially in a wealthy area like Aceh, maybe problems will continue," Almanar said.

"Everyone knows there is an extremely large amount of money flowing to Aceh. Where has this -- the people's money -- been taken?"

Rufriadi, a lawyer and human rights activist, called for suspected corruption cases to be followed up "so the people can see that the government is truly serious in wanting to get to the bottom of the conflict in its entirety."

Saifuddin Bantasyam, a Syiah Kuala University legal expert, said people have the impression that the local government only wants to enrich itself while the people suffer. Rufriadi called for a return to dialogue involving all components of the community, including the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). The rebels have been fighting for an independent state since 1976.

Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya, the martial law commander, said Friday that despite the change in Aceh's status the military and police will continue their operations "so security and prosperity of the people can be attained."

Teuku Kamal, director of a non-governmental organization, said that whatever Aceh's status the political and security conflict must be quickly settled. "Under civil emergency the fact is there is room for negotiations. So the door to dialogue must soon be opened," said Kamal, of Caring for the Populist Aceh Economy (PEKA).

The military says about 5,000 rebels and their sympathizers have been killed, captured, or surrendered during the year-long offensive. Rights activists say many of the alleged GAM members are civilians.

Two more suspected rebels died in gun battles and a stray bullet wounded a civilian Thursday, the military said.

Maryam, a vendor in the Aceh market, said people like her just want to earn a living without fear. "What's important for us is the creation of a peaceful environment, and an end to the shooting," Maryam said.

Indonesia's troubled Aceh back to square one

Deutsche Presse Agentur - May 14, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's decision this week to lift martial law in war-torn Aceh has arguably pleased no one.

Those hoping to see the withdrawal of the 40,000 military troops stationed in the province since May 19, 2003, when martial law was first imposed, will be disappointed. The troops will remain, since the government acknowledges that its one-year all military offensive to crush the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) has failed to secure the province.

In Indonesia's biggest military offensive since 1975, when it invaded East Timor, the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) claims to have killed 1,963 GAM rebels, arrested another 2,100 and forced 1,276 to surrender.

But GAM, a provincial insurgency born in 1976 out of a deep sense of historical and economic injustice committed on the Acehnese by Indonesia's Jakarta-centric governments, is far from vanquished.

"GAM is certainly not dead," said Sidney Jones, Indonesia project director for the International Crisis Group (CGI), a Brussels- based think tank. "It remains the case that not a single top military commander has been arrested."

Indonesia's acting coordinating minister for security affairs Hari Sabarno has acknowledged that GAM remains a threat "The remaining GAM personnel are now in hiding but they can pose an acute threat to security if we lower our guard," the minister claimed after announcing the lifting of martial law Thursday.

As of May 19, Aceh will be downgraded to "civilian emergency" status, which entails a return of some form of civilian rule. For many Acehnese, this is not deemed a great leap forward.

Current Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh has a reputation for running a spectacularly corrupt administration even by Indonesian standards. Therefore, recent efforts by the TNI-run Regional Martial Law Administration (PDMD) to crack down on civilian corruption were widely welcomed by most Acehnese.

On April 10, the head of Aceh's regional finance bureau, Teuku Lizam, was arrested by the PDMD on corruption charges. Puteh on the same day reportedly fled to Jakarta, where he has remained.

Although many feel that the TNI's corruption crackdown was an effort on their part to highlight the benefits of martial law, no one is denying that the crackdown was needed.

"I strongly support the investigation made by the martial law administration into corruption allegedly committed by the government officials including the governor, because most of the funds allocated to development projects to improve the conditions of the Acehnese people has gone into the pockets of government officials," said Nasir Djamil, a recently elected member of parliament from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

The corruption investigations will be handed over to the Attorney General's office once martial law ends next Wednesday.

The Puteh problem highlights the need for a comprehensive political solution to Aceh's problems. "The question is, what comes next," said Kirsten Schultz, a lecturer at London School of Economics & Political Science, who was one of the few foreign academics permitted to conduct research in Aceh over the past year.

"The military has actually succeeded in pushing the rebels back far enough and creating a secure space, but if you don't fill this space with meaningful development, clean governance, reform of the education system, providing proper health care and dealing with the unemployment, then that space is going to disappear again," said Schultz.

In other words, the Indonesian government is back to where it was one and a half years ago before it had reached a ceasefire agreement with GAM, under which the rebels promised to put aside their guns in exchange for a chance at greater political control over Aceh's future.

The peace pact disintegrated because of a deep disagreement over the extent of political participation Jakarta was prepared to offer the Acehnese, especially the separatist-bent GAM.

Indonesia insists that Aceh will never go the way of East Timor, that voted for independence from Jakarta's rule in a United Nations-backed referendum held in 1999.

Jakarta in 2002 granted Aceh autonomy to administer its own economy, which promises to increase its local budget sixfold once civilian rule is restored, providing the local administration isn't so corrupt that the money disappears into their pockets instead of meeting the real needs of the Acehnese.

One way to assure that, would be to allow for a direct election of Aceh's governor and the evolution of some form of more provincial participation in self-governance.

"The question is, is the lifting of martial law part of the resumption of the political process, or is it an empty symbolic gesture," noted one international aid consultant. "That is the question."

Jakarta to lift martial law in Aceh

Radio Australia - May 14, 2004

Indonesia has decided to lift military rule in Aceh, just under a year since martial law was imposed. On the first anniversary next Wednesday, civilian authorities will take charge but they'll have the power to order press censorship, curfews and other restrictions.

Presenter/Interviewer: James Panichi

Speakers: Baktiar Abdullah, Free Aceh Movement spokesman; Martin Unternahrer, ICRC Jakarta spokesman; Zumrotin, Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights; Lucia Withers, Amnesty International.

Panichi: This week, the military told the government it was satisfied with the outcome of operations against GAM over the past year. Major roads have been secured and most urban areas have returned to normal, although rebels remain active in jungle bases. And in another surprising move, Indonesian Defence Force commander, General Endriartono Sutarto, was reported as admitting the military in Aceh had committed human rights violations. He went on to say that he welcomes government plans for the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights to investigate alleged cases of abuse. The commission's chief investigator in Aceh, Zumrotin, says the general's position is a positive sign.

Zumrotin: Two days ago I was in Aceh, and in that time I think it was a more comprehensive situation. People are back working in their jobs and are useful. I think the situation is better. But one important thing: when the government changes the situation, the government has to make economic programs. Because in that time, the situation in the community, in that area, is a very poor situation. So if the government doesn't have a program for involving communities, I'm worried that the government won't be successful.

Panichi: However, Ms Zumrotin also says that while the military may allow the Commission to investigate, any inquiry is only as strong as the political support it attracts. She says that a recent Commission report on Aceh was largely overlooked by the government, which told it the findings would have to be weighed up against Indonesia's military requirements. And that's why human rights watchdog Amnesty International remains cautious about the downgrading of martial law. Lucia Withers is an Indonesia researcher in Amnesty's London office.

Withers: I think it's a question of waiting and seeing what happens. The government has announced that it is downgrading martial law to civil emergency. But they have also said at the same time that they're not withdrawing troops and it's the troops that are the problem in Aceh. It is them committing the human rights violations. So, if you still have a very high number of soldiers there, who are pretty unaccountable for their actions, I think we're still going to see, in all likelihood, the same number of killings and torture and other human rights violations.

Panichi: Although in recent weeks there has been some admission on the part of the Indonesian military that human rights violations have in fact taken place in Aceh. Does that amount to a positive step for human rights in the region?

Withers: I think it does in terms of the fact that the military is acknowledging that there are problems and has taken some steps to address them by investigating a few cases and bringing soldiers to military tribunals. But we think this falls far far short of what is actually required. The highest sentence so far handed down in those military tribunals is three and a half years for the rape of four women. It suggests that this might not be being taken as seriously as we think.

Panichi: That's an opinion shared by Baktiar Abdullah, a GAM leader who fled Aceh and is now living in Sweden.

Abdullah: There is no change at all. It's just changing the name from martial law to civil emergency ... In the field, and in actual fact, it's just one and the same thing.

Panichi: In a move suggesting peace may now be a step closer in Aceh, this week the province's secessionist rebels announced they were ready to release 250 civilian hostages. Most of them had been detained last year by the Free Aceh Movement, or GAM, in what rebels describe as a "security operation" targetting Indonesian spies. It's welcome news for the International Committee of the Red Cross, which has been attempting to secure the hostages' release since January. Martin Unternahrer is the ICRC's Jakarta spokesman.

Unternahrer: We have been over the last days involved in an exchange of information between the parties and we are rather optimistic. We are right now in the process of determining the exact procedures of the handing over of people to the Red Cross and we hope that something might be able to take place.

Panichi: And that means the hostages -- among them Indonesian cameramen Ferry Santoro -- could be home within days.

Unternahrer: There is a relatively good indication that over the weekend something should be happening.

Panichi: Although GAM militants say there's no direct link between the hostage release and the security downgrading in the province.

House to query military on dubious Aceh operation funds

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The legislature is questioning the disbursement of Rp 738 billion (US$86.8 million) for the military operation in Aceh since December amid allegations of widespread corruption in the province. Some of the cases allegedly involve Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh, with the strong likelihood Jakarta will appoint a new governor.

The government decided on Thursday the war-torn province would be in a state of civil emergency but military and police operations will continue where necessary.

However, legislators who had approved both the first and second six-month stages of "integrated operations", said there were indications of suspected irregularities in the disbursement of the funds. Next Wednesday or May 19 will mark the end of the second stage of the operations.

Activists in and outside Aceh have for some time pointed to graft as the major cause of the province's problems, noting the government was more interested in pursuing the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) than dealing with corruptors.

The House of Representatives (DPR) has summoned a defense ministry official in charge of spending, Mas Wijaya, who is expected to show up at the House on Monday.

"The funds have been disbursed without the approval of the House. We're questioning the disbursement and summoning him [Wijaya] to provide clarification," legislator Djoko Susilo from the Reform faction said on Friday.

Citing the Law no. 28/2003 on the state budget, Djoko said the government and the House first had to discuss funds for nationwide programs or activities, after which the government sought the House's approval for disbursement.

Members of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the National Awakening Party (PKB) factions also said all matters related to the state budget should be discussed by the government and the House. In a Thursday hearing with the Ministry of Defense's Secretary General Suprihadi, the ministry revealed it had began disbursing Rp 738 billion for the second stage of the military operations in Aceh from December through May.

Given the ministry and the Indonesian Military (TNI) had "limited time" to continue their operations, they had asked the funds be channeled directly from the Ministry of Finance, the ministry said in a written reply to the House.

The ministry said the funds were disbursed in three phases. The payment was Rp 83.1 billion, the second Rp 273.5 billion and the third Rp 381.6 billion. Many legislators were not impressed by the explanation. "We urge the defense ministry to follow the existing procedures. This is a violation of the budget law," Djoko said.

Chatibul Umam Wiranu of the PKB faction said the defense ministry should consult budgetary matters with the House's Commission I for defense and security affairs.

Commission members in charge of the state budget would then discuss it with legislators from other commissions to confirm whether the state had adequate funds.

"That is the normal procedure. It means a certain ministry is not allowed to directly ask for money from the finance ministry," Chatibul added. He said as long as the defense ministry was "still controlled by the TNI", similar incidents would reoccur.

Feelings mixed on end to Aceh martial law

Reuters - May 15, 2004

Banda Aceh -- There were few signs of joy in Indonesia's rebellious Aceh province on Friday, a day after Jakarta decided to end military rule there but continue operations against separatist rebels.

Residents of Banda Aceh, the provincial capital, had mixed feelings about the move, saying the top priority should remain security while expressing concern about the continued heavy military presence.

"What Acehnese need right now is security. What's the use of an operation if people don't feel secure," said Ramadhan, who sells cooking pots in the city's central market. "For little people like us, if it's secure then that is enough," he said.

Jakarta imposed martial law on Aceh, at the northern tip of the island of Sumatra, after talks with the rebellious Free Aceh Movement (GAM) collapsed in May 2003. Martial law was twinned with the beginning of an all-out military offensive against the separatists.

But the swift victory some in the military expected was not forthcoming, and martial law, initially imposed for six months, was extended for another half-year in November.

The current term ends on May 19 and Jakarta has decided to return the province to civilian rule, citing progress in subduing the rebels. Jakarta says it has killed and captured thousands of rebels. Accurate figures are hard to come by due to restrictions on media and non-government groups operating in the region.

Under martial law, the top leader has been an army general, while civil emergency -- the status Aceh will get after President Megawati Sukarnoputri signs a decree next week -- means the territory will be ruled by a civilian governor. In both cases, the administration can order curfews and house searches.

Analysts and residents have said the military has largely succeeded in imposing order on much of the province, especially in Banda Aceh. "We currently feel that Aceh is secure. We can go out at night. What we want now is no more gunfire to be heard," said 39-year old housewife Fauziah.

But some people have doubts about the civilian government which has come under fire due to graft allegations. "Don't let the elites fight because of the change of status and don't stop the investigation into graft. They should have also changed the governor," said Hamdani, a university dropout who now operates a pedicab to make ends meet.

Governor Abdullah Puteh has been under fire since his name was linked to an energy scandal in the province. Puteh denies suggestions of corruption.

Limited autonomy

GAM says Aceh should be independent from Indonesia and get the full benefit of such resources as natural gas, but Jakarta say it is an integral part of the country and a limited autonomy package is the best it can offer. In Jakarta, the favourite in Indonesia's coming presidential race and the former security minister who drew up the security policies in Aceh, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, supported the shift of power back to the civilian authority.

"But the government needs to seriously run the non-security programmes like economic and social rehabilitation. This will decide whether conditions can go back to normal," the ex-general told reporters.

The military operation is one part of several wide-ranging government projects to rehabilitate Aceh. However, critics say other programmes have taken back a back seat to the military offensive, which has burdened the state budget.

Critics slam government's new plan for Aceh

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Commentators gave the cold shoulder to the government's decision to revoke the martial law status of Aceh and declare a state of civil emergency, saying the policy would not be effective unless it was followed by a reshuffle in the current civilian administration.

Syah Kuala University sociologist Otto Syamsuddin Ishak proposed the government establish a transition administration in the province with the main task of imposing special autonomy, enabling the direct election of civilian authorities.

The transition government should also review the integrated military and police operation in the province and focus instead on the improvement of local welfare, with the military's role limited to intelligence operations, he said.

Otto criticized the government for having failed to set parameters determining whether the one-year-old martial law had achieved anything.

When President Megawati Soekarnoputri imposed the martial law in Aceh on May 19 last year, she issued a decree allowing a massive deployment of troops there to crush the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Along with the military offensive, she also introduced other operations -- humanitarian missions, and law enforcement and economic recovery programs.

"Despite these measures, the condition of the Aceh people has remained the same or is even worse since martial law was imposed. The Acehnese are getting poorer and poorer, while the number of unemployed is increasing. A series of arbitrary arrests continue with many civilians accused of being members or sympathizers of the secessionist movement," Otto told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

Hasballah M. Saad, an Acehnese figure and former minister of human rights agreed. Hasballah suggested that Megawati replace Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh who has been linked to several corruption scandals.

To prevent the secessionist movement from becoming a new threat, the government is maintaining the presence of around 40,000 troops in the province.

The decision was taken amid public dissatisfaction with Puteh, following the martial law administration's preliminary investigations into graft cases in his administration, with the Attorney General's Office set to take over the cases.

The office has not been able to summon Puteh in connection with the alleged corruption cases due to the absence of Megawati's consent, and Otto said the Acehnese now doubted whether widespread corruption in the province could ever be eradicated.

"The rift between the military and civilian authorities in Aceh is now well-known. If the President fails to [dismiss Puteh], I believe the condition in Aceh will worsen because of this bad blood." "How will Puteh wield effective control over the huge number of troops," Hasballah said.

Both Otto and Hasballah also criticized the lack of accountability of the government when setting its budget for the martial law administration.

The government earlier said it had allocated outside-budget funds amounting to about Rp 10 trillion (US$11.4 billion) for the operations, including Rp 1.9 trillion for the military offensive.

Jakarta to lift martial law in Aceh but maintain troops

Agence France Presse - May 14, 2004

Indonesia said it will end martial law which has been in force in Aceh province for the past year while troops battled separatist guerrillas.

The province will in future be under a state of civil emergency, acting security minister Hari Sabarno said after a cabinet meeting on Thursday.

He said the military operation, which has claimed more than 2,000 lives in the past year, would continue and rebels remain a potential threat.

Indonesia imposed martial law on May 19, 2003, and launched a huge military offensive to crush the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which has been fighting for independence since 1976.

Some 40,000 troops and police, backed by aircraft, warships and light tanks, were initially deployed. But the minister estimated that only 60 percent of their fighters had been killed, captured or surrendered. "We just managed to paralyse around 60 percent of their personnel and about 40 percent of their armaments," he told reporters.

However he said that out of 6,000 villages in Aceh, only 11 are still not under official control. He said Acehnese were now braver in tipping off authorities about rebel activity and in organising the defence of their villages.

Sabarno said a presidential decree will be issued to end martial law before its first anniversary.

He said both the military and the police will remain in the province on Sumatra island. But the police might take the lead in handling some security problems, depending on the situation.

The military controlled most aspects of life in the province through martial law. Under a civil emergency the civilian authorities are in charge but still have power to order press censorship and restrict public gatherings.

The minister said Acehnese people "want the TNI [armed forces] and the national police to be maintained there." He said the Malacca Strait between the province and Malaysia would be closely guarded to cut logistics and weapons for the guerrillas from overseas.

Sabarno said an "integrated operation" would continue, focusing not just on security but on the economy, humanitarian matters, restoring government and repairing infrastructure.

A military statement this month said almost 2,000 rebels and 130 soldiers had been killed in the past year. Another 2,100 rebels had been arrested and 1,276 surrendered.

It said GAM's estimated strength was 5,251 before the offensive began, about 100 fewer than the number said to have been neutralised. Military spokesman Yani Basuki said the rebels had been recruiting since they came under attack.

Human rights groups say many of the victims have been civilians, a charge the army denies. "There has been a dramatic escalation in human rights violations by the security forces under the military emergency," Amnesty International said in a statement Tuesday.

Human rights activist Munir said the announcement "is just a formality" and does not clarify what the situation on the ground will be. He said it is not clear, for example, "if repression will be reduced or not ... will the number of troops be reduced?"

Jakarta downgrades Aceh to civil emergency status

Straits Times - May 14, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- The government, citing an improved security situation, has downgraded Aceh's martial law status to a civil emergency and will return the conflict-torn province to civilian rule by next Monday, senior officials said yesterday.

Thousands of soldiers, however, will stay in the province of around four million at the northern tip of Sumatra to continue the fight against the remaining separatist rebels in the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Mr Hari Sabarno, Home Affairs Minister and Interim Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security, told reporters after a Cabinet meeting yesterday that GAM's strength had dwindled since Jakarta imposed martial law in Aceh a year ago.

The military's latest figures show that some 2,000 rebels died and another 3,000 were captured or surrendered in the past year.

Mr Hari said: "The President considers it appropriate to lower the status from military emergency to civil emergency. The change will take place next Monday."

The military command will continue to impose its iron hand, however, in several areas where the rebels are still active. "The threat from GAM still exists. We have destroyed around half the rebels' strength and half its weaponry. We can't relent now. The soldiers are still needed there," Mr Hari said.

He added that the people of Aceh "want security under the umbrella provided by Indonesia"s military'.

As long as civil-emergency status lasts, the authorities wield several extraordinary powers, including the ability to impose curfews, order house searches and restrict travel into, out of and within the province.

Government officials described the government's operations in Aceh when it first started last May as an American-style campaign to "win hearts and minds". But its actual progress and the previous history of suppression in the province during the Suharto years have been filled with controversy.

Human-rights groups said most victims of the conflict were civilians trapped between two opposing armed forces. They spoke of high numbers of extra-judicial killings, rape and other atrocities by soldiers.

Mr Munir, head of human-rights monitoring group Imparsial, said: "The government is proud of the fact that it has established control in Aceh. But it ignores that life there is far from normal. People are afraid of the soldiers and of the rebels, and are killed by both sides."

In a press statement on Tuesday, Amnesty International said Indonesia was sacrificing human rights for the sake of security and that the people of Aceh "live in constant fear of killings, torture and arrest".

Other critics of the military alleged that national unity was a secondary goal for the generals fighting for control of Aceh's rich resources.

Armed forces chief General Endriartono Sutarto conceded last week that soldiers committed 511 violations, including disciplinary offences, rape, the unauthorised firing of weapons and theft, during what he termed the 'dirty war' of the last year.

One source told The Straits Times that illegal logging, smuggling and other illicit activities in Aceh had increased in the past year.

Four rebels, one soldier killed in clashes in Aceh

Associated Press - May 11, 2004

Jakarta -- Fierce rebel fighting has left four suspected rebels and a soldier dead in separate clashes in Indonesia's Aceh province, an army spokesman said Tuesday.

The latest casualties came as authorities said they will meet on Thursday to iscuss whether to extend the year-old military offensive, which authorities first claimed would quickly crush the 27-year old rebellion.

In a rare incident, rebels on Tuesday ambushed soldiers patrolling a village in North Aceh and shot a soldier in the head, who died instantly, said Lt. Col. Asep Sapari.

Soldier shot and killed four rebels Monday in rebel strongholds in the north and south parts of the oil- and gas-rich region, Sapari said. Two other suspected rebels were either captured or surrendered.

Rebels couldn't be reached for comment. However, rights groups say many of the roughly 2,000 people killed since operations were launched last May have been villagers caught up in army raids in remote villages.

Military brass initially claimed it would re-establish control over Aceh within six months. However, combat operations and casualties on both sides continue.

Some 5,000 rebels have been fighting since December 1976 for the independence of Indonesia's westernmost province. Successive brutal military operations have only served to fuel the rebellion.

If troops remain Acehnese will continue to be oppressed: GAM

Detik.com - May 14, 2004

Anton Aliabbas, Jakarta - The Free Aceh Movement (GAM) says that the government's decision to reduce the status of martial law in Aceh to a state of civil emergency is not enough. If the TNI (armed forces) remains the people will still be repressed and continue to suffer.

"Mass killings and arbitrary actions against the Acehnese people will not stop if the TNI's presence in Aceh is maintained", said GAM military spokesperson Sofyan Dawood is an SMS message to the press on Thursday May 13. Dawood's whereabouts are still unknown.

According to Dawood, who is also the GAM commander for the Passe district, the best way to end the conflict on the soil of Serambi Mekah(1) is an open dialogue. "The best solution is to hold a dialogue as "gentleman" at the negotiating table. Not by killing each other and taking Acehnese people as hostages, especially [people] pointed out as being linked with GAM or families of GAM [members]", he added.

Dawood said that in fact a solution like the CoHA model (Cessation of Hostilities Agreement - ed)(2) was the correct one. However this failed because the Indonesian government did not have confidence in itself. "The government of [President] Megawati [Sukarnoputri] is too amenable to the TNI", asserted Dawood. (ani)

Notes:

1. Serambi Mekah -- The Gateway of Mecca, Aceh

2. On December 9, Indonesia and GAM signed the historic Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA) in Geneva, facilitated by the Geneva-based Henry Dunant Centre (HDC). The agreement required both sides to begin demilitarisation within two months and a Joint Security Committee (JSC) was tasked with monitoring the peace process. Although there were numerous violations of the agreement, the first two months saw a dramatic decline in violence. Jakarta however complained that GAM was taking advantage of the cease-fire and following a series of attacks by TNI backed militia on the JSC offices peace monitors were forced to withdraw from Aceh. In late April, Jakarta seized on a request by GAM for a postponement of negotiations to call off talks altogether. When talks finally resumed on May 18, Jakarta set out to sabotage the process by arresting five GAM negotiators the day before then introducing a new set of conditions which GAM could not possibly agree to and which were never covered in the original the agreement. Claiming that GAM was refusing to talk about "substantive issues", government negotiators walked out and on the following day President Megawati Sukarnoputri signed a decree declaring a status of martial law and launching a six- month military offensive.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Demonstrators demand that Megawati revoke martial law

Fpdra.com - May 12, 2004

M.Ilaham, Jakarta -- Thousands of Acehnese who are residing in Jakarta held a series of demonstrations at the offices of the coordinating minister of politics and security, the presidential palace and the national parliament on Tuesday May 11. The action, which was coordinated by the Association of Acehnese Families (Ikatan Keluarga Rakyat Aceh, IKARA), was tightly guarded by police but proceeded without incident.

The action which began at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout then moved off to the offices of the coordinating minister of politics and security and the presidential palace, blocked the flow of traffic for the length of the rally. All of the demonstrators wore head bands with writing calling for martial law to be revoked. They also carried banners and posters with read "Revoke martial law in Aceh" and "We, the people of Aceh reject plans to extend martial law".

Syurkani, the field coordinator of the action, said that the action represented a response by the Acehnese people against the government's plan to extend martial law in Aceh which will end on May 19. In a statement handed out to journalists they demanded that martial law be revoked and rejected the plan to reduce its status to a state of civil emergency.

A number of pro-democracy activists gave speeches including Tgk. Suhaimi, Taufik Abda, Cut farah, Sayet fadil, Raihan, Dita Sari and Thamrin Ananda. In her speech in front of the offices of the coordinating minister for politics and security, Sari said that to date civilian politicians had not had the courage to take a stand against martial law in Aceh, instead they have given their blessings for martial law be implemented. What the Acehnese people desire is not bullets but peace, justice and an act of self-determination to decide their own future she said.

Ananda who gave a speech in front of the presidential palace said that the Acehnese people are still being mobilised by the TNI (armed forces) to call for an extension to martial law in Aceh but this does not represent the genuine interests of the Acehnese people but is because they have been forced to do it by the TNI. The genuine wishes of the Acehnese people is for martial law to be revoked and the TNI withdrawn from Aceh. Ananda said that if in Jakarta there is a small degree of freedom for people to express their views, what would be expressed in Aceh would be the same as is being expressed today. [This is not possible however] because in Aceh this freedom has been removed by the military said Ananda.

After the presidential palace the action was continued at the national parliament where it was joined by the majority of Acehnese people who are living in Jakarta. The action ended at 4.30pm.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Martial law has brought suffering to the people: IKARA

Fpdra.com - May 12, 2004

M. Ilaham, Jakarta -- The chairperson of the Association of Acehnese Families (Ikatan Keluarga Rakyat Aceh, IKARA), Faisal Syarifuddi, says that during the one year that martial law has been in place in Aceh it has brought great suffering to the Acehnese people, particularly innocent civilians. This issue came up during a break at an action by Acehnese people at the presidential palace in Jakarta on Tuesday May 11.

According to Syarifuddi, resolving the Aceh question though militaristic methods has been proven to have failed because it has resulted in many civilian victims and therefore this must be evaluated by all parties in determining future government policy after May 19 [when the second six month period of martial law comes to an end].

If viewed in terms of the targets which were set out [by the government itself] it is fitting that martial law to be revoked and followed by attempts to find a resolution to the Aceh question which is democratic and can guarantee that no more civilians will fall victim.

Separately meanwhile, Mahmudal, the chairperson of the Central Leadership Committee of the Student Solidarity for the People (Solidaritas Mahasiswa Untuk Rakyat, SMUR), said that the one year of martial law has destroyed everything the people's lives hinge upon which should in fact have been administered properly by the Indonesian government if it wishes to win the hearts and minds of the people. This was not however done by the government so the Acehnese people's mistrust of Indonesia has continued to grow, especially since the government is continuing to deploy troops in Aceh based on various irrational arguments.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Aceh fallout in Jakarta

Tempo Magazine - May 4-10, 2004

Although the sound of grenades that exploded in Aceh did not reach Jakarta, it does not mean that the capital does not suffer from the consequences of the conflict there. Indeed, it was reported that the conflict in Aceh undermined the position of Sudi Silalahi as Secretary to the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs.

Since mid-April, it was reported that Silalahi would be removed from his post. The reason: the senior Indonesian Military (TNI) officer, holding the rank of Lt. Gen, is set to hit mandatory retirement age. "I believe a decision by the president on the dismissal would be issued next week," said State Secretary Bambang Kesowo after a restricted meeting three Thursdays ago.

But, till last Friday, the decision had not been sent by the palace to Jalan Merdeka Barat, the location of the Coordinating Ministry for Political and Security Affairs, Silalahi's place of work. And without an official dismissal letter, the general continues to perform his usual duties.

The plan to remove Silalahi using his mandatory retirement age as the reason has raised question marks. Inspector-General of Police Demak Lubis-the Coordinating Ministry's Deputy IV who was said to be Silalahi's replacement-is two years older than Silalahi. After extending his service for two extra years, Demak should retire in June 2004-a month before Silalahi's mandatory retirement.

A Tempo source, an official at the palace that requested anonymity, said the reason to remove Silalahi is indeed not because of age. Neither is it also because of his close ties with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the erstwhile Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs who resigned because of his presidential candidacy. "The root of the problem started from Aceh," said the source.

According to him, the problem is related to the increasingly acrimonious relationship between the current two administrators in Aceh: Governor Abdullah Puteh and the Regional Martial Law Administrator (PDMD) Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya.

Puteh felt that Endang -- who is in charge of Aceh while under martial law-is currently putting him in a corner with his Law Enforcement Operation, marked with its fight against corruption.

The cold war between the two administrators started in early March. An open discussion held then at the Teuku Umar Hall, Banda Aceh, between the Aceh Joint Monitoring Team, which was represented by the team's head, Mar'ie Muhammad and Sudi Silalahi became a heated exchange.

Triggering the incident was a statement made by Puteh. The former chairman of the Indonesian National Youth Committee expressed disappointment that a quarter of the then Rp10 trillion State Budget (APBN) allocated for Aceh must be set aside for the Syah Kuala University, the Aceh Regional Police, the Prosecutor's Office, the Iskandar Muda Military Command and several other institutions.

The statement yielded a reaction from the Commander of the Iskandar Muda Military Command as the Martial Law Administrator. Endang responded that he would ask his staff to make public the amount of money that they received.

"Let it be known to the media so that there would not be any negative thoughts. For instance, the Military Command is involved [in misappropriation]," said Endang.

A month after the meeting, Endang made his move. At midday on April 10, the Head of Aceh Regional Finance Secretariat Bureau, Teuku M. Lizam, was arrested while in his office by an intelligence task force from the PDMD. Lizam was arrested on graft charges related to an electricity generating procurement project worth Rp30 billion.

Puteh was startled, particularly, since after that arrest, the PDMD placed another person in custody -- the Communication Chief of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Usman Budiman. To his investigators, Usman told of Puteh's involvement in the case. That very day, Puteh reportedly flew second-class to Jakarta, but without his name being listed in the passenger manifest.

Suspicion that Governor Puteh is involved in misappropriating state funds is not new news, however. For a long while, a series of alleged graft cases that suggested his involvement, or those that are close to him, have been making their rounds in Aceh. Among them: the project to acquire a plane for Seulawah NAD that has been missing from the news recently. The project, however, has spent more than Rp10 billion. Aside from that, the governor is also allegedly involved in inflating the price of the Pulo Rondo Boat project and marking up the price of the MI-2 helicopter from Russia. The last two cases are currently being investigated by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

It is here that Silalahi is said to be involved in the acrimony. As the Vice Chairman of the Monitoring Team, who has a pile of data related to the misappropriation of state funds in Aceh, Silalahi is considered to have given his full support to the actions initiated by Endang Suwarya. In a recommendation the team made to the Office of the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs, Silalahi and his friends even insinuated that a serious act of misappropriation was committed involving the funds for the Joint Operations. "From our investigation, we discovered that at least 263 cases of corruption took place in 2003, with losses to the state estimated at about 2.76 trillion rupiah," said Kamal Farza, an activist with Aceh's People's Solidarity for Anti-Corruption.

Further, the PDMD's intention to question Puteh is also not a new thing. At the start of implementation of martial law in May last year, the Commander of the Iskandar Muda Military Command invited several journalists. At that time, the Military Command put forward several pieces of evidence that implicated Puteh in alleged corruption acts. However, the enthusiasm that was then burning among several in the Military Command was extinguished in mid-stream.

Did Puteh become stronger because of political support from Jakarta? It is difficult to ascertain. But, what is certain is that he is not a "green" politician. Faced with attacks from various quarters, he and his supporters seek support from the central government. Last week, through his legal adviser, O.C. Kaligis, Puteh sought protection from the Speaker of the House of Representatives (DPR) Akbar Tandjung. According to Kaligis, matters related to the administration of graft cases in Aceh are the responsibility of the Prosecutors Office and the Aceh Attorney General, not the PDMD.

The fight has not been futile. Lizam has since been released because of lack of evidence and Puteh appears set to escape from the trap this time.

"To date, there is no indication of Governor Puteh's involvement in graft cases in Aceh," said Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam's Chief of Police, Insp. Gen. Bachrumsyah last Thursday. The only remaining suspect is William Taylor, the contractor who supplied the electricity generators.

The KPK that has the authority to investigate further the cases involving Puteh has also decided to adopt a very cautious stance. "Currently, we're in the supervision phase, including providing technical assistance in the examination and investigation," said the Deputy Chairman of KPK, Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas. "However, when more is requested, we would certainly be prepared."

With the statement from the Aceh Police Chief, could it then be concluded that Puteh won the acrimony battle? Not necessarily. Silalahi could also not be declared the loser. The fact: he continues to perform his duties as usual at Merdeka Barat.

Those close to Sudi Silalahi suggested that his dismissal letter that was issued by Hari Sabarno has several irregularities. And that he may be able to continue with his position. There were suspicions that the letter was written at the Department of Home Affairs and not at the Coordinating Ministry for Political and Security Affairs -- which administratively is not proper.

The letter (reference number R-14/Menko/Polkam/4/2004) is considered to be different from letters that were issued by Office of the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs. Among the differences: the word "yang terhormat (the Honorable)" was not used at the start of the letter.

Further the phrase "Presiden RI (President of the Republic of Indonesia)" was not followed by the name of the president -- Megawati Sukarnoputri. There was also another strange thing about the letter: the letter requested that Silalahi be returned to TNI HQ -- an unusual request from the Office the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs.

Is the story true? "Please don't ask me," Silalahi pleaded when he was met at his office. According to his staff, he is only prepared to provide an explanation after the president has made her decision.

Meanwhile, Abdullah Puteh has repeatedly disputed the graft cases linked to him in Aceh. He also denied that he traveled to Jakarta in the middle of last month because he was afraid that the PDMD might arrest him. "I left because I received a sudden invitation from the Secretary-General of the Department of Home Affairs," said Puteh to reporters. However, he did admit that his name was not listed in the manifest because he used a ticket that was issued to another person. Aside from that, he refused to comment. "I'll give a statement later," he said, in the midst of the Golkar convention activities recently.

The Minister for Home Affairs, who is also the interim Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Hari Sabarno, also avoided questions when asked to comment about allegations that the dismissal letter for Silalahi was written at the Office of the Department of Home Affairs. "I don't wish to comment on that matter," said Hari last Thursday. However, at a different occasion he gave a short comment. "At the Office of the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs, I also often signed letters that were sent by the Department of Home Affairs," he said as he was about to enter his car.

"I'm both of them, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs and Home Affairs Minister."

It is not easy to predict where the events will finally end. There is even speculation that the Puteh issue was one of the conditions set by Hamzah Haz for him to form a coalition with Mega. "Pak Hamzah requested the president to consider the matter," said an expert coordinator for the Vice President, Laode Kamaluddin.

[Darmawan, Yuswardi, Dedi Sinaga, Yandhrie Arvian.]

Students/youth

TNI officers' children attack Medan students

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Apriadi Gunawan and Nana Rukmana, Medan/Cirebon -- At least eight students were injured after being attacked by children of military and police personnel in Medan, North Sumatra, witnesses and police confirmed on Friday.

The assault was launched on Thursday night after the victims along with their colleagues staged a rally to oppose voting for presidential candidates from military backgrounds.

The attackers from the Communication Forum for Children of Retired Military/Police Officers (FKPPI) also destroyed a makeshift post the students set up at the Heroes Cemetery Park on Jl. Sisingamangaraja, Medan, two days ago. Eye witnesses said the violence started at around 10 p.m., when FKPPI members arrived at the student post in cars and on motorcycles.

The attackers had asked the students to disperse and to dismantle their post, arguing that it was unethical for them to be present at the cemetery for an antimilitary protest.

The request was then rejected by the students, sparking a verbal and physical clash.

"At the time, we were only eight students at the post and we could not do anything. So we fled after they [the attackers] beat us and destroyed our post," recalled Okto Fitria, a victim. Other victims injured in the incident were Suri Parwita, Izal Kentong, Anwar Basri, Rizal Rozi, Mukhlis, and Ardansyah -- from the Medan Institute of Technology, and Julia Taufik from the North Sumatra Islamic University.

Okto said the victims later reported the incident to Medan Teladan Police at around 12 p.m. Medan Teladan Police chief of detectives First Insp. Ernesto Seser confirmed the reported attack, saying the victims demanded the arrest of the perpetrators.

The student victims were questioned on Friday by police investigators to take their statements about the incident, Ernesto said. But it was not clear why none of the attackers were immediately arrested. "The case file drafted from the investigation will be handed over to Medan Police for further action," Ernesto told The Jakarta Post.

Responding to the attack, North Sumatra's FKPPI chairman Ardjoni Munir said he knew nothing about the incident, but stressed that he supported the police's move to look into the case.

He lamented the students protest against presidential candidates from military backgrounds, and that it was held at a sacred place like the cemetery.

The students should have been able to embrace ethics when expressing their opinion during Thursday's protest, he argued.

"The students are prospective intellectuals. They should have avoided demonstrating at the Heroes Cemetery Park. Is that ethical? My father was buried there. So I'm offended," he said. Ardjoni, however, regretted what his members did to the protesters.

Street rallies have hit towns and cities across the country to oppose the nomination of presidential/vice presidential candidates with military background -- Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Wiranto and Agum Gumelar are all retired army generals.

Meanwhile, speaking in Cirebon, West Java, on Friday, Agum said antimilitary demonstrations should be respected in a democratic society. "We are a democratic state. Democracy means accepting and respecting differences of opinion. That some are opposed to military candidates should be respected," he said.

Agum, who was nominated as the running mate of presidential candidate Hamzah Haz, said such protests should not be considered a negative campaign aimed at dampening the chances of presidential hopefuls contesting the July 5 election.

Agum denied the notion that the nominations of the three retired generals for the presidency showed that civilian leadership had failed. Nor were their bids for the top post a special phenomenon in politics, he said.

Rights team probes campus attack

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

Andi Hajramurni, Makassar -- A National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) team found indications on Tuesdays of human rights violations in an incident in which dozens of police officers stormed the Indonesian Muslim University (UMI) in Makassar, South Sulawesi, early this month.

"Preliminary evidence shows strong indications of human rights violations in the incident," said M.M. Billah, a member of the fact-finding team.

However, he could not give details on the preliminary findings as the team was still investigating the brutal May 1 attack, which injured 65 students including two who sustained gunshot wounds.

Billah and another team member Hasballah M. Saad arrived in Makassar on Tuesday for the four-day fact-finding mission.

Hours after their arrival, the two met UMI leaders and the student advocacy team for the incident as part of their probe.

Billah said further incriminating evidence of gross violations was the possibility that the attack was funded by state funds.

He said the attack could also be categorized a serious case of human rights violations if it caused a great number of human deaths.

"In the UMI incident as many as 65 people were hurt, but it still needs to be verified whether it already meets the conditions," Billah added.

He said the team was gathering evidence to determine whether the campus attack could be categorized as involving serious human rights abuse.

"That's why we need supporting evidence in the form of statements from eye witnesses and victims," Billah told journalists. During the meeting with Billah and Hasballah, UMI students and their advocacy team provided the two with evidence such as bullet shells, the blood-soaked shirts of victims, their names and photos of the incident.

The students urged Komnas HAM to ensure that the perpetrators be tried in an ad hoc human rights court over the incident.

According to them, the decision of National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar to fire South Sulawesi Police chief Insp. Gen. Jusuf Manggabarani and three other top officers over the brutal attack was still not adequate.

However, Billah said the dismissals should be responded to positively and stressed that the attackers should be tried in a civilian court.

During their visit, the fact-finding team will also question police officers involved in the attack, in which they beat dozens of students with their bare hands and guns and kicked them.

The attack was launched after students, who were protesting the rearrest of terror suspect Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in Jakarta, took a policeman hostage.

South Sulawesi Police has named at least 22 officers as suspects in the incident but only 10 will stand trial in a civilian court on charges of violating Articles 351 and 170 the Criminal Code.

On Monday, the Makassar Police disciplinary committee removed three high-ranking officers in South Sulawesi from their posts for their roles in the attack, and ordered that they be detained for 12 days to 17 days.

Earlier last week, the same committee also ordered the detention of 12 other low-ranking police officers over the incident.

Scores of demonstrators demand stop cornering police

Detik.com - May 10, 2004

Dian Intannia, Jakarta -- If before they were being criticised, now scores of demonstrators have gone to the Indonesian police headquarters to support them. The demonstrators are of the view that the condemnations against police are a rotten conspiracy to sow discord in the nation.

The support came from scores of people calling themselves the World Peace Committee (Komite Perdamaian Dunia, KPD) during a demonstration at police headquarters on Jalan Trunojoyo in Jakarta on Monday May 10.

KPD coordinator Edo said that the group agrees that the various cases of [police] violence should be fully resolved. However added Edo, all parties must take a balanced view of these cases.

"Don't just corner the police. The anarchistic students must also be dealt with by the law. I want to point out that the is an underground conspiracy which aims to sow discord in the nation by vilifying the Indonesian police force", said Edo.

The majority of KPD demonstrators were young people aged between 10 and 20 years old. Other than listening when their leaders gave speeches they did little. A number of them even moved away from the group.

Like other demonstrations, the KPD demonstrators also brought a number of posters and banners including ones which read "The police belong to all of us", "Beware of elements wanting to sow discord in the nation" and "Channel [your] aspirations peacefully". (djo)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Officers fired over campus attack

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

Andi Hajramurni, Makassar -- A police disciplinary committee dismissed here on Monday three high-ranking officers in South Sulawesi from their posts for their roles in a recent brutal attack on the Indonesian Muslim University (UMI), Makassar.

The committee also ordered the detention of the three police officers for 12 days to 17 days in the custody of the province police internal affairs division.

The three fired were deputy Panakkukang Police precinct chief First Insp. Yeri Santos Mangiri, East Makassar Police chief of the guidance and disciplinary unit First Insp. IF Erwanto and East Makassar Police chief of service unit Second Insp. Aldi Subartono.

Yeri and Erwanto were detained for 17 days, and Aldi for only 14 days.

Commissioner Adj. Comr. Machmud Abduh also heard a similar case against former acting Panakkukang Police chief Adj. Comr. SA Parambungan, and ordered him detained for only 12 days for the same disciplinary offense.

The four officers were punished for their involvement in the May 1 attack on the UMI campus, which left 65 students injured.

Machmud said the four were proven "legally and convincingly" guilty of breaching discipline, rules and legislation on the National Police.

They had not prevented their subordinates from storming the university, which tarnished the image and honor of the police force, he added.

When Machmud gave the punished officers an opportunity to defend themselves during the six-hour hearing from 12 a.m. they cried, which was also an emotional moment for the spectators.

In their defense, the suspects protested against what they termed unfair treatment over the brutality.

Parambungan said many other police officers had played a role in the same incident but remained free as they were not questioned or tried. He did not elaborate.

However, lawyer for the four offenders, Adj. Sr. Comr. Darma, said their clients accepted the punishment.

The same committee is scheduled to hear similar cases against six other high-ranking police officers in South Sulawesi over the same attack. No date has been specified.

Earlier last week, the committee also ordered the detention of 12 other police officers from lower ranks over the incident.

Separately, South Sulawesi Police chief of internal affairs and security Sr. Comr. Syahrir Kuba said that of 22 officers declared suspects in the incident, only 10 would stand trial in a civilian court on charges of violating Articles 351 and 170 the Criminal Code.

Reformasi

Six-year-old reform drive going nowhere, critics say

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Six years after the onset of the reform movement that was triggered by the death of four Trisakti University students in Jakarta in May 1998 at the hands of security personnel, the nation has yet to see substantial changes in political, economic and social life, activists say.

Student activists shared their concern on Tuesday about the uncertainties in political, economic and social affairs despite the nation's reform movement they were part of.

Syafik Alielha, who was formerly an activist with anti-New Order student group City Forum (Forkot), said what had happened in the country over the past six years reflected the state's failure to uphold the reform agenda.

Despite the lives lost in the shooting incidents and the subsequent riots in May 1998, he said, none of the perpetrators, let alone the masterminds, were brought to court.

"The state has made a big mistake because it has not brought the perpetrators to court ... This has set a bad precedent for our future," he told The Jakarta Post here. Syafik is now an activist with the Indonesian Youth Struggle Front (FPPI), a group that campaigns for democratization.

Sayeb Junaidi, who was an activist with the Forum of Communication for Jakarta's Students Senate (FKSMJ) six years ago, underlined that most of policies adopted by the current government benefited the elite at the expense of people at the grass roots. Forkot and FKSMJ were among many student groups in Jakarta that dared to challenge the government of president Soeharto.

Many other student groups staged rallies in cities across the country, demanding that Soeharto step down after 32 years in power and called for sweeping reforms.

Soeharto quit just nine days after Elang Mulya Lesmana, Hafidhin Royan, Hendriawan Sie, and Herry Hartanto were killed in their peaceful struggle to put Soeharto's dictatorship to an end.

The shooting incident on May 12 was followed by massive riots and looting, which subsided only on May 15. It was during the rioting that hundreds of Chinese-Indonesian women were allegedly raped. An independent investigation revealed that the riots occurred in a systematic pattern across Greater Jakarta. Students, still mourning, kept themselves from the streets.

An ad hoc team set up by the National Commission on Human Rights declared in September last year that crimes against humanity were found during the May 1998 riots.

However, further legal action on the case did not materialize because of opposition from the House of Representatives, the institution authorized to call for an ad hoc human rights tribunal. "Only the victims of the riots and their families still feel the agony while others have forgotten," Syafik said.

He regretted the fact that the majority of people had short memories. "The emergence of Golkar Party as the winner of the general election clearly shows that," he said, referring to the Golkar which was the political machine of Soeharto's New Order government.

He acknowledged there were some improvements in democracy, including the direct presidential election and the removal of the military and the police from the House -- which will become effective after October of this year.

Unfortunately, he said, the adoption of the new political system was a formality without the empowering of civil society, which is important to ensure checks and balances are in place. "The new system is necessary but not sufficient," he said.

He added that the failure of the reform movement was the failure of the whole nation, particularly the political elite who were unable to assure people at the grass roots of a better future.

"The inability to show something promising to the people has made the people distrust civilian leaders," he added. "This situation has apparently helped Gen. [ret] Wiranto and Gen. [ret] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono emerge as strong contenders for the July 5 presidential election."

'War on terrorism'

Police transfer Bashir to new '5-star cell'

Agence France Presse - May 15, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesian police yesterday moved terrorism suspect Abu Bakar Bashir to a new jail cell, a lawyer for the firebrand cleric said.

Police transferred Bashir, 65, from his cell at national police headquarters to a renovated detention room at the Jakarta police facility, closer to the city centre, shortly after Friday prayers, said lawyer Muhammad Assegaff.

"If you ask me, the place is more suitable than the old place but it is still a detention. What ustaz [teacher] wants is total freedom," Mr Assegaff said. He confirmed the detention unit had several rooms, air-conditioning as well as spring beds.

One Indonesian newspaper yesterday called Bashir's new accommodation a "five- star cell". Police spokesman Brigadier- General Sunarko Danu Ardanto said the cell was not "special" but will keep Bashir apart from other inmates.

Police say Bashir led the Al-Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiah and will be charged with involvement in its terrorist attacks between 1999 and 2002 -- including the Bali nightclub bombings, which killed 202 people in October 2002.

Bashir was re-arrested on April 30, moments after completing a prison sentence for immigration violations and forgery.

Government & politics

Megawati urged to fill vacant jobs in cabinet

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- For the sake of the Cabinet's performance, President Megawati Soekarnoputri has every reason to fill vacant ministerial posts with permanent replacements, although her administration's term will end in less than five months.

"Everybody wants to be a minister, and Indonesia has numerous suitable people for the position, but she [Megawati] doesn't want to recruit them," National Mandate Party legislator Alvin Lie told a discussion here on Friday.

He said, despite the fact that her days as president were numbered, Megawati's administration should ensure that public services would not be affected by the resignation of ministers. Megawati, he added, lacked seriousness in dealing with national matters and this was reflected in her reluctance to appoint permanent replacements for resigning ministers.

The President has named interim ministers, whose workloads are already heavy, to take over from senior ministers Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla. Another minister, Agum Gumelar, has joined the presidential race, but not yet quit the Cabinet. "It is Megawati's prerogative to appoint new ministers or not, but she has the obligation to make sure public services in the next five months of her tenure will not be harmed," he said.

Deputy House speaker Muhaimin Iskandar of the National Awakening Party concurred, saying the absence of political courage was one of Megawati's main weaknesses, and her administration would have achieved significant progress in the past few years if she had shown strong leadership. According to him, the next five months would be enough time for Megawati to win back people's support for her presidential bid.

"Megawati still has five months to make strategic policies to win the hearts and minds of the people, but she has been busy inaugurating development projects that could be manipulated to raise funds for her presidential bid," he said.

Megawati, who has named the leader of the country's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama, Hasyim Muzadi, her running mate, will be facing a strong challenge from Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, from the Golkar Party and the Democrat Party respectively.

Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), expressed his disappointment over Megawati's indifference to the performance of her administration. "The people would be behind her if she appointed permanent replacements for all resigning or sick ministers," he said.

According to him, the President should appoint replacements for communications minister Agum, defense minister Matori Abdul Djalil and justice minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra because their portfolios were strategic.

"The nation is in urgent need of a replacement for Agum, who has to resign due to his vice presidential candidacy. A new defense minister is also needed to replace ailing Matori, and to help solve the poor relations between the defense ministry and the Indonesian Military.

"Yusril should be replaced to prevent him from posing any trouble to Megawati's government, because he, and his party, has supported the pair of Susilo and Kalla," he said.

Ikrar was of the same opinion, that it was the right moment for Megawati -- and politically valid -- to introduce strategic policies to win the people's support for her reelection.

2004 elections

Presidential candidates a mix of secular and Islamic

Interpress News Service - May 13, 2004

Andreas Harsono, Jakarta -- The six pairs of presidential and vice presidential candidates for the Indonesian election in July, revealed on Wednesday, are an interesting mix of secular and Islamic-based politicians.

The presidential candidates in the electoral race are incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri, Vice President Hamzah Haz, National Assembly chairman Amien Rais, former president Abdurrahman Wahid and two retired generals -- Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Wiranto.

They will slug it out in a protracted battle that could result in run-off polls in September.

Megawati is still in the running despite her party's embarrassing setback in the April parliamentary polls. She has close to 20 percent of the popular vote, mostly from the nationalists.

Her alliance with her vice presidential candidate, Hasyim Muzadi, chairman of the 35-million-strong Nadhlatul Ulama, has also given her chances a big boost.

"Megawati still has a chance to win the first election. Don't underestimate her. She has brought economic stability during her rule," said Kwik Kian Gie, a close adviser to Megawati, in an interview with "Tempo" magazine.

Hasyim, who chairs Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation, is also an attractive catch. But he is burdened with his acrimonious relationship with Wahid, affectionately known as "Gus Dur", who continues to wield enormous influence in Nadhlatul Ulama.

Moreover, Gus Dur himself is running for the presidency along with his vice presidential bet, Marwah Daud Ibrahim, a female politician who used to head the Golkar Party established by the US-installed authoritarian president Suharto in the 1960s.

But the Nahdatul Ulama has been parading not only Gus Dur and Hasyim.

It also has Solahudin Wahid, Gus Dur's younger brother who is the vice presidential candidate of Wiranto, the former military commander accused of human rights abuses in Indonesia's former colony, East Timor.

A UN-sponsored judge has issued an arrest warrant against Wiranto on crimes against humanity.

The Wahids are considered to be a blue-blood political family in Indonesia. Their grandfather, Hasyim Ashari, was a charismatic Muslim teacher who helped found the Nahdatul Ulama in the 1920s. Their father Wahid Hasyim was a progressive Muslim thinker who modernised the Nahdatul Ulama.

Gus Dur himself is known as a democracy activist during Suharto's time and a campaigner for religious tolerance. Solahudin is currently vice chairman of Indonesia's Human Rights Commission.

It is expected that many Nahdatul Ulama members, who are mostly villagers on the Indonesian main island of Java, may get confused with the presence of the three politicians from their group in the July electoral race.

Each might win a sizeable chunk of the Nahdatul Ulama vote, but it is not clear whether Gus Dur, who is legally blind and had two strokes in the past, can pass the difficult health test imposed by the Indonesian Election Commission.

The talk in town is that if Gus Dur fails the test, he would back his younger brother's partnership with Wiranto.

On paper, the candidate who wins more than 50 percent of the July votes will become president. But with six candidates in the running, it is not easy to get a good amount of the votes. In the event a run-off election is needed, the first and the second candidates with the most number of votes will go for a final vote in September.

Who is the darling of the western world? It is widely speculated that the United States, an influential country in Indonesia, would prefer the US-trained Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. His vice presidential candidate is Jusuf Kalla, a popular businessman who hails from Sulawesi island in eastern Indonesia -- another important factor in Java-dominated politics.

In Indonesian politics, the issues of whether a candidate is Javanese or non-Javanese, from the military or civilian sector, Muslim or non-Muslim, carry a lot of weight. Skilled politicians need to know how to use, or how not to use, those issues.

Yudhoyono is a Javanese, like most other candidates, but Hamzah Haz comes from the Kalimantan island.

Islam is a decisive card because Indonesia, a nation of 220 million people, is the largest Muslim country in the world. Today's presidential and vice presidential candidates are all officially Muslims, although the orientation of some politicians, including Megawati, is considered to be secular.

The latest survey by the Jakarta-based Indonesian Survey Institute shows that support for the 54-year-old Yudhoyono has soared to 40.6 percent of the 1,216 respondents' votes. He eclipsed President Megawati, a distant second with 14.7 percent of votes.

"Susilo and Megawati are the most likely winners in the first round of the presidential election," the executive director of the institute, Denny J.A., said in a press conference on Tuesday.

Their biggest challenge will come from Wiranto, who is likely to be in a position to mobilise voters because he has the combined machinery of the Golkar Party, which won majority of seats in the April parliamentary election, and Solahudin's Nahdatul Ulama- affiliated Nation Awakening Party.

For their part, Amien Rais and his anointed deputy, Siswono Yudhohusodo, a former Cabinet minister in the Suharto era, have neither the popularity nor the machinery to win the presidency. But Amien has the backing of the 30-million strong Muhammadiyah, the second largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia.

Still, it is a big question mark whether Muhammadiyah members, who are mostly urban middle-class citizens, would vote in accordance with the choice of their top leaders. Amien himself is a former chairman of the Muhammadiyah. In contrast, the village- based followers of the Nahdatul Ulama are more likely vote according to their leaders' instructions.

Vice President Hamzah Haz, whose United Development Party came in third in the parliamentary poll, wooed Agum Gumelar, another retired general and currently transportation minister, to run in the July presidential election.

The Hamzah-Gumelar duo was the latest to enter the race because of the likelihood previously that Megawati would choose Hamzah to be her running mate once more. But Megawati obviously did not see Hamzah as having the ability to bring her votes -- and opted for her current running mate, Hasyim Muzadi.

Yudohusodo pledges to end debts if elected

Antara - May 14, 2004

Surabaya -- Vice presidential candidate Siswono Yudohusodo pleged that if he and presidential aspirant Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN) became the nation's top leaders, he will stop the country's debts in four or five years.

"It is not wrong for the country to be indebted. But if it became dependent, it is wrong. I think we will be able to stop the new debts in four or five years," he said here on Thursday.

He made the remarks when delivering a keynote speech at a seminar on "building national self-reliance" on the occasion of the 45th founding anniversary of the "Veteran" National Development University (UPN).

Flanked by UPN rector H. Warsito, Siswono, Housing and Transmigration Minister under the Soeharto regime, said that stopping the debts did not mean that all the debts had been paid off.

"If the country wishes to settle its debts, I think it would take 30 years. But the important thing is that we are determined to stop new debts four or five years, and at the same time gradually reducing the debts until totally paid off in 30 years," he said.

In the meantime, according to the general chairman of the Indonesian Farmers Association (HKTI), the country's debts up till 2003 amounted to USD75.4 billion, and in 2004 the amount has been increased by USD 1.5 million. "And stopping the debts in a relatively short time would be impossible, but it would be more important for a leader to stop making new debts," he noted. The problem now is that no leader has a commitment to stop it, said Siswno, who is also President Commissioner PT. Bangun Cipta.

"Debts are posing a problem to our country, while the others include increasing unemployment [36 million], merely a still four percent economic growth rate, a limited state budget, and low morality as the result of money politics and corruption," he said.

As a matter of fact, the government could try to reduce the country's debts by resorting to three means, namely fiscal, monetary and administrative means.

To improve the quality of foodstuffs, the British Government imposes low tax on fertile land and high tax on neglected land. "What has really happened in Indonesia is actually the other way around. Fertile land is subject to high tax, so no wonder that farm products are diminishing from year to year."

On the occasion, Siswono reiterated that Indonesia would be able to become an advanced country through its agriculture, as many countries such as the US, Thailand and some others could make a tremendous record in the agriculture sector by conducting various researches.

"If I were elected, I would struggle for these objectives, especially that Indonesia is the biggest and best white pepper producing country and the second largest and best producer of palm oil in the world," he noted.

TV urged to air records of poll candidates

Straits Times - May 14, 2004

Jakarta -- The General Elections Commission (KPU) and the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) will soon issue a joint decree encouraging television stations to air the track records of presidential and vice-presidential candidates.

The move will provide the public with information on the candidates' background and educate voters, KPI member Bimo Nugroho said on Wednesday.

He suggested that the stations reveal information on retired general Wiranto, the presidential candidate of the Golkar Party, including his alleged links to human rights violations in the Trisakti and Semanggi shooting incidents, and rioting in East Timor.

Other presidential contenders he named included retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of the Democratic Party and Abdurrahman 'Gus Dur' Wahid of the National Awakening Party (PKB).

Also on the list is incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Mr Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Mr Hamzah Haz of the United Development Party (PPP).

The decree would also regulate advertising by presidential candidates on television during the one-month campaign period from June 1.

"The decree will allow presidential candidates to advertise on television for longer than was permitted during the legislative election campaign period as long as it does not exceed 20 per cent of a TV station's daily airtime," Mr Bimo said.

The KPU and KPI earlier issued a joint decree for the legislative election campaign permitting 24 political parties to place advertisements on television with a maximum of 10 slots of 30 seconds each, per station, per day.

Mr Bimo said the longer duration for the presidential campaign would be permitted because there would be fewer contestants in the July 5 vote.

He added: "We hope the candidates will focus more on their programmes, instead of just promoting their names or symbols as was the case in the legislative election campaign."

Currently, there are 13 national television stations, including state-owned TVRI. For the legislative election, the PDI-P reportedly spent 39 billion rupiahs (S$7.4 million) on advertising. Golkar spent 21 billion rupiahs and other parties less than six billion rupiahs. Most of the money was spent on TV advertisements.

Mr Bimo said the new joint decree would prohibit candidates from buying special or "blocking' time on television. "If there is a talk show that supports a particular candidate's campaign, the TV station should put out an announcement that it's an advertisement," he said.

The Centre for Electoral Reform said the decree would also urge the KPU and television stations to organise a debate.

Protests continue against military candidates and Orba

Jakarta Post - May 13, 2004

Jakarta Post, Cirebon/Kupang/Yogya -- Demonstrations continued on Wednesday in several parts of the country against an apparent military comeback in the political sphere following the nominations of a number of retired generals as presidential candidates.

Hundreds of students in Cirebon, West Java, staged a rally to oppose candidates with military backgrounds in the July 5 presidential election.

The 300 protesters from various universities and student organizations grouped in the Anti-Militarism People's Movement (Geram), marched to the cirebon district military headquarters, the local police station and the offices of the Cirebon mayor. The protest ended peacefully, although the students blocked Jl. Siliwangi outside the mayor's offices for one hour from 12 midday.

The student barricade stopped traffic on the Cirebon stretch of the north coast highway. However, police rerouted vehicles onto alternative roads.

The students said the political revival of the military meant the betrayal of the "spirit of reform and democratization" that emerged after the 1998 downfall of Soeharto

The nomination of presidential candidates with military backgrounds proved that Soeharto's authoritarian New Order regime was trying to claw back its power, they added.

Two former chief security ministers, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Wiranto, both retired four-star army generals, are contesting the first ever direct presidential election on July 5. The two, who have been nominated by different parties, are expected to attract big support at the polls.

A similar protest was held in Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara, where hundreds of students from the Struggle for Reform Action Front(Fajar) rallied at the provincial police station against the presidential candidates with military backgrounds.

They urged the soldiers to stay in their barracks and stick to defending the country as professional soldiers.

The students also criticized civilian presidential candidates who sought military support. The demonstration caused traffic jams on major thoroughfares across Kupang.

The protests in Kupang and Cirebon coincided with the commemoration of the May 12, 1998, shooting of four Trisakti University students ahead of Soeharto's fall.

The protesters demanded that the legal authorities and the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) thoroughly investigate the incident.

They also called for the police officers involved in the recent brutal attack on the campus of the Indonesian Muslim University (UMI) in Makassar, South Sulawesi, and the shooting of civilians in Manggarai regency on Flores island, to be brought to justice.

In Yogyakarta, hundreds of students staged separate protests against militarism, warning of a return of New Order forces in politics following the good showing of the Golkar Party in the April 5 legislative election, and Wiranto's selection as the party's presidential candidate.

The demonstrators also said the emergence of the Democratic Party, which nominated Susilo for the presidency, showed that the military remained a powerful player on the country's political stage.

Fitness tests for candidates in Jakarta

Straits Times - May 12, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- A battery of 520 questions from psychiatrists checking for psychosis, neurosis, retardation or personality complexes; up to 30 minutes on the treadmill to determine cardio-fitness; and spirometry tests to assess lung capacity.

These are just some of the trials that candidates for Indonesia's top jobs have to go through before voters take their pick during presidential elections in July.

A team of 60 doctors, all experts in their respective specialisations, have the job of signing off, or not, on candidates' files. Each exam could take as long as seven hours to perform.

Indeed, President Megawati Sukarnoputri and running mate Hasyim Muzadi appeared tired in their blue hospital gowns after the marathon sessions at the Army hospital in Jakarta yesterday.

On top of everything that male candidates have to submit themselves to, Ms Megawati also endured a 30-minute gynaecological session.

Reports said that even former generals Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who are presumably in better shape than their peers due to many years of exercise and discipline, appeared ruffled after their ordeals with physicians last month.

Officials declined to disclose how much all these tests are costing taxpayers. But a member of the presidential medical team said: "Well, CT scans, mammography sessions or MRI tests are not cheap." The results will not be available to the public either.

The KPU, Indonesia's elections commission, said last week that all test information would be kept confidential and candidates would be given only pass or fail grades. Supporters of the process said this is all needed to ensure the next president is physically and mentally up to the task.

Mr Siswono Yudhohusodo, vice-presidential candidate on the ticket of current top legislature MPR leader Amien Rais, said after his turn on Monday: "The country's burden is so heavy that we need leaders in their prime. I agree we need these checks."

However, critics said that the medical examinations may not be needed and would only burden the state's coffers. "As far as I know, this is very unusual," said an international consultant who has been working on the Indonesian elections. It is not unreasonable to "make sure the country's leader is in a reasonable state of health", said the elections watcher. But he quickly added: "I don't know any other country that does this, that makes its leaders go through something like this." Supporters of former president Abdurrahman Wahid say they know the reason for the tests. These are all being done just to keep him from running for the presidency, they say. Mr Abdurrahman, who has suffered two strokes and requires assistance when walking or reading, insists that he remains a candidate despite having failed the medical tests.

He was ousted from office in July 2001 due to allegations of corruption. Detractors at that time also suggested that his frail health prevented him from doing his job.

The second and last round of medical checks is scheduled for this week. During the first round in the last week of April, generals Wiranto and Bambang and Mr Abdurrahman completed the tests.

Vice-President Hamzah Haz, who is gunning for the No 1 spot in July, and Golkar No 2 candidate and Mr Abdurrahman's brother Solahuddin Wahid are to take their tests today.

Presidential hopefuls beat registration deadline

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

Jakarta -- The unprecedented presidential election in July looks certain to see six pairs of contenders, with the incumbent Megawati Soekarnoputri and her deputy-cum-challenger Hamzah Haz being the last to register.

One day before registration closed on Wednesday, the National Mandate Party (PAN), Golkar Party and National Awakening Party (PKB) presidential and vice presidential candidates signed up with the General Elections Commission (KPU).

Amien Rais and former minister Siswono Yudohusodo, supported by PAN and several new parties that failed to meet the electoral threshold, registered with the KPU with the optimism that they would fare well in the polls.

Amien, whose candidacy was announced over the weekend, said all candidates stood an equal chance of winning and he hoped all of them would uphold fair play.

Golkar's presidential and vice presidential candidates Gen. (ret) Wiranto and Solahuddin Wahid, whose candidacy was announced earlier in the day, arrived in the afternoon to meet with the KPU members and submitted all the necessary documents.

Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung and its top brass witnessed the registration of Wiranto and Solahuddin.

To everybody's surprise, while Wiranto and Solahuddin were answering questions from a crowd of reporters at the KPU building, PKB presidential and vice presidential candidates Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and Marwah Daud Ibrahim came in. Gus Dur and Marwah registered right after the Golkar candidates left the registration room.

Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla were the first presidential and vice presidential aspirants to register on Monday. Supported by the Democratic Party, the Crescent Star Party and the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party, the pair have been tipped as strong contenders.

In sharp contrast with all candidates who dressed in suits, Gus Dur and Marwah wore traditional batik attire when they presented their required documents.

Gus Dur said that should the KPU disqualify him for poor health, he would quit politics. "If the commission disqualifies me, which I doubt they will, I will quit political life. I have been involved in it for more than 30 years," the visually-impaired cleric said.

The KPU requires all candidates to undergo a medical checkup, including an eye test, a policy widely criticized as discriminatory against the disabled.

The KPU is expected to complete the verification of the candidates credentials by May 22 and publicly announce the eligible candidates on the same day. The draw will be conducted the following day.

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) candidate President Megawati Soekarnoputri and her running mate Hasyim Muzadi underwent a medical examination at the Gatot Subroto Army hospital on Tuesday. Coordinator of the medical team Farid Anfasa Moeloek said that both Megawati and Hasyim had their heart, eyesight, blood, memory and reproductive system examined.

Like Megawati, Vice President Hamzah Haz and his running mate Minister of Communications Agum Gumelar, who were nominated by the United Development Party (PPP), will register their candidacy on Wednesday.

Agum said that he would resign from the Cabinet once he was declared by the KPU as the running mate of Hamzah. A retired four-star general, Agum had earlier criticized fellow retired military officers who joined the race for the presidency, saying they were driven by a thirst for power.

NU, Muhammadiyah involvement in politics 'may weaken them'

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

Abdul Khalik/Nana Rukmana, Jakarta/Cirebon -- Scholars warned on Tuesday that the candidacy of several top figures from Nahdatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah's endorsement of Amien Rais would have an adverse impact on the role of those organizations as pillars of civil society.

The Rector of the State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta Azyumardi Azra said that the candidacies of NU Chairman Hasyim Muzadi and Solahuddin Wahid as vice president, as well as Muhammadiyah's support of Amien's run for president, was unfortunate.

"Both organizations are major elements of civil society, which have a role as a check and balance mechanism on the government. This role could is effectively compromised if they are involved in power politics because they would be reluctant to criticize once their figures got elected," said Azyumardi.

He also said that these candidates could eventually try to use their position in the organizations to get as many votes as they could from their respective members.

Azyumardi added that several candidates from NU would also divide and confuse the grassroots members (nahdliyin) as these members would have to choose one of the figures.

"I think the conflict among NU grassroots supporters is unavoidable as the elite will try to influence nahdliyin to win their votes. Many Muhammadiyah members are scattered in several parties, which have their own choices other than Amien," he said.

Hasyim has decided to team up with Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) while Solahuddin, the brother of Abdurrahman Wahid, has been picked as the running mate of Gen (ret.) Wiranto of the Golkar Party.

In addition to those figures, Jusuf Kalla the vice presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, is also a key NU member. His father, the late Achmad Kalla, was elected as a member of House of Representatives from the NU Party in the 1955 election.

Azyumardi proposed that non-partisan Muslim figures, such as academicians and intellectuals, should keep on playing the role as a guardian of the process of the democracy in the country.

A noted scholar from NU, Lili Munir, expressed similar concerns regarding the candidacy of several NU figures saying that clerics were now busy discussing politics or supporting one of the candidates while neglecting the educational process in pesantren, the Islamic boarding schools.

"I am very shocked that they are becoming candidates. As a result, many more clerics are now getting involved in politics. They take sides with one of the candidates and often leave their pesantren. They will try to influence students to vote for their candidates too," Lili surmised.

She also complained that according to her experiences, many nahdliyin were confused about what candidates to vote for in the upcoming election, given the fact that all NU candidates were influential figures.

The NU friction became evident when the NU Youth Group (KMNU) demanded on Tuesday that both Hasyim and Solahuddin resign from their NU posts to keep the organization neutral as required by its 1926 declaration (khittah).

"Their resignations are necessary to keep NU from practical politics. We would, however, allow them to contest the vice presidency as individuals. That's why they have to resign so that they don't manipulate NU as an organization," said Nuruzzman, the chairman of KMNU.

Meanwhile, Muhammadiyah Chairman Achmad Syafii Maarif said that he had never endorsed Amien formally and that Muhammadiyah as an organization remained neutral.

"As proof, I did not attend the Amien-Siswono declaration ceremony on Sunday. Also, I never used the official Muhammadiyah letter head when announcing Amien's endorsement," said Syafii.

Amien, former Muhammadiyah chairman, announced on Sunday his vice presidential candidate Siswono Yudohusodo for the July 5 presidential election.

Susilo still red-hot favorite on 40.6% in new survey

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

A. Junaidi, Jakarta -- Rejecting accusations of partiality, the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) has again placed the Democratic Party's cofounder Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the presidential election front-runner in its latest poll.

Susilo secured 40.6 percent of the 1,216 respondents' votes, defeating current President Megawati Soekarnoputri, who came a distant second with 14.7 percent.

"Susilo and Megawati are the most likely winners in the first round of the presidential election," the LSI's executive director, Denny J.A. told a press conference on Tuesday.

The survey was conducted in 64 regencies and cities in 32 provinces between April 9 and April 15, using multistage random sampling and direct interviews with a margin of error of around 2.9 percent.

Besides Susilo and Megawati, according to the survey, Gen. (ret) Wiranto, the presidential candidate of the Golkar Party and Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party secured 5.9 percent of the respondents' votes respectively.

In April, based on another one of its survey, the LSI also placed Susilo, the former coordinating minister for political and security affairs, at the top of the list.

Denny, however, denied that the LSI was supporting Susilo so as to further its own interests, saying that his institute was funded by the Japan-Indonesia Cooperation Agency (JICA), with one of the requirements being that the survey's findings should be made public.

"We have received no money from Susilo or any other party. But we do not forbid our members, in their personal capacities, to have relationships with parties," he asserted.

Meanwhile, Indonesian expert from the Australian National University, Harold Crouch, suggested that the public treat the findings of the survey with caution.

"We should be careful. Indonesian politics are difficult to predict -- liquid and quickly changing," said Crouch, who is also a member of the LSI's board of trustees.

He regretted that the survey did not take the running mates of the presidential candidates and the strength of their political machines into account.

The survey was conducted before Megawati, chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), picked Hasyim Muzadi, chairman of the country's largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama, as her running mate.

Crouch predicted that Wiranto, the former chief of the Indonesian Military (TNI), would secure a significant share of the vote as a result of Golkar's well-oiled political machine. "How effective will the Democratic Party as a political machine for Susilo be?" he questioned.

Based on the result of the legislative election on April 5, Golkar secured 21.58 million votes, the PDI-P 18.53 million votes, the National Awakening Party 10.57 million votes, the United Development Party 8.15 million votes and the Democratic Party 7.45 million votes.

Solahuddin defends Wiranto's credentials

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- "If you can't beat them, join them" seems to be Solahuddin Wahid's motto.

Only two years ago, Solahuddin tried hard and failed to question several military officers, including Gen. Wiranto, over gross human rights violations in the Trisakti and Semanggi I and II shooting incidents. On Tuesday, however, the prominent rights campaigner publicly declared his alliance with Wiranto, claiming that they had the same vision, mission and commitment even in law enforcement.

"We have the same commitment to bringing about a just and prosperous Indonesia," Solahuddin said when announcing his vice presidential bid under Golkar, which has chosen Wiranto as its flag bearer in the July 5 presidential election.

To justify his decision, Solahuddin called on the public to come to terms with the past and not to dwell on its bitter legacy. "We need to be wiser in looking into the past. The time is right to turn vengeance into forgiveness and by revealing the truth ... we hope that human rights abuse will not recur in the future," he said to the thunderous applause from hundreds of guests in attendance.

Solahuddin, who is also known as Gus Solah, said that in the next few days he would hold talks with a number of non-governmental organizations and victims of human rights abuse to explain his decision to team up with Wiranto.

"After completing the presidential registration with the General Elections Commission, I will pay them a visit. This is part of my accountability to the public," said Gus Solah, a deputy chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM).

He declined to name which victims of rights abuses he would meet, but he said that it would include families of those who had perished in the May 1998 riots and those of students who died in the Semanggi and Trisakti shooting incidents. All occurred when Wiranto led the Indonesian Military (TNI) and was minister of defense.

Salahuddin also said on Tuesday that he had officially relinquished his position in Komnas HAM. Solahuddin led in 2002 a Komnas HAM team investigating the May 1998 riots. His team tried very hard to subpoena several key military officers, including Wiranto, but was unable to do so as they ignored the summons.

Apart from the riots, Wiranto was also held responsible for the bloody mayhem that engulfed East Timor following a referendum in which most voted to separate from Indonesia after 22 years of oppression.

A United Nations-sponsored East Timor tribunal issued an arrest warrant on Monday for Wiranto for his alleged crimes against humanity that took place before and after the territory's breakaway from Indonesia.

Wiranto said on Tuesday that the arrest warrant was the latest effort in a smear campaign, involving certain parties in the country, to thwart his presidential bid. "This is nothing new. I have been accused of committing almost the worst of all crimes, from human rights violations, money counterfeiting to involvement in a bank scandal," he told reporters.

Wiranto's bid for the presidency took a blow on Tuesday with the resignation of renowned political analyst Andi Alfian Mallarangeng from the United Democratic Nationhood Party (PPDK) central board.

He was disappointed by the party's decision to support Wiranto's candidacy. "Wiranto is part of the country's troubled past and I don't want to have a future leader who will be preoccupied with efforts to clear his name," Andi said. Andi, however, appreciated the decision as it was made in a legitimate decision-making process.

Party leader Ryaas Rasyid defended his party's stance on Wiranto, saying that the Golkar Party candidate had the strongest chance of winning the presidential election. "Based on our forecast, we believe that only Megawati and Wiranto will contest the second round of the presidential election on Sept. 20. But since PPDK is committed to the reform movement, it is impossible to support Megawati," Ryaas said.

Promiscuity and unholy alliances in Indonesia

Asia Times - May 10, 2004

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- "I see a great degree of promiscuity in Indonesian politics. Anyone can get married to anybody." That is how Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a former adviser to Indonesia's third president, B J Habibie, describes the drive by candidates in the July presidential election to form "unholy alliances of secular and religious parties".

Meanwhile, in parliamentary elections, whose final tally was announced last week, a sweeping movement for change has led to one of the most unexpected election results in the country's history. Golkar, formerly seen as corrupt and authoritarian and thought to be past its sell-by date, swept back into favor. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), whose leader Megawati Sukarnoputri was once perceived as a beacon of reformation, was dumped en masse by voters in an election widely billed as the second free and fair election for the nation (after the first in 1999).

The Golkar party, which former strongman Suharto formed in the 1960s as his political instrument of rule, was last Wednesday declared the official winner of this year's elections. From a final count of 113.4 million votes, Golkar won 21.6 percent of the poll, with the "ruling" party, PDI-P, bringing up the rear with 18.53 percent, a drop of 15 percentage points from its victory in 1999. Golkar will get 128 seats in the 550-strong parliament and PDI-P only 109, down sharply from the 153 it won in the last election.

Under Suharto, stability and prosperity were bought at the cost of civil liberties and a dark history of human-rights abuses. This time around, the party campaigned on basic economic and social issues -- jobs, education, better health care. Suharto had delivered on all these until the regional financial crisis blew away his New Order, or so it was thought.

The current Megawati administration, on the other hand, was seen to have failed to deliver on promises of reform and had alienated many Muslim groups.

Voters could be forgiven, however, for musing that Marquis de Flers Robert and Arman de Caillavet were right when perceiving that "democracy is the name we give the people whenever we need them".

There is a dawning reality afoot as the public notes that, bereft of proper policies, the interests of the political elite lie only in securing power, with the aspirations of the people coming a distant second. There is little, if any, debate on substantive issues and even less evidence of platforms or political ideologies for the long-term benefit of the nation as a whole rather than the privileged few.

Former presidential adviser Anwar says the secular and religious parties are using the vice-presidential slot to secure support in parliament rather than stand on proper policy platforms. This is not so surprising given that to secure a stable government, the next president will need a high level of support within the House of Representatives (DPR), which must approve most government policies. A split DPR could result in weak leadership and lead to continued political uncertainty with a damaging effect on the economy.

Hence the drive to enhance bargaining positions and form party coalitions prior to the presidential election on July 5, when about 148 million voters will directly choose a president and vice president in the country's first direct presidential election. If no pair gets a majority, the poll will go to a final-round runoff in September.

On Thursday the first "unholy alliance" was consecrated when President Megawati announced that she is running for another term but this time, with a new vice-presidential candidate, Hasyim Muzadi -- chairman of the country's largest Islamic organization, the 40-million-strong moderate group Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

Over the weekend, however, the organization's Council of Nine vetoed Muzadi's vice-presidential candidacy and instead backed former president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.

Wahid, who has wide influence in the NU, was thought to have the support of most of the NU kyais (religious teachers) in canvassing votes against Muzadi's candidacy, but scores of other NU clerics on Sunday demanded that the NU central board promptly issue an edict to those NU members who were still confused about whom to vote for.

Little wonder, as the half-blind cleric, in effect barred from the presidential race by a controversial General Elections Commission (KPU) health requirement, still plans to run for president and carry the banner of the National Awakening Party (PKB) he founded. PKB, in effect the political wing of the NU, won the fifth-biggest chunk of votes, with 10.57 percent, giving it 52 seats in the new parliament and lots of bargaining power for Wahid.

Wahid is holding most of the cards. And his engineered overthrow in July 2001 has returned to haunt many of those who brought him down.

Golkar has chosen Suharto's former military chief Wiranto to top the party's presidential ticket and hopes to fill the vice- presidential slot with Solahuddin Wahid, deputy chief of the National Human Rights Commission (KOMNAS HAM), which concluded in December 1999 that Wiranto had been responsible for the bloodbath in East Timor three months earlier. Solahuddin, deputy head of the NU, is a brother of Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.

Though Golkar chief Akbar Tanjung said on Monday that Wahid had approved Solahuddin's vice-presidential bid with Golkar, PKB deputy chairman Mahfud M D said, "If the KPU finally disqualifies Gus Dur, only then will we endorse Solahuddin Wahid as the running mate of Wiranto."

"Whoever wants to win can't free themselves of Gus Dur," said political scientist Arbi Sanit.

National Mandate Party (PAN) chairman and Speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Amien Rais can expect support from the leadership of the country's second-largest Muslim organization, Muhammadiyah.

Though PAN is a nationalist party, a change in its statute to include a controversial reference to piety (taqwa) was seen as an indication it might be leaning toward Muslim groups. Rais, however, said last year: "If I based my political support only on Muslims, there is a foregone conclusion that I will lose."

Onetime reformist Rais, who claims to have the backing of Muhammadiyah, the country's second-largest Islamic group with some 30 million members, on Sunday announced his running mate as Siswono Yudhohusodo, who leads the Indonesian Farmers Brotherhood Union (HKTI).

Siswono, who served as a minister several times during the Suharto era, had been nominated as a presidential candidate by a grouping of several political parties, including the Islamic Unity Party (PSI), before deciding to row in with Rais "after a month of contemplation".

There are fears that progress toward a strong civil society would be thwarted should either of the two generals win power. Even the incumbent president's party has expressed concern about the rise of military figures as leading presidential candidates, saying it could pose a threat to democracy.

Yet Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono remains odds-on favorite in opinion polls. The birth of his Democratic Party was a direct result of his failure to become vice president during the Special Session of the MPR in July 2001 that toppled Gus Dur. Nominated by the Justice and Unity Party led by retired General Edi Sudrajat, a former defense minister, Yudhoyono failed to qualify for the final vote, losing out to Hamzah Haz and Akbar Tanjung.

The lesson was quickly learned by many generals: to be a national leader it is necessary to have strong support from the parties or even to be a leader in a major party.

A total of 8.45 million people voted on April 5 for the Democratic Party, giving it 7.45 percent of the total tally and 57 seats in the DPR. The party's policies are similar to the platform of the military itself: defending the independence and sovereignty of the republic based on the state Pancasila philosophy and the now-amended 1945 constitution.

Five parties -- the United Development Party (PPP), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Reform Star Party (PBR) and Indonesian Nahdlatul Community Party (PPNUI) -- are Islamic parties. PKB and PAN, though Islamic-based, see themselves as nationalist parties

The 1999 elections highlighted the failure of Islamic parties to campaign on the key issues. Altogether, the major Islamic parties drew a third of the vote then. The focus was solely on one issue -- Islam. This year they dropped religious issues from the campaigning and appealed to voters on general issues such as corruption and the economy. Ethnic and religious differences were kept under wraps. The message was one of tolerance and pluralism.

Other than PKS, however, the other major Islamic political parties did not perform as well they had hoped. PPP, the biggest Islamic-based party, won 58 seats to finish third; PAN won 52 seats, an increase from 34 in the 1999 elections; followed by PKS with 45 seats, a major increase from the seven seats it won in 1999.

Yet Islamic organizations continue to try to make the giant leap into the secular mainstream. Four of the seven agreed on Saturday to nominate common presidential and vice-presidential candidates, said Hamzah Haz, the country's current vice president and the chairman of PPP.

The three Islamic-based parties left outside of this embryo coalition are the PBR, the PBB and the PKS.

The Jakarta Stock Exchange was down all last week, hurt by political uncertainty and local security concerns, dealers said. The failure of any party to win a large majority of seats has discouraged investors.

Prospects for the economy and business have been sidelined for the time being in the wider interests of getting a grip on power, but there are social issues building up a head of steam.

US Ambassador to Jakarta Ralph Boyce warned this month, "What is ticking, I think, is that there are millions of people coming into the workforce on a net basis every year that have to find jobs, and, absent major increases in domestic and foreign investment, that's a concern for anybody that values stability."

Infighting won't hurt NU: Experts

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

A. Junaidi, Jakarta -- The political ambitions of some leaders of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) may create friction within the nation's largest Muslim organization, but the conflict would not affect members at the grass roots, observers say.

"Conflicts are an ordinary phenomena of NU's culture," scholar Muslim Abdurrahman told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

The nominations of NU chairman Haysim Muzadi and leader Solahuddin Wahid as vice presidential candidates for the July 5 election has triggered open and bitter conflict among top NU figures, notably between Hasyim and former NU chairman Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid -- who still commands tremendous influence over the organization's rank and file.

Hasyim has decided to team up with Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), while Solahuddin has been picked as the running mate of Gen. (ret) Wiranto of the Golkar Party.

Muslim Abdurrahman said NU, as an organization, had a strong influence over the grass roots, which was determined mostly by kyais (religious leaders) and Muslim boarding schools (pesantren).

He explained that NU members would depend much on the opinion of kyai as patrons in deciding their choice during the country's first-ever direct presidential election on July 5.

"Kyai and their pesantren are autonomous. They are not controlled by the NU's central board," said Muslim, an executive member of the country's second largest Muslim organization Muhammadiyah.

Young NU intellectual Ulil Abshar Abdalla supported Muslim's opinion that friction in NU would not affect its members at the grass roots.

Ulil even hailed the candidacy of Hasyim, saying that it would balance the strong influence of Gus Dur in the organization.

"So far, there is no one in NU, except Hasyim, who could challenge Gus Dur," he said.

According to Ulil, Hasyim's candidacy could pose a challenge to candidates with military backgrounds -- Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party.

He also regretted the eagerness of Solahuddin -- who is also deputy chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights -- to be paired with Wiranto, due to the latter's indictment on charges of human rights abuses in Timor.

"It is difficult for NU, as part of civil society, to accept Wiranto with his military background and image," Ulil said.

He said Solahuddin's candidacy could not be separated from his status as the younger brother of Gus Dur, who still has strong influence in NU and the National Awakening Party (PKB).

He said Solahuddin was relatively unknown in social and political circles until Gus Dur was elected president five years ago.

With 50 million members, the NU has attracted the attention of political parties who hope to secure NU votes in the presidential election.

Besides Solahuddin and Hasyim, Jusuf Kalla, the vice presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, has also claimed to be an NU member.

Kalla's father, the late Achmad Kalla, was elected as a member of the House of Representatives from the NU Party in the 1955 general election from the South Sulawesi electorate.

The NU, founded by Gus Dur's grandfather Hasyim Asy'ari in 1926, was the third largest party in 1955, after the Indonesian National Party (PNI) and the Masyumi Party.

Former president Soeharto forced four Islamic parties -- NU, the Indonesian Muslim Party (Parmusi), the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII), and the Indonesia Islamic Education Party (Perti) -- to fuse to become a single party, the United Development Party in 1975.

Hamzah Haz to run for presidency with General Agum

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

Jakarta/Surabaya -- United Development Party (PPP) leader Hamzah Haz has added his name to the list of presidential candidates when he announced on Monday he would join the race, picking Cabinet minister Gen. (ret.) Agum Gumelar as his running mate.

PPP executive Sofyan Usman said the decision followed a meeting of party leaders on Monday night at the official residence of vice-president Hamzah in Central Jakarta. The subdued occasion was marked by their leader's personal loss. Hamzah was mourning the death of his step daughter, who died from cancer on Monday morning.

In attendance at the meeting were party officials Habil Marati, Hafid Z. Maksum, Emron Pangkapi, Zarkasih Nur, Sofyan and Hasrul Harahap.

Agum will be the third retired military general to join the race after Wiranto and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who are presidential candidates from the Golkar Party and the Democratic Party respectively.

Agum told Antara he had accepted Hamzah's offer. "The nation is in need of a strong team to ensure that the reform agenda works and democracy grows stronger," Agum, the minister of communications, said.

He said further steps regarding Hamzah's and his candidacy would be discussed later.

The pair have less than two days to formalize their nominations as registration for presidential and vice presidential candidates with the General Elections Commission (KPU) closes on Wednesday. The duo has to undergo medical tests before registering with the commission.

The KPU has so far only registered the pairing of Susilo and Jusuf Kalla. Wiranto and Solahuddin Wahid (Golkar), Megawati Soekarnoputri and Hasyim Muzadi (the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle), Amien Rais and Siswono Yudohusodo (the National Mandate Party) will follow suit in the next few days.

National Awakening Party (PKB) cofounder Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid has also confirmed his presidential bid, but has not chosen a definite running mate.

Hamzah had earlier been courted by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle to rejoin forces with Megawati to vie for another three-year partnership.

However, Megawati finally picked Hasyim, who heads the 40 million-strong Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization.

Wiranto had also made an approach to Hamzah before eventually naming NU deputy leader Solahuddin his running mate on Sunday. Solahuddin accepted Golkar's offer following support from the PKB. Hamzah also came from the NU.

Another contender to be Hamzah's running mate was former Army chief Gen. (ret) Tyasno Sudarto, PPP executive Emron Pangkapi said. "We narrowed the choices to Agum and Tyasno, but the floor finally voted for Agum," Emron said.

In Surabaya, Wiranto and Solahuddin appeared before the public for the first time on Monday since Golkar announced its partnership. They attended the opening of the East Java Golkar campaign team.

Solahuddin, the National Commission on Human Rights deputy chairman, said he was prepared to face criticism for becoming the running mate of Wiranto, who has been linked to human rights abuses both here and in East Timor.

"PKB supports my vice presidential candidacy under Golkar, because Wiranto has not been proven guilty by the courts," Solahuddin told The Jakarta Post "I am sure Wiranto is not guilty, and Wiranto should move ahead with his presidential bid. The charges constitute foreign interference."

Anti-military demo tears down gates of governor's office

Detik.com - May 13, 2004

Budi Sugiharto, Surabaya - A demonstration opposing presidential candidates from [former President Suharto's state ruling party] Golkar and the military on Thursday May 13 ended in demonstrators tearing down the main eastern gate of the State Grahadi Building on Jalan Gubernur Suryo in Surabaya (East Java) and forcing their way into the grounds of the building.

The incident occurred at around 1.30pm when around 300 demonstrators from the United Democratic People's Front (Front Demokrasi Rakyat Bersatu) tried to tear down the entrance gate. After several attempts, demonstrators shouted and danced with joy after in the strongly built gates finally collapsed.

Although demonstrators tore down the gates they were not hindered by police or security guards. The single platoon of police which were present just watched. Only after demonstrators tried to enter the grounds did the head of the South Surabaya police, Alex Sampe, and the head of the civil service police, P.P. Sutartip, initiate negotiations with leaders of the demonstration.

The police then gave the demonstrators permission to enter on the condition that they would have only 20 minutes and would do no further damage. Demonstrators used the 20 minutes to read a statement and people's pledge which opposed presidential candidates from Golkar and the military.

Sampe denied that they had just let demonstrators behave destructively. "We tried to act persuasively. You can see who is being anarchistic. We will be asking that responsibility for the damage [be taken] by the coordinator of the action", he explained. (gtp)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Investors doesn't care about candidates' background

Kompas - May 15, 2004

Kuala Lumpur, Kompas -- Domestic and foreign investors in Indonesia's capital markets don't care about the background of the presidential candidates who will be competing in the presidential elections on July 5. A military or civilian background will not have a significant influence on decisions by capital market investors on whether they invest capital in Indonesia. For them the economic vision of the presidential candidates are far more important.

This issue was raised by a number of capital market investors who attend a seminar titled "Investment Conference on Indonesia -- Evaluating Investment Opportunities" in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, which ended on Friday May 14.

Kompas journalist Ferry Irwanto reports that the seminar was held to promote potential capital market investment in Indonesia among Malaysian investors and was linked with the Malaysian government's new policy which allows Malaysian investors to invest capital overseas to the value of 10 per cent of their capital market investments in Malaysia.

Malaysian analysts and capital market investors are of the opinion that the military background of an Indonesian presidential candidate will not influence them in making a decision to invest capital in Indonesia. What will influence their decision is the vision and economic platform of the candidates. They said that to date not one presidential candidate has a clear economic vision.

Waiting for a vision and platform

The analysts and Malaysian capital market investors attending the seminar, as well as analysts from the Centennial Group Manu Bhaskaran Inc, acknowledged that [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party presidential candidate] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono represented the most popular presidential candidate in the eyes of foreign capital market investors. They said however that not one of the presidential candidates had a clear economic vision, including Yudhoyono. According to the participants, popularity alone will not have much influence on the flow of investment into Indonesia. Their position at the moment therefore is one of wait and see.

It is the same for domestic capital market investors. According to the executive director of P.T. Danareksa, Zas Ureawan, capital market investors in Indonesia are only around 10 per cent of the total population. There is a clear demarcation [in the views of] capital market investors who are only around 10 per cent and the rest of the Indonesian population.

"The experience over the last few years indicates that there is a clear demarcation between the public's response to political conditions and decisions taken in the capital markets", he said.

"In Indonesia's capital market at the moment, what is having an influence is actually regional factors, not political factors, except if mass rioting were to occur as it did in 1998 [prior to the resignation of former President Suharto]. The weakness of the value of the composite share index (IHSG) which has occurred over the last few days was caused by regional factors, not political factors", he said.

Although domestic capital market investors also do not care very much about the military or civilian background of a presidential candidate, according to Ureawan they are hoping that there isn't opposition against presidential candidates originating from the military in the initial stages of the elections. The reason for this is that they are concerned that opposition against a presidential candidate originating from the military will result retribution being taken.

"We hope, [that the public will] let military [candidates] nominate themselves. If we oppose a president from the military, we can do this on election day by means of not voting for them. If there is opposition before [the elections] even get started, there is concern that those who are being opposed will take retribution", said Ureawan.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Anti-military demonstrations dog Wiranto and Gus Solah

Detik.com - May 11, 2004

Luhur Hertanto, Jakarta -- Anti-military demonstrations dogged [former armed forces chief] Wiranto and Gus Solah [National Human Rights Commission member Solahuddin Wahid] as they left the National Election Commission (KPU) after registering as Golkar Party presidential and vice-presidential candidates on Tuesday May 11.

Although they could hear the shouts, Wiranto and Gus Solah appeared unconcerned. After registering themselves they went directly to their car and left the KPU offices on Jalan Imam Bonjol in Central Jakarta.

A number of posters adorned the demonstration such as "Don't let the military return to power" and "The military has failed to lead the nation".

The action which began at 2pm was still continuing at 3.30pm with demonstrators sitting on the KPU's fence and blocking half of the road in the direction of the Hotel Indonesia roundabout causing a traffic jam.

The demonstrators were from three different groups including the Trisakti Student's Association, the Underground Student Community (Komunitas Mahasiswa Bawah Tanah, Kombat) and the Independent National Student Movement and totaled around 300 people.

They arrived in separate waves and but did not come together as one gorup. They demanded that the KPU refuse to accept presidential and vice-presidential candidates from the military. This was because SBY [former coordinating minister for politics and security Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono] and Wiranto do not have a good track record on upholding human rights. Both of them have been involved in cases of human rights violations.

Retired General Wiranto is suspected of being the brains behind the vocations in East Timor and Trisakti(1) while retired General SBY is suspected to have know about and allowed the May 27 attack on the Indonesian Democratic Party headquarters to go ahead(2).

The demonstrators said therefore that there is absolutely no guarantee that if a military figure is elected as president their government will uphold the principles of human rights. (sss)

Notes:

1. On May 12, 1998, security personnel shot into a crowd of student protesters from the Trisakti University near their campus in West Jakarta, killing four students and injuring several. This proved to be the spark which set-off three days of mass demonstrations and rioting in Jakarta which eventually lead to the overthrow of Suharto.

2. Following weeks of protests at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters after the Suharto regime engineered Megawati's removal as the party's democratically elected chairperson, on July 27, 1966, paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police. Many had hoped that with Megawati's ascendancy to the presidency those responsible would be held accountable however Megawati and other leading party figures have publicly distanced themselves (refusing to attend annual commemorations) from the issue. Those who were eventually brought to trial in late 2003 have all been low ranking soldiers or civilians and have either been acquitted for lack of evidence or given light sentences. None of those believed to have organised or led the attack have been brought to trial.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Demos against military candidates betrayal of democracy: SBY

Detik.com - May 11, 2004

Muchus Budi R., Solo -- Democratic Party presidential candidate and retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono alias SBY says he is saddened by the wave of demonstrations opposing presidential candidates with a military background. In his assessment, these opponents are holding the actions within the framework of democracy however in fact they are betraying democracy itself.

"It is the right of everyone, including retired TNI [armed forces] officers to compete though democratic means to nominate themselves as presidential or vice-presidential candidates. If indeed [they] don't like me, yeah well, they don't have to vote for me", said SBY. This issue was taken up by SBY during the declaration of the SBY success team in Central Java and Yogyakarta which was held at the Wisata Niaga Building in Solo on Tuesday May 11.

"It's up to the people who will be voting. The spirited [attempts] to prohibit and block [candidates from the military] is in fact a betrayal of democracy and the democracy which we are struggling for together at the moment", said SBY who was of course greeted by thunderous applause by his supporters.

The declaration of SBY and vice-presidential candidate [former coordinating minister for people's welfare Jusuf] Kalla's success team was attended by more than 500 supporters from Central Java and Yogyakarta. SBY appeared together with his success team, one of whom is the former Iskandar Muda (Aceh) territorial military commander Major General Djali Jusuf. As in previous campaign events, before the event ended SBY sang a duet with Djali Jusuf of his favorite song "Rainbow in my eyes".

[Abridged translation by James Balowski.]

SBY surprised by his own party's program on its website

Detik.com - May 11, 2004

Muchus Budi R., Solo -- Democratic Party presidential candidate, [former coordinating minister for politics and security] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) has admitted that he doesn't know who entered the data on the Democratic Party's web site which gives the impression that one of the party's programs is to abolish the army's territorial command structure from Koramil (sub-district military command) to Kodam (regional military command).

This was revealed by SBY at a declaration of the Central Java and Yogyakarta SBY success team on Tuesday May 11. He made the statement in response to a question by one of his supporters who asked whether if SBY is elected as president, Koramil, Kodim (district military command), Korem (sub-regional military command) and Kodam will be abolished.

Without referring to its title, SBY immediately opened a book which explains the policies of the Democratic Party and indeed it did say that one of the party's programs is to abolish the TNI's (armed forces') territorial military commands.

"I still do not know who put data like this on the Democratic Party's web site. But what is certain is this data is erroneous. We do not have a working program of this kind and furthermore this data is being used as black propaganda to attack us", explained SBY.

He also said that it is inappropriate for presidential candidates or their success teams to use these kind of campaign methods. He therefore appealed to all members of his success teams not to do likewise or counter the attack with similar methods.

The declaration of SBY and vice-presidential candidate [former coordinating minister for people's welfare Jusuf] Kalla's success team was attended by more than 500 supporters from Central Java and Yogyakarta. SBY appeared together with his success team, one of whom is the former Iskandar Muda (Aceh) territorial military commander Major General Djali Jusuf. As in previous campaign events, before the event ended SBY sang a duet with Djali Jusuf of his favorite song "Rainbow in my eyes". (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Anti-military demonstrators pelt KPU with eggs

Detik.com - May 12, 2004

Luhur Hertanto, Jakarta -- Lively demonstrations against ex- military presidential and vice-presidential candidates are continuing. On the afternoon of Wednesday May 12, around 100 people "run amuck" over the National Election Commission's (KPU) decision to accept presidential candidates from the military. The KPU was even pelted with eggs.

The action involved activists from the Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (PMII), the People's Democratic Party (PRD), the National Independent Student Movement (GMNK) and the Youth Front to Uphold the National Mandate (BMPAN).

The action, which was held in front of the KPU on Jalan Iman Bonjol in Central Jakarta started at 4pm. After 45 minutes the demonstrators began to run amuck and pelted the sign in front of the KPU offices with eggs. "Reject military presidential candidates", shouted demonstrators as they threw the eggs.

The demonstrators called on the KPU to block the registration of military figures bearing in mind that the KPU as an institution organising the elections has a moral obligation to protect democracy.

"If a military presidential candidates is elected there is no guarantee that their government will not apply a militaristic [style of rule]", said one of the participants in a speech.

The demonstrators, most of whom were students, said they do not trust [former armed forces chief and Golkar Party presidential candidate] Wiranto who they claimed was anti-democratic. They said that the words of [former President] Suharto's ex-adjutant are only a sweetener to attract the sympathy of the masses.

"Governments [run] by military figures everywhere always employ militaristic systems", emphasised one of the demonstrators.

During the action they carried photographs of [former coordinating minister for politics and security and Democratic Party presidential candidate] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), Wiranto and President Megawati Sukarnoputri with signs around their necks reading "Mega-SBY-Wiranto No".

Although Megawati is not from the military, they said that she has joined the list of rejected candidates because she has allowed militaristic acts to be taken against civilians. During the Megawati government, military violence against civilians has been increasing. They said that the Megawati government has paid no heed to democracy. (iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Gus Dur to defy rulings and run for presidency

Straits Times - May 10, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- The race for Indonesia's top job heated up yesterday with former president Abdurrahman Wahid, barred from the July 5 election for health reasons, declaring he would still run after talks with leading Muslim clerics.

Separately, Dr Amien Rais, speaker of top legislative body MPR and head of the National Mandate Party (PAN), officially tapped nationalist Siswono Yudhohusodo as his running mate.

Mr Abdurrahman, who led the country between October 1999 and July 2001, said in Tuban, East Java, on Sunday: 'We have all agreed to register me as a presidential candidate. There are still legal avenues available to us.' He was talking after a meeting involving top cadres of his National Awakening Party (PKB) and several influential Javanese clerics.

There was no elaboration of how the former president, popularly known as Gus Dur, plans to challenge regulations on candidates' physical fitness and previous court rulings on this issue, which have all gone against him.

He has suffered at least two strokes, is visually impaired and requires help when walking. Gus Dur's harshest critics, including those who worked to oust him from office in July 2001, have claimed that his frail health detracted from his ability to lead.

PKB sources said the party's leadership would later choose Gus Dur's running mate. The field has apparently thinned to three: Golkar MP Marwah Daud, former decentralisation minister Ryaas Rasyid and actor-cum-politician Sophan Sophiaan.

Dr Amien, meanwhile, became the third candidate to declare a running mate yesterday during a ceremony at the historic Joang (struggle) Building in Central Jakarta.

Previously, leading contender and former security czar Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono linked up with Mr Jusuf Kalla, a prominent businessman and fellow former member of Cabinet.

Incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri also announced last week that she would team up with Mr Hasyim Muzadi, head of Nahdlatul Ulama, the country's biggest Islamic group and a man who could bolster her popularity with Java's Muslim voters.

Dr Amien and his number-two choice, Mr Siswono, are being described as a good blend of nationalist and Islamic politics.

While the former is popular with urban Muslims, Mr Siswono, a former Cabinet member and the boss of Indonesian Farmer Association HKTI, could pull in rural votes.

Dr Amien's choice also satisfies the Java-Outside-Java formula that many observers say is a key to winning the presidential election.

Whereas the candidate is from Java, his running mate is also expected to bolster his popularity in the country's outer islands, especially in his home region of East Kalimantan.

Candidates are required formally to register themselves by the end of this week.

At least one more pairing is expected involving retired general Wiranto, the controversial former armed forces chief who won the Golkar party nomination.

Golkar selects Solahuddin Wahid as VP candidate

Antara - May 10, 2004

Jakarta -- The Golkar Party at its central executive board meeting has declared an associate chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Solahuddin Wahid, as vice presidential candidate to accompany the party's front-runner Wiranto.

Golkar named Solahuddin as its vice presidential candidate as he would secure full support from the National Awakening Party (PKB) and influent ulemas of NU, the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, Golkar's General Chairman Akbar Tandjung said here at early hours of Monday.

"We will officially announce the pair of Wiranto and Salahuddin to the public on May 11 and register them with the General Elections Commission [KPU]," Akbar said.

Akbar said the party's central executive board made the decision after seriously studying the seriousness of PKB in giving support to the couple of Wiranto and Solahuddin.

"God willing, we will win the presidential election on July 5 with 24 million votes owned by Golkar and 12 million votes from PKB besides the supports from ulemas," Akbar said.

After the party's central executive board meeting, Akbar and Wiranto held a closed-door meeting with Solahuddin.

More watchers needed: Cetro

Jakarta Post - May 10, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Poll watchdogs have urged presidential candidates to allocate a big chunk of their budgets to deploy witnesses to polling stations, and during ballot counting, to prevent vote-rigging in the July 5 election.

Smita Notosusanto, the director of the Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro), said vote-rigging was either overlooked or unproven in the April 5 legislative election due to a lack of witnesses.

"Those improprieties took place apparently because most political parties did not assign their members to witness the whole process of ballot counting," she told The Jakarta Post here on Sunday.

She suggested that presidential candidates reduce their campaign budgets to train and deploy witnesses.

Ray Rangkuti of the Independent Committee for Election Monitoring (KIPP) said witnesses would play a more pivotal role in the presidential election.

KIPP data revealed 446 cases of irregularities in the general election, many of which involved election committee members, while others were because of the absence of witnesses.

Separately, a member of the Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) Didik Supriyanto urged political parties and presidential candidates to select only competent witnesses.

"The witnesses must have integrity otherwise they will take bribes," he told the Post.

Didik added that the official supervision committee had demanded that for the presidential election the General Elections Commission (KPU) post a copy of the vote tally for each polling station in a public place for the sake of transparency.

Smita said ballot counting in remote villages and subdistricts might last for days, therefore presidential candidates and parties must allocate extra money for witnesses' meals.

"Problems mostly occur during the vote-counting in villages or subdistricts. So, there must be more witnesses deployed," she said.

Local & community issues

Batam squatters battle eviction, clash with cops

Straits Times - May 15, 2004

Batam -- Riots erupted when police and public order officers tried to evict squatters from more than 400 illegal houses on the industrial island of Batam.

At least two people were shot by police and seven others were beaten during the unrest in Riau province on Thursday. Several cars, including two belonging to TV stations, were also damaged.

The violence forced shopkeepers to close their stores for fear they would be attacked. Public order officers, assisted by police, tried to bulldoze the illegally built shanties in Tanah Longsor, Lubuk Baja sub-district. The 10ha site belongs to housing developer PT Cikitsu.

The Batam municipal administration promised to pay the squatters 2 million rupiah (S$3,800) each, but they refused to move. Instead, hundreds of squatters pelted the officers with stones, wrecked one of their trucks and set ablaze a car belonging to the Batam Authority's security directorate.

They also damaged two cars belonging to private broadcasters SCTV and Metro TV.

One of the squatters, Toni, said the residents refused to accept the compensation, labelling the amount as "derisory".

The riot ended after three hours when Batam legislative council speaker Soeryo Respationo asked the representatives of the squatters to restart talks, which were held later in the day. The talks ended with a decision to delay the eviction indefinitely.

Barelang deputy police chief Heru Winarko said at least two people were being questioned for allegedly inciting the unrest. Security in the area returned to normal in the afternoon.

The building of illegal shelters, now numbering more than 40,000, has been a longstanding problem in Batam, which is 20km away from Singapore.

The illegal settlements were set up during the administration of former president Suharto.

Bandung squatters reject eviction

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Bandung -- Around 500 residents living on land belonging to state railway firm PT Kereta Api Indonesia (PT KAI) in Kebon Jeruk, Ciroyom, staged a rally against their eviction on Friday outside one of the firm's warehouses.

The Bandung mayoral administration plans to build a mall, apartments and a hotel on the PT KAI-owned land, on which almost 10,000 squatters live. The company will allow developer PT Citra Buana Prasida to use the land for 34 years.

But the squatters oppose the plan and have threatened to occupy the adjacent railroad tracks should their demand be ignored.

Squatters try to hold Batam to ransom

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Fadli, Batam -- Squatters in Tanah Longsor, Batam, who had earlier rejected the compensation offered by the local government in return for their vacating a site owned by the state, continued to press their demands on Friday for more money before they would agree to go quietly.

Meanwhile, Fredy, 28, who was hit by a police rubber bullet in the right leg, and Safredi, 20, who was hit by a rubber bullet in the abdomen during a riot by the squatters on Thursday are still being treated by the outpatient unit of a local hospital.

According to Afrizon, a community leader and the neighborhood chief in the area, the injuries suffered by the two men were quite serious.

He complained that the government had ignored the demands by the squatters for what they considered reasonable compensation, and that it was this that had led to Thursday's disturbances. He said that low compensation on offer from the government was the main cause of long-standing problems regarding the eviction of illegal squatters in Batam.

"The government paid no notice to the people's demands for adequate compensation. They directly brought in the bulldozers to destroy our homes. We had to stop them. As they wouldn't back down, we had to defend ourselves," said Afrizon to The Jakarta Post.

According to Afrizon, who said he had been abused by the police, the government team, which consisted of officials from the Batam Authority, Batam municipality, the police and the prosecutors' office, had offered compensation of Rp 300,000 (US$35) and a plot of land measuring 6 X 10 meters to each household head.

"We rejected this and unanimously agreed to demand Rp 2.5 million per family. If they pay us this, we will vacate the area," he said.

According to Emi, 45, who has lived at the site illegally for 11 years, the money on offer was not enough even to move her few sticks of furniture to new accommodation.

As no agreement had been reached between the squatters and government negotiators, Emi said, they had decided to remain on the site, which has an area of 10 hectares and is located in Tanah Longsor, Lubuk Baja subdistrict.

The site, which is inhabited by various ethnic groups, including Batak, Palembang and Minangkabau people, was still tense after the riot on Thursday. A group of men were seen loitering at the entrance to the area.

The squatters began to build their shanties when the island was declared an industrial zone by the Soeharto government.

Meanwhile, Batam Authority spokesman Dwi Djoko Wiwoho said that the government would press ahead with the evictions. He said that the demand for Rp 2.5 per household head was untenable.

"In the light of the disturbances, we are now discussing the matter with the Batam legislature, but the eviction plan will still go ahead. The area in question is not zoned for residential purposes, but rather for the service sector," said Djoko. He did not say when the next attempt to evict the squatters would be made.

In the meantime, the local legislature's deputy speaker, Soeryo Respationo, said that an official letter had been sent to the government team to delay Thursday's eviction attempt. But the letter had been ignored. "Basically, the actions of the administration have not been approved by the legislature," Soeryo said.

Reconciliation & justice

PDI-P demands probe into May riots

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- After years of silence, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) demanded on Friday a thorough investigation into the May 1998 tragedy.

Panda Nababan, secretary of the PDI-P faction at the House of Representatives, told The Jakarta Post here his faction was lobbying other parties in the House to include the issue in the next plenary session.

"The House must clarify what the conclusions were of its 2001 investigation into the shooting of the [four] Trisakti [University] students on May 12, 1998 and the riots on the following days," he said.

Panda chaired a special committee assigned to probe the incidents, which concluded that no gross human rights violations had occurred in the tragedy. This conclusion has so far thwarted any efforts to set up a rights tribunal for alleged perpetrators of the crimes.

The committee's verdict goes against the results of an investigation by a joint fact-finding team (TGPF) headed by the National Commission on Human Rights, which declared serious crimes against humanity took place in the tragedy. But Panda insisted his special committee had conducted a preliminary inquiry only, which should not prevent either the rights body or the Attorney General's Office from carrying out their own investigation.

"The PDI-P has officially called for our party leader, President Megawati Soekarnoputri to ask the Attorney General's Office to follow up the TGPF investigation," he said.

He conceded the PDI-P would face many difficulties and political resistance from certain parties in pursuing the case, particularly from the Golkar Party, whose presidential candidate Gen. (ret) Wiranto has been linked to the tragedy. The rights body's investigation team was unable to summon some 20 military and police officers, including Wiranto and former Jakarta military commander Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, for questioning in connection with the incidents after they refused to aid the investigation.

More than 1,000 people were killed and over 60 women, mostly Chinese Indonesians, were raped when hundreds of malls, shopping centers and public offices in Jakarta were burned down during the riots, which spread to other major cities in Java and Sumatra.

Firman Djaya Daely, another PDI-P legislator, said his party expected international pressure to mount on the government to investigate those held accountable for the tragedy.

He acknowledged his faction was concerned about the possible revival of the New Order, which could bury all human rights and corruption cases allegedly involving past government and military officials.

PDI-P was eclipsed by Golkar in this year's legislative election and could suffer a double loss if Wiranto wins the first direct presidential election on July 5.

However, Indra J. Piliang, a political analyst of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), said human rights issues, including the 1999 East Timor mayhem, would not pose a serious threat to Wiranto's presidential bid because the issues were popular only in urban areas, while the majority of his supporters lived in rural areas.

"Human rights issues will not affect Wiranto's reputation ahead of the presidential election, which has seen mounting demands for succession in national leadership," he said. "Only students reject presidential candidates with a military backgrounds."

If Wiranto becomes president Suharto's will never be punished

Detik.com - May 13, 2004

Woro Swasti, Jakarta -- The coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Usman Hamid, says that if Wiranto is elected as president the investigation into [former President] Suharto's crimes will come to a halt. This is because the Cendana family [Suharto's Central Jakarta neighborhood, the relatives of the Suharto clan] were the ones who elevated the former minister of defence/armed forces chief [into a position of power].

"If Wiranto is elected then we will have a lot of problems. And he will definitely clear himself of all of the human rights charges which [he has] been accused of. What is certain is that Wiranto will guarantee the protection of Suharto and the Cendana family", said Hamid.

This was related to journalists by Hamid after he spoke at a discussion titled "Reflecting on the May and Trisakti(1) cases: What is the responsibility of the state" at the Hotel Sahid Jaya on Jalan General Sudirman in Jakarta on Thursday May 13.

Although Wiranto has paired up with the recently resigned deputy chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) Solahudin Wahid as his vice-presidential running mate, according to Usman this will not have much of an influence. "Pairing up with Solah [Wahid] does not mean that these human rights issues are resolved. Because upholding human rights does not depend on Solah who is only a part of Komnas HAM", he said accusingly.

Hamid himself acknowledged he was certain that [the former state ruling party] Golkar's presidential and vice-presidential candidates will be defeated in the coming presidential elections. "Indonesia's period of transition [to democracy] has been too short to be able to forget pass mistakes. The families of the victims of human rights [violations] will not be willing to have Wiranto's case left behind without [him taking] legal responsibility", said Hamid. (ton)

Notes:

1. On May 12, 1998, security personnel shot into a crowd of student protesters from the Trisakti University near their campus in West Jakarta, killing four students and injuring several. This proved to be the spark which set-off three days of mass demonstrations and rioting in Jakarta which eventually lead to the overthrow of Suharto.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Focus on Jakarta

Investors sign deal to build Jakarta monorail

Agence France Presse - May 15, 2004

Jakarta -- A consortium of Indonesian and foreign investors yesterday said they will build a monorail system to ease Jakarta's notorious traffic congestion.

The investors signed a memorandum of understanding to build the 27km line worth about US$600 million. Jakarta's controversial governor Sutiyoso also signed the agreement at Jakarta city hall.

The first in Indonesia, the system will help ease traffic congestion in Jakarta, which has a day population of about 12 million people and night population of about 10 million.

A statement from the investors said the project was a joint venture between Indonesian Transit Central and Omnico Consortium, a British-based holding company.

The monorail will have two lines, one running along the city's main business district of Sudirman Street, and another outer line. A six-month feasibility study would be conducted before construction begins, said I.G.K. Suena, the city's assistant for development administration. He said the project would take three years to complete.

Similar light rail transit systems are already operating in neighbouring South-east Asian capitals Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and Bangkok.

The project's announcement comes just four months after Mr Sutiyoso launched the Busway, a 12 km special bus line operating in dedicated lanes along Jalan Sudirman.

Mr Sutiyoso said at the Busway launch that it would form part of an integrated mass transit system including a monorail.

The Busway has proven popular but is widely believed to have worsened traffic congestion in this heavily polluted city.

Mr Sutiyoso said the Sudirman Busway line would be just the first of 14 dedicated bus lines. Civic activists said the Busway was hastily implemented and smelled of corruption.

The monorail is the latest civil development project of Mr Sutiyoso, whom anti-poverty activists accuse of a lack of concern for the city's many poor people.

Last month, the governor oversaw the start of work on a tower which will allegedly be the tallest in the world.

News & issues

Smuggling rose during general election: Customs

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- The inflow of smuggled goods to the country surged during the first quarter of this year, according to an internal report from the Directorate General of Customs and Excise.

While the report did not provide a clear explanation of the reasons for the increase, one business leader said it was due to weaker law enforcement during that period as many were focussing on the legislative election, which ended last month.

However, director of inspection and investigation at the directorate Sofyan Permana, said it was the huge size of the domestic market that lured smugglers to the country.

"Smugglers will likely increase the flow of illegal goods to Indonesia this year because it is more beneficial than smuggling to other Asian countries. We have 220 million people, a huge market indeed for such goods," Sofyan told The Jakarta Post on Monday.

According to the report, obtained by the Post recently, cases of smuggled rice, sugar, textiles, cigarettes, liquor, and cars in the first quarter of the year increased.

The report said that customs officials had managed to confiscate some 1,814 metric tons of smuggled rice and 5,743 tons of sugar during the first quarter of the year, up from 374 metric tons and 5,675 tons respectively in the same period of last year.

It said that Malaysian businessmen were mostly involved in the smuggling cases.

In 2003, the customs office managed to prevent the smuggling of some 1,101 tons of rice and 13,579 tons of sugar.

Aside from rice and sugar, customs officials had also managed to foil attempts to smuggle in some 10,982 bales of textile products during the first quarter, up from 3,157 bales in the same period last year. Most of the products were smuggled in via Singapore or Malaysia.

In 2003, a total of 21,092 bales of smuggled textile products were confiscated by the customs office.

The smuggling of cigarettes and liquor were also on the rise, with six cases of smuggled cigarettes and seven cases of smuggled liquor foiled in the first quarter of the year.

In the same period last year, the customs office only managed to foil one case of cigarette smuggling and four cases of liquor. The report did not mention the volume.

During the first quarter of this year, the customs office also managed to stop the smuggling of 29 cars, up from eight units in the same period last year.

Around 99 percent of the cars were smuggled from Singapore, while the remainder, from Malaysia.

The report said that in 2003, customs managed to prevent 107 smuggled cars from entering the country.

Chairman of the National Economic Recovery Committee (KPEN) Sofjan Wanandi blamed the increasing smuggling cases on weak law enforcement by customs officials, especially during preparation for the recent legislative election.

"All government officials were thinking about the election. Most of them were racing to get bribes from smugglers to be donated later to certain political parties. This left the country's gates wide open for smugglers," said Sofjan.

"Smugglers increase their activities here because customs officials are becoming more easily bribed by the day," he added.

Aggressor states conspiring to destroy Indonesia: KSAD

Detik.com - May 12, 2004

M. Munab Islah Ahyani, Bandung -- Army chief General Ryamizard Ryacudu says that there is a modern war conspiracy which has and is being carried out by aggressor nations in order to destroy and take control of Indonesia. Stages I and II of this modern war are already underway within the country.

In addition to this, there are numerous parties who are constantly trying to bring about the collapse of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) either from within or from outside of the country. Ryacudu's warning was made while giving a talk at a "Workshop on National Issues" at the Merdeka Building on Jalan Asia Afrika in Bandung, West Java, on Wednesday May 12.

According to Ryacudu, you can no longer rely on weaponry alone in confronting a modern war, instead it requires that all political, diplomatic, economic, social, cultural and military forces be simultaneously integrated.

In his view, this modern war is conducted in three stages. Firstly using the paradigm of colonialism in order to change the perceptions and way of life of the target state to bring it into line with the system, norms and interests of the aggressor state.

"This stage is conquest without violence. The paradigm of colonialism positions the target state as a subordinate of the aggressor state", he said.

If this method doesn't succeed, in stage two the aggressor state will increase the pressure by establishing resistance cells in all areas whether they be in terms of human rights, the law, diplomacy or building clandestine armed cells.

Ryacudu signaled that the first two stages of this modern war are already underway in Indonesia although he was unable to provide details about who the aggressor state was or what interests are at play.

The third stage is a direct invasion of the target state together with offensive diplomatic maneuvers which are able to gain the status of legal intervention. "If this stage of this modern war is completed, and the aggressor comes out the victor, the target state will loose everything", explained Ryacudu.

Ryacudu therefore warned all components of the nation to be on guard and to resist all forms of "attack" under this kind of modern war. The way to do this is to integrate intellectual competence and emotional shrewdness based on the highest moral values and spiritual strength. (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of this article was "Army chief: Modern warfare stages I and II underway in Indonesia".]

Domestic violence accepted: Midwife

Jakarta Post - May 10, 2004

Leony Aurora, Jakarta -- "Do you know how it feels to work hard but not see any results?" asked midwife Ni Luh Sutini of Cakung public health center, East Jakarta, located near the Cakung industrial area. A tone of sadness rang through the morning air.

Since 2001, only 60 cases have been recorded in the health center after it agreed to become a pilot project providing first aid for women experiencing domestic violence.

It has dealt with women and children abused by other family members. The abuse ranges from being hit when they want to use contraception, to sexual assault. From 60 cases, only one -- in which an eight-year-old girl had been raped -- was reported to the police and the rapist put behind bars.

"They [the women] perceive being hit as normal," Sutini told The Jakarta Post over the weekend. "They keep saying to me, 'It's OK 'bu, it's going to be OK again later'." It was still taboo to disclose family problems, she added.

In a patriarchal country such as Indonesia, society still expects that a husband should be highly respected as the head of the family, no matter how irresponsible he might be. Confronted by such a cultural obstacle, it is difficult -- if not impossible -- to expect women who live in the area to step forward and ask for help.

To ensure that women can pour their heart out in private, the health center has set up a special room in its modest pregnancy clinic, located some 200 meters away. However, there is no sign to indicate the place provides help for abused women or children.

Working for three years on the project, Sutini said nobody had ever gone to file a report. She usually tries to get women suspected of being abused to speak out while she checks if they are pregnant.

"Sometimes we hear about abuse from the people around here; then we visit the house," she said.

According to Sutini, the women filing complaints used to be required to sign patient status cards. As it was difficult to ask abused women to sign, due to their fear of being divorced or hit, they were no longer asked to do it.

Very little detail is provided on the cards, but such detail would be vital if perpetrators were to be convicted.

The cases usually occurred a long time ago, anyway, she said. "We now work to find cases that can be used as data." Despite holding several meetings to inform the public on domestic violence and the role of the health center, people's reluctance had not lessened, said Sutini.

"Sometimes, I wonder, is it just due to my lack of education or what," she groaned in frustration.

Only three workers at the health center -- head of the center Zylva Yenny, head of the pregnancy clinic Ani Sriwiryaningsih and Sutini herself -- have received any training.

Sutini claimed she did not know for sure who organized the training or what agency was directly responsible for the pilot project.

Jakarta Health Agency spokeswoman Evy Zelfino, however, said that the project was run by the National Commission on Women. The agency did not have a plan to replicate the program just yet, as it still needed to be improved, she added.

Sutini implored that other institutions be involved in handling cases of domestic violence. "It is very difficult for us to act without the support of local administrations." If the program were adopted by the local administration, neighborhood unit heads and women in the Family Welfare Movement (PKK) could help in identifying suitable cases, she said. Otherwise, in the midst of all the problems engulfing the country, domestic violence involving women and children as victims will continue to be swept under the carpet.

 

Types of Cases	2001	2002	2003	2004
Slapped	11	4	5	3
Hit	10	3	2	1
Pushed against another object	1	1	1	-
Sexually assaulted	4	--	-	-
Denied birth control	5	2	4	3
Total	31	10	12	7

As of April 2004. Source: Cakung Public Health Center

ENVIRONMENT

Illegal logging goes on unabated

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

Nethy Dharma Somba and Rusman, Jayapura/Samarinda Illegal logging continues unchecked in East Kalimantan province and Papua, Indonesia's westernmost province, sparking fears among government officials and environmentalists that pristine forests in the two provinces will soon disappear.

The officials and environmentalists acknowledge it is difficult to stop illegal logging due to the vast size of the forests, weak law enforcement and the involvement of security and government officials in illegal logging operations.

"There should be an immediate and concerted effort to combat illegal logging, otherwise environmental catastrophe will soon hit the country, especially Papua," said Victor Benja, a senior official at the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), who is based in Papua.

In the first quarter of this year alone, the Papua Police have handled three illegal logging cases, confiscating 142 pieces of heavy machinery and 76,205 cubic meters of logs.

The logs and pieces of machinery, including chain saws, were seized in Teluk Bintuni and Nabire regencies in February and March of this year. Between 2001 and 2003, the Papua Police have handled 19 cases of illegal logging, seizing some 100,000 cubic meters of logs and 250 pieces of heavy machinery. The police have named 68 suspects in the cases, 42 of them Malaysian nationals.

The head of the Papua Forestry Office, Marthen Kayoi, acknowledged his officials were unable to do much to stop illegal logging due to the size of Papua's forests.

"The forests in Papua are vast, while at the same time, we have a limited budget. We need more funds and more employees to oversee Papua's forests," he said.

Jayapura Legal Aid Foundation chairman Pascalis Letsoin said judges in Papua often handed down lenient sentences to illegal loggers, which failed to deter them from repeating their crime.

Last, security personnel and government officials are often involved in the illegal logging, making it impossible to stop the illegal activity.

According to information from the Papua Police, police personnel in Sorong regency were allegedly involved in illegal logging in 2001. Reportedly, the Sorong Water and Air Police arrested the crew of the ship the MV Africa in the waters of Sorong in 2001, seizing 21,000 cubic meters of illegally cut logs.

The ship was impounded and the crew taken to the Sorong Police station for questioning. However, several days later, the crew, the ship and the logs had all disappeared.

The National Police investigated the case and investigators named six police officers as suspects, including then Sorong Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Faisal. The six are still awaiting trial.

Illegal logging also concerns officials in East Kalimantan province. During last month alone, the East Kalimantan Police have arrested 19 suspected illegal loggers.

Most of the suspects were arrested for the misuse of logging documents.

Comr. Eny Widiastuti, spokesman for the East Kalimantan Police, said many of the suspects had interisland trading documents, allowing them to ship and sell logs only in Indonesia.

But the suspects were allegedly transporting the logs abroad. Many of the suspects were arrested as they traveled to Malaysian territory with shiploads of logs, she said.

Police confiscated 18,605 logs and heavy machinery from the suspects, including three trucks and two chain saws.

15,000 squatter families destroying forest

Jakarta Post - May 10, 2004

Oyos Saroso H.N., Kotaagung, Lampung -- Some 30,270 hectares of forest out of a total of 360,000 hectares in the South Bukit Barisan National Park (TNBBS) have been devastated by illegal logging.

At least 15,117 families have been squatting in the forest and clearing the land for the last few years. After the all the trees have been felled, the squatters plant crops of coffee, pepper, rice and cocoa.

Park director Tamen Sitorus said logging had in fact began as far back as 1952, but had greatly intensified since 1998.

No money was ever provided by the provincial government to deal with the illegal logging and land clearance, he said. Besides the illegal logging, a great deal of damage had also been inflicted on the park by a number of timber companies that had been granted concessions in 1974.

The companies, with headquarters in Jakarta, were given forest concessions in Bengkunat, West Lampung, and in Way Nipah, Tanggamus regency. "It's not just the lack of facilities and money. We have only one vehicle capable of being used to patrol the forest, and a few old vehicles that can't climb the hills anymore," Tamen said in Kotaagung, Tanggamus, on Friday.

The lack of funds has curtailed the activities of the park administration, which has only 67 staff members. "Actually, there are only 60 staff members. We have trained them to protect the forest from poachers and illegal loggers. The remaining seven park staff we consider as forest rangers," he said.

According to Tamen, ideally there should be one ranger for every 500 hectares. Thus, with around 360,000 hectares in the park, there should be 720 rangers. "As we suffer from a shortage of manpower, it's commonplace for the illegal loggers to play cat and mouse with the rangers," he said.

During a discussion in Jakarta last week, Greenomics Indonesia stated that up until 2000 alone, 90,000 hectares, or about 25 percent of the total area of the park in Lampung and Bengkulu provinces, had been damaged.

Imam Paranginangin from Greenomics said that the high rate of transmigration to these provinces posed a major threat to the national park.

Greenomics estimated that if the problem is not quickly resolved, by 2020 more than half of the park will have been occupied by squatters and cleared for agriculture.

Meanwhile, Watoni Nurdin from the Lampung Forest Conservation Consortium (K2HL) said that the percentage area of the park that had been destroyed now stood at 60 percent, or 210,000 hectares.

"This is based on satellite images. So the figure of 10 or 30 percent is rather small," he said.

According to Watoni, to end logging there would need to be good faith on the part of the provincial government, forestry office, and the police and military.

"Because, it's an open secret that the destruction of the park is not only due to land clearing by squatters for farming but also by illegal logging backed by police and military personnel," said Watoni.

Greenomics Indonesia's analysis revealed that at the present time more than a quarter of the river basins whose rivers originate in the park are been exploited for non-irrigated agriculture -- a figure that has the potential to expand in the future as the population increases.

Currently, two hydro power stations rely on water supplies from the park -- the Way Besai hydro plant with a maximum output of 90 megawatts in West Lampung and the Batutegi hydro plant in Tanggamus regency.

The park extends to some 356,800 hectares in area and straddles Lampung province (West Lampung and South Tanggamus regencies) and Southern Bengkulu province, where at least 23 large rivers and hundreds of tributaries have their sources.

It was inaugurated on Oct. 14, 1982, and is a nature resource conservation area with a wide variety of flora and fauna species.

Its ecosystem is unique, consisting as it does of coastal areas, and lowland and highland forests.

There are at least four protected species of flora: the Rafflesia flower (Rafflesia sp), and the Amorpophelus decussilvae, A. Titanium and Grammatopy\hylum speciosum orchids.

Almost every animal species in Sumatra can be found in the park, including the rare two-horned rhinoceros, which is nearly extinct, and the Sumatran elephant.

Islam/religion

Scholars say radical Islam passing trend

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- Noted Muslim scholars played down on Tuesday fears of rising radicalism among Indonesian Muslims, saying the phenomenon would not last long and would only affect a small number of people.

The chairman of Muhammadiyah, the country's second largest Muslim organization, Ahmad Syafii Maarif, said Muslim radicals, who have been linked to numerous terror attacks across the country and the world, were grouped in only a handful out of the hundreds of Muslim organizations in Indonesia.

"They are the minority and will disappear in the near future as they have nothing to offer Muslims as a whole," Safii told a seminar here on progressive Islam held by the International Center for Islam and Pluralism (ICIP).

He suggested that the government quickly address the economic problems facing the country and work harder to raise living standards in order to eradicate radicalism in the Muslim community.

"If the government fails to solve the problems of poverty and injustice, radicalism will persist longer," said Safii.

Another speaker at the seminar, United States Ambassador Ralph L. Boyce, agreed with Safii, saying he believed Islam was a peaceful religion and that the U.S government had never considered Islamic religious schools (pesantren and madrasah) as breeding grounds for terrorism and radicalism.

"Unfortunately, it has become clear that there are a few pesantren and a few individuals who are espousing teachings to regard non-Muslims in Indonesian and non-Muslims in the world with suspicion, hatred and rejection," said Boyce.

He said these schools and individuals were small in number and did not represent the mainstream majority. However, he added that even a small number of people could do a great deal of damage, which harmed the reputation and image of Islam in Indonesia.

The rector of the Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Azyumardi Azra, said progressive Islam in Indonesia, which respected peace, pluralism, and tolerance, was part of a long tradition that stretched back to the 17th century. "Islam is genuinely preaching democracy and pluralism. We can trace this tradition back to the 17th century when many Muslim intellectuals advocated such teachings. So, it is very wrong to connect Islam with terrorism and violence," said Azyumardi.

All the speakers in the seminar expressed their optimism that the face of peaceful and pluralist Islam here would eventually unfold and lead Indonesian Muslims to democracy.

To eradicate radicalism in Islam, they agreed to conduct open discussions among Muslims, and to promote interreligious understanding and tolerance in the country.

Muslims account for around 85 percent of Indonesia's population of over 215 million, making it the world's largest Muslim nation.

Many countries have pointed to Indonesia as a hotbed of terrorism following the attacks on the U.S in 2001 and a series of bloody bombings in Indonesia that culminated in the Bali bombings of 2002. Indonesia, however, says it has made determined efforts to bring those involved in terrorism to justice.

Armed forces/police

Poor education blamed for police violence

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- Observers are blaming poor education, inadequate training and the absence of external control as the root causes of police violence and inability to anticipate conflict across the country.

"After almost five years of reform, the police are still not professional. Several cases of violence involving police personnel, such as in Makassar and Ambon, exemplify their failure to serve the people," said Rashid Lubis, the chairman of non- governmental organization Police Watch.

Dozens of fully armed police personnel stormed the campus of the Indonesian Muslim University (UMI) in Makassar, South Sulawesi on May 1, brutally beating students in the compound, including those who were attending lectures.

At least 61 students were injured in the incident that forced National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar to dismiss South Sulawesi Police chief Insp. Gen. Jusuf Maggabarani and Greater Makassar Police chief Sr. Comr. Jose Rizal Effendy.

The public also blamed police for failing to anticipate the April 25 violence in Ambon, in which at least 38 people were killed and 238 others injured.

According to Rashid, the incidents showed something was very wrong with the education and training of the police.

"Because of their militaristic style of education, many police personnel find it natural to beat people, or demonstrators. No wonder so many violent incidents occur," Rashid told The Jakarta Post.

Adrianus Meliala, a noted criminologist from the University of Indonesia, said police had replaced most militaristic subjects with subjects like human rights, conflict resolution, and public relations.

"We have not seen the impact yet because the new curriculum was implemented two years ago and only 50,000 personnel have since graduated. The remaining 280,000 personnel are still working within the old paradigm," Adrianus told the Post.

He said fresh recruits faced huge challenges. Due to their training, their ideas were sometimes contrary to those of their colleagues and immediate superiors.

"It will take six to seven years before these new recruits take over the command. Hopefully, die-hard militaristic values will wither away as new ideas emerge," said Adrianus.

Rashid and Adrianus agreed that lack of social control gave the police freedom to do whatever they pleased.

They proposed the planned National Police commission be established immediately, to monitor and asses the performance of the police, especially new recruits. Rashid said the commission was urgently needed as the police, as an organization, had very weak internal control.

He said disagreement on the composition of the commission had delayed its establishment. "The government wants officials to occupy the majority of seats on the commission, while many parties insist that public representatives, such as non- governmental organizations and academics, hold the majority," said Rashid.

The planned commission would have the authority to assess the police, receive the complaints of the public and recommend the appointment -- or replacement of -- the National Police chief.

Noted legal expert Pradjoto, meanwhile said that many police personnel were underqualified due to an unclear recruitment and training process.

Pradjoto said many banking crimes and other specific cases, such as environmental and intellectual property rights cases, were left unsolved because police investigators had insufficient knowledge of those areas.

"They simply don't understand the problems. Corruption and banking cases -- anything related to the economy -- requires expertise. They cannot match the criminals. I propose that officers handling such cases must, at least, have bachelors in business and law," he said.

He added that the amount of money involved in such cases complicated the process. Suspects were happy to share the money with investigators to halt the investigation, he said.

Rashid also said his organization found, during 2001 and 2002, that out of hundreds of special crimes reported, not one was handed over to prosecutors.

David Ridwan Betz, chairman of the Allied Society for Monitoring State Apparatus' Work (Amipka), said bribery was still rampant in the police recruitment process, creating incapable personnel.

"We still find bribery in the recruitment process. The police headquarters has done little (to eradicate the practice) so far," said David.

Military objects to 'truth'

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The House of Representatives (DPR) on Monday opened the debates of the bill on the truth and reconciliation commission with the Military/Police faction rejecting it outright before deliberations began.

Spokesman for the Military/Police faction Maj. Gen. Djasri Marin said the faction wanted the removal of the word "truth" from the bill's title.

He warned that any attempts to reveal the actual truth about many situations would only lead the nation down a path of new conflicts, therefore hampering national reconciliation efforts.

The faction, he said, suggested that the nation bury all hatchets in the past along with the truth, otherwise it would lead to a greater cycle of conflict.

"If we want to disclose everything for the sake of mere truth, it will prevent us from real reconciliation. Finding the truth will require a trial in court with all its impacts," he warned ominously without elaborating, while speaking with the Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra.

Only 20 of the total 50 legislators on the House's committee for the bill's deliberation turned up.

The Indonesian Military (TNI) has been blamed for a number of human rights abuses in the country in the past, most of which have never been investigated. A handful have been, however, with rights trials still ongoing in some cases.

The latest top officer who was tried was Maj. Gen. (ret) Rudolf Butar Butar who was sentenced to 10 years for his role in the Tanjung Priok massacre of 1984.

Different from the military faction, Mashadi of the Reform faction asserted that the commission had to clearly reveal the truth as well as the people who should held ultimately accountable for rights violations.

"However, the commission must open up a lot of space for reconciliation," he added.

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) spokesman Permadi said the commission would need enough power to find the truth. "The truth must be revealed, otherwise nobody is willing to take responsibility," he said.

The House and the government discussed the bill following a decree of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 2000 on national unity, which stipulates that a truth and reconciliation commission is a prerequisite for the nation to strengthen national unity.

The attempt to uphold the law must be followed by the nation's readiness and capability to disclose the truth of incidents in the past, to admit wrongdoings and to apologize for the sake of national reconciliation.

Responding to the debate, Mahendra warned the factions against focusing on the title of the bill, which he said was inconsequential.

Business & investment

Rupiah down to 14-month low as central bank intervenes

Jakarta Post - May 15, 2004

Dadan Wijaksana, Jakarta -- As the central bank moved to tighten the rules on foreign exchange transactions to minimize speculation on the rupiah, the local unit slumped on Friday to a fresh 14-month low on the greenback's continued strength.

The local currency closed at 9,040 to the dollar, down from 9,010 from the previous closing, with dealers attributing the decline to the greenback's continued strong showing over other benchmark currencies, notably the yen.

"The yen's weak footing is dragging down other regional currencies, including the rupiah," said a dealer with a state- owned bank.

Friday's closing was the lowest since March last year.

The rupiah's recent shaky showing has been exacerbated by divestment in the Jakarta stock market as expectations of an interest rate rise in the US forces investors to shift investments to dollar-dominated assets.

On Friday, the stock index ended at 722.71 points, 2.2 percent lower than the day before.

Bank Indonesia however, dismissed concerns the rupiah's slump would be long-term, saying the unit could bounce back to a level of 8,700 within three months, given the country's relatively sound economic fundamentals.

Bank deputy governor Aslim Tadjudin said the slide was mostly because of external factors. However, Aslim said the central bank was doing its utmost to limit speculation on the rupiah as speculators were also to blame for its decline.

Among other measures, the central bank was reviewing a ruling setting maximum foreign exchange dealings without underlying transactions at 20 percent of trading banks' equity capital, he said.

The rate is set out in the central bank ruling on a bank's net open position (NOP), which regulates to what extent a bank can go short or long on foreign currencies against the rupiah.

"The new rate will probably no longer be equal for all banks, depending, in part, on how actively a bank trades in foreign exchange," he said.

Aslim said the new ruling would not only apply to foreign banks as had been expected. The central bank had earlier issued four foreign banks with warning letters over their alleged speculative transactions.

Meanwhile, on the stock market, negative sentiment also hurt the local index in line with falls in regional markets.

A weak rupiah and a stronger dollar are likely to hurt big companies here, many of which remain highly indebted to foreign creditors with most of the debts in dollars.

The debts are a product of the late 1990s financial crisis, which saw the rupiah depreciating by around four times its value.

Friday's trading saw volumes at 1.5 billion shares valued at Rp 889 billion, against 1.48 billion shares at Rp 851 billion on Thursday.

Grim report: Indonesia needs infrastructure funds

Asia Times - May 15, 2004

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- The Asian Development Bank has predicted that Indonesia's economy will grow by only 4.5 percent in 2004 and 2005, and warned that foreign direct investment (FDI) was urgently needed to improve infrastructure, especially in transport, power and telecommunications.

The warning, in the bank's annual report on regional economic development, was coupled with criticism of the Indonesian government's lack of clarity in its laws and regulations, and the lack of adequate law enforcement, which worsen the country's investment climate and discourage investors.

With parliamentary election results announced just last week and presidential elections scheduled for early July, there are still no clues as to how the next government will approach infrastructure needs. But figures from the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) project that foreign investment sentiment will likely be wholly negative before a new administration takes the reins, though infrastructure improvements currently being pursued by the government may attract some investment.

The 1997-98 regional economic crisis took a heavy toll on major projects in the transport, power and telecommunications sectors, many of them financed privately. most were canceled or deferred because of allegations that they were unlawfully awarded. Since then, the public sector has more or less monopolized infrastructure projects.

The tight monetary policy implemented at the behest of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), however, has severely restricted Jakarta's ability to fund infrastructure programs that would create jobs and get the real economy moving.

The development of roads and public sanitation, especially in large cities, still depends on financial aid from the government. But without the continued involvement of the private sector in funding labor-intensive infrastructure projects, there is little chance of significantly reducing unemployment, estimated at some 40 million.

The National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) estimates that slightly more than US$72 billion in investment will be needed to upgrade the infrastructure network, boost employment and help achieve targeted economic growth of 6 percent between 2005 and 2009. The Ministry of Finance says government investment will be capped at $40.8 billion, leaving a financing gap of $31.34 billion to be filled by private investors.

There is already evidence of severe infrastructure deterioration: a limited road network that cannot cope with the rise in traffic volumes, and power outages that reflect the heavy demands placed on power generation, as higher economic activity requires heavier power consumption.

As a result of poor infrastructure, productivity suffers. Foreign investors lose confidence and become concerned with efficiency and costs.

Moreover, investments in the infrastructure needs of Asia's less-developed economies such as Indonesia entail bigger risks for investors, compared with Japan and the region's so-called tiger economies of Hong Kong and Singapore.

Whether or not the new government of Indonesia will be committed to infrastructure reforms remains to be seen. Stable macroeconomic policies will be needed to attract private investment, as will government guarantees.

Bappenas chief Kwik Kian Gie, the state minister for national development planning, during the recent launch of a book titled The Economic Landscape of Indonesian Infrastructure, underscored the importance of the private sector's participation in infrastructure projects, because of the financial constraints faced by the government.

In what cynics might have deemed a lesson in high school economics, Kwik pointed out that such participation, however, must be conducted as fairly and evenhandedly as possible. He said the commercial risks should be handed down to the private sector, while the government would bear the risks in regulations and politics.

Expenditure on infrastructure also creates indirect benefits for supporting industries. The business potential is enormous.

The good news is that the existing government plans to move on with several infrastructure projects it considers to be urgent -- this at a time of a stalemated parliament where no party has a majority and continuing uncertainty about who the country's next leader will be. These high-priority projects include the construction of toll-road networks throughout Java, as well as the development of a natural-gas pipeline and telecommunications networks to connect rural villages.

A plethora of projects

A major revamp is to start with an expansion of the existing 93,700-kilometer network of public roads. As many as 17 toll roads are to be built at a cost of some Rp77.3 trillion ($8.5 billion). The government has encouraged investors to bid for different sections of the planned trans-Java highway, which will connect Merak in Banten with Banyuwangi in East Java, and has pledged to guarantee bank loans needed by construction companies bidding for the project.

It is hoped that the ambitious project, which is expected to start before the end of the year, will be completed by 2009. In a bid to expedite construction, the Ministry of Finance has agreed to provide Rp10 trillion ($1.18 billion). The government also plans to issue bonds to raise cash to help finance 70km of the toll roads, including unfinished sections of the Jakarta Outer Ring Road (JORR) and the Cikampek-to-Padalarang Stage II toll- road project in West Java.

State-owned toll-road builder and operator PT Jasa Marga (Jasa Marga) currently manages 383km of the country's 520km of toll roads. The remainder are operated by the private sector under build-operate-transfer (BOT) schemes.

Jasa Marga wants the majority share in three of the toll roads to be built: Gempol-Pasuruan, Semarang-Bawean and Cikampek-Cirebon roads in Java. Majority ownership of the seven other projects will be offered to private contractors.

The company plans to go public in November, and most of the Rp1.5 trillion ($166 million) it hopes to raise will be earmarked for working capital needed to participate in building parts of the new highways.

In keeping with the trend over the past three years for Malaysian money to flow into Indonesia, mainly into the banking, telecommunications and infrastructure sectors, one of Kuala Lumpur's largest conglomerates, the UEM group, is to collaborate with Jasa Marga on joint opportunities for the development of toll roads in Indonesia, Malaysia and other countries.

The group employs 20,000 people and has 35 major operating companies, 11 of which are listed on Bursa Malaysia Securities Bhd and one of which is listed on the London Stock Exchange. Two of its subsidiaries, United Engineers Bhd and Teras Teknologi Sdn Bhd, last week signed memorandums of understanding prior to tenders for the construction of 10 of the new toll roads; seven in Java, two in Sumatra and one in South Sulawesi.

The Japanese government has also provided 104.63 billion yen ($913 million) in soft loans, part of its official development assistance (ODA) to Indonesia for this year. The money will be used to finance seven major infrastructure projects -- three for power-generation, three port-facilities and one railway project.

Yet another massive infrastructure project is the construction of a $15 billion, 33km underground twin tunnel, connecting Java and Sumatra. The project, expected to be financed under a build- operate-transfer (BOT) scheme by a consortium led by European Union investors, is due to start early next year and be completed by 2008.

To cover the government's contribution of a mere $2 billion for the initial construction and another $4 million per year for operational and maintenance costs, there will be a toll charge of approximately $20 per vehicle, per trip.

Plans also are in the works to build a Rp178 trillion ($19.7 billion) gas pipeline network from Sumatra and Kalimantan to Java and to several end-user countries, including Singapore and Malaysia. The project will take between five and 10 years to complete, according to the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources.

Other planned infrastructure projects include generating 21,900 megawatts of electricity, installing 11 million fixed-line telephones, providing drinking water to 30.5 million people and providing sanitation systems for 46.9 million people. In Jakarta alone health problems due a lack of water cost an estimated $1 billion a year plus lost productivity because of poor health.

Though the telecommunications sector rapidly because of private sector inputs, fixed-line telephone density amounts to only 6 percent of the country's 220 million population. The sector plans to complete the installation of 43,000 Universal Service Obligation (USO) telephone lines in remote villages across the country by 2009.

In keeping with this plan, lines were laid in 3,010 villages last year, and 17,000 villages will benefit in 2004, according to the ministry of communications.

The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) and Asia Pacific Telecommunications (APT) have formally called on each member country, including Indonesia, to provide all of their citizens with access to basic telecommunication services -- telephone, fax and telegram services -- by 2005.

Future of foreign investment looks grim

Grim figures from the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) highlight the reality that foreign investment sentiment will likely be wholly negative before a new administration takes the reins in October.

Only 38 percent of the $13.2 billion of FDI approved in 2003 was realized, according to the BKPM. In the first two months of this election year, FDI approvals plummeted by 66 percent to $805.4 million, from $2.4 billion in the corresponding period last year.

It is not known what priority the next government will place on infrastructure. In fact, the only public comment so far from those bidding for the top job that was even remotely business- or economy-related came from the current odds-on favorite to win the presidency -- Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

The former security minister said in a campaign speech this week, "We need to increase investment from in and out of the country. We have to be smart in streaming welfare and economic resources from abroad into the country."

That was it -- no expansion, however brief, on how this miracle might be achieved.

The ADB report was particularly critical of the government's tendency to propose simple legislation to expedite FDI approval, leaving critical issues to be addressed by subordinate regulations. Unfortunately, these regulations mostly lacked clarity and predictability in implementation.

Apart from this lack of clarity in its laws and regulations, the ADB said that Indonesia also lacked adequate law enforcement, including legal enforcement for investment project contracts, which further worsened the country's investment climate.

The worst-case scenario is that the new government will be far too focused on political survival to expend much energy on economic policymaking for several months. At the other end of the spectrum of hope is the dream that the improvements in infrastructure about to get under way will, in turn, start to attract more investment.

It is predicted that by 2025, some 50 percent of Indonesia's population will end up living in cities, which is the normal trend for a developing economy.

With the right economic policies in place to ensure that long- term private investment is safe and profitable, the public and private sectors could work together with development agencies such as the ADB and World Bank to build an infrastructure that would continue the current momentum.

Unfortunately, the issues of legal certainty, the reliability of the bankruptcy courts, and the potential for social violence remain poised, like a Sword of Damocles, over the prospects for attracting sufficient investment to help meet the infrastructure needs of 2005 and beyond.

Strong US economy may wreak havoc in Indonesia

Jakarta Post - May 12, 2004

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- Plans by the US Federal Reserve to increase its interest rate could cause a devastating impact on the Indonesian economy particularly in the form of massive capital flight, economists warned.

Jakarta-based economists believe that a higher US interest rate would prompt investors here to switch some of their investments in local assets to dollar-based assets, which, after the rate hike will offer better yields.

"I think the [most] negative impact from a possible rate hike by the Fed is capital flight, which will not only undermine the rupiah but also the capital markets, such as stocks, bonds and mutual funds," said Bahana Securities chief economist Budi Hikmat on Tuesday.

Economists urged the government and the central bank to take preemptive measures by also raising local rates to help avert a huge swing toward dollar-based assets. Most experts are convinced that the Fed will gradually start raising its interest rate this year in a bid to ease inflationary pressure in the US economy. Some predicted the rate hike would start in the latter part of June, while others see it beginning in August.

On Monday, stock markets worldwide plunged as investors bet that the Fed would raise interest rates soon. Indonesian stocks and the rupiah, which have displayed strong performances over the last 12 months, were also under heavy pressure.

Standard Chartered economist Fauzi Ichsan concurred with Budi, saying that capital flight would have a chain-reaction effect, as the weakening of the rupiah would in turn push inflation up.

"The weakening rupiah will trigger inflation," said Fauzi, pointing out that the country's production system was still heavily dependent on imported raw materials.

A high inflationary environment will not only undermine people's purchasing power but also prevent the central bank from further reducing its benchmark interest rate. A further cut in the rate would help ease the government's burden in servicing its huge domestic rate, and push banks to provide cheaper loans for the corporate sector.

Fauzi said that if the rupiah plunged too far beyond the Rp 9,000 mark for an extended period, Bank Indonesia would have to push interest rates higher to prevent depositors from transferring their funds to dollar accounts in foreign banks, a condition that would create a severe liquidity problem for Indonesian banks.

"Higher rates are needed to prevent capital flight and protect the rupiah from wild volatility. A stable rupiah can ward off inflation," he said.

University of Indonesia economist Chatib Basri agreed with Fauzi, saying that the local authorities had no other choice but to increase domestic rates, although it would undermine bank lending to a certain extent.

"Keeping the banks' liquidity at a safer level is more important. How can banks lend at all if they don't have enough liquidity because of the capital flight?," said Chatib.

The economy has enjoyed relatively benign inflation during the past few years, thanks largely to a stronger and stable rupiah in relation to the relatively weak dollar over the past year. Low inflation, coupled with prudent fiscal policies have generally improved sentiment in the economy.

Despite the negative impacts, both Budi and Fauzi also see some positive impacts from the Fed's rate-hike plan. They said that the decline in the rupiah, as a result of the plan, would actually help boost the competitiveness of the country's exports, at a time when the US economy -- a major importer of Indonesian products -- is further improving.

"A weaker currency will make Indonesia's export products relatively cheaper compared to products coming from other countries whose currencies are higher or do not depreciate as fast as the rupiah," said Budi.

The rupiah extended its losses against the US dollar on Tuesday amid lingering concerns over the political situation in the country ahead of the July 5 presidential election, a possible hike in US interest rate and China's decision to slow down its overheating economy.

The rupiah ended at Rp 9,000 per dollar, compared to 8,950 on Monday, which is the lowest level in 13 months.

A possible US rate hike is creating pressure on the local currency and other units in the Asian region as funds move out of the regional markets, dealers said. Dealers said the rupiah may continue to fall in the coming days.

Although Bank Indonesia has said it would intervene in the financial market to help defend the rupiah, dealers speculated that so far the central bank had no made such move.

Meanwhile, Jakarta shares ended slightly higher on Tuesday amid a technical rebound in other stock markets in the region, which had helped the rupiah pull back on its intraday low of 9,040 per dollar. The Jakarta Stock Composite Index closed up 1.6 percent at 718.26 points on technical rebound as investors purchased some stocks which had fallen in the previous several days.

The index, however, is still 12 percent lower than the record high of 818.18 points reached on April 27. Dealers said that overall sentiment remained weak on Tuesday due to the rupiah's fall and concern over the political situation here.

'Black Monday' as stocks plummet by almost 5%

Jakarta Post - May 11, 2004

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- The Jakarta stock market fell precipitously for the eighth straight trading day on Monday as regional stock markets also plunged on growing fears that the US Federal Reserve would increase its interest rate in June.

The Indonesian rupiah also weakened against the US dollar, following losses in other regional currencies amid the Fed's rate-hike plan and by China's policy to slow the pace of its overheating economy.

The Jakarta Composite Stock Index plunged 4.89 percent, or 36.419 points to 707.218, on volume of 2.08 billion shares worth Rp 1.24 trillion (US$138 million). The decline brought it to its lowest point since Jan. 2.

Heavyweight state-owned telecommunications firm PT Telkom, the bourse's largest counter with 17 percent of market capitalization, led the decline of most bluechips by falling Rp 400 to Rp 7,250.

Stock analyst Achmad Amir of DBS Vickers Securities said concerns over the Fed's rate-hike plan and security problems at home had weighed on the market and caused excessive sell-offs.

"We can call this our "Black Monday". The decline was abnormal since investors were overreacting about all the issues, and dismissing the country's economic fundamentals," said Achmad.

An analyst with state-owned securities house blamed foreign speculators, who apparently have significant stock portfolios on the market. He lamented the fact that they were merely trying to make a profit by investing in the stock market.

"I think it is just speculators by certain (South East Asian) regional investors. Our market is so fragile because they make up 50 percent of the transactions at the bourse," the analyst said.

Meanwhile, the US Federal Reserve may raise interest rates soon following a better-than-expected US employment figure for April.

If the rates increase, global investors will choose to pull out some of their investments in the Asian market and shift to the US market, which offers a better net yield and is deemed safer.

The interest rate issue set Asian stock markets on fire on Monday. Tokyo's Nikkei Stock Average of 225 fell 554.12 points, or 4.84 percent, to 10,884.70, its lowest since February. In Hong Kong, the Hang Seng Index fell 425.26 points, or 3.6 percent, to 11,485.50.

Elsewhere, the rupiah fell by 2.46 percent to Rp 8,950 from Rp 8,735 on Friday.

Currency analyst Pardi Kendy of Bank Buana said that aside from the Fed's plan, the decline in the rupiah was attributable to China's plan to scale down its investment spending in a bid to consolidate its economy, which could deal a blow to the region's exporters.

"Investors will now grab US dollars because if the rates increase, they will turn to all US-based portfolios... The other regional currencies have already declined due to the concerns, but the rupiah is just beginning to," said Pardi.

Dealers said the recent fall in the Indonesian stock market had also dampened rupiah sentiment.

It was earlier predicted that the rupiah would fall to around Rp 9,000 per dollar on political concerns in the run-up to the presidential elections in July.

Book/film reviews

SBY, Sang Democrat (SBY, a Democrat)

Jakarta Post Book Review - May 16, 2004

[By Usamah Hisyam, et al, Dharmapena Publishing, Jakarta, March 2004, xx + 1,003 pp.]

Basilius Triharyanto -- Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is the man who would be king, or at least president, of this nation. Popularly known simply as SBY, the fatherly figure is ahead in the polls as the people's choice for the presidential elections in July; this biography, written in friendly hands, is designed to put him in his best light.

He was born in 1949 in Pacitan, a small town in Central Java. His father, Soekotjo, was a low-ranking military officer while his mother, Siti Habibah, is a housewife. In Javanese the words "susilo", "bambang" and "yudhoyono" respectively mean "over", "loyalty" and "war victory", and Soekotjo hoped that his son would be "someone who is loyal and can win every battle".

An only child, SBY joined the military academy in Magelang, Central Java, after completing high school and graduated top of his class in 1973.

Much earlier than his peers, he was named a company commander. Later he was the best graduate from the staff and command college, and quickly rose through the ranks to positions of responsibility.

Although some of his peers have reportedly dismissed him as an "AC general" because he did not make his mark on the battlefield, others have lauded his talent and personality. "Yudhoyono's progress is attributed to his own capability, not because of other people," said Gen. Feisal Tanjung.

His first military assignment was in East Timor. He became known for his wise attitude in facing the guerrillas but preventing abuse by his men. SBY spent many months in East Timor, engaging himself both in the battlefield and in high-level diplomacy.

Also detailed in this biography is his relationship with other generals during the difficult days of the May 1998 riots, his serving in the Cabinets of both Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri and his close relationship with United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan from his East Timor days.

On September 9, 2001, he inaugurated the establishment of the Democratic Party. The party, with its declaration of a new vision for Indonesia, has struck a chord with Indonesians disappointed with the same old offerings from the same old politicians.

Usamah Hisyam, a former journalist of Matra and Media Indonesia and the biographer of Feisal Tanjung and Admiral Widodo AS, also served as a member of the House of Representatives from the United Development Party (PPP). He was close to SBY when the latter was assistant in charge of social and political affairs to the chief-of-staff of the Army for social and political affairs.

The book provides a lot of information about SBY but, unfortunately and inevitably, lacks independence. It will please his followers but it does not go far enough in exploring the vision of statesmanship of the man, for a future leader must have a good comprehension of the nation, not just its territorial matters.