Aceh

Rally backs extension of martial law in Aceh

Jakarta Post - April 23, 2004

Teuku Agam Muzakir, Lhokseumawe -- Around 2,000 people here staged a rally on Thursday, demanding that martial law, which was strongly opposed by a number of human rights groups, be further extended in May.

Earlier last week, separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) spokesman Sofyan Dawood accused the Indonesian Military (TNI) of mobilizing people to support a possible extension of martial law, imposed on Aceh on May 19, 2003.

Last November, the military operation aimed at crushing GAM members was extended for six months to May 19 this year.

Thursday's rally at the local legislative council involved residents from Sawang subdistrict, North Aceh regency.

Apart from the extension of martial law, the protesters also urged the Aceh administration to pay special attention to development in Sawang.

Baharuddin Abubakar, a local community figure, said martial law should be extended for another six months as it had improved the economy for local people.

"[The situation for] cacao and areca nut farmers and others in Sawang has been improving and this has been indicated by their willingness to work their plantations," he said.

Before Aceh was placed under martial law, the farmers fled their villages to neighboring North Sumatra province, Baharuddin said.

"They could not afford to pay 'taxes' collected by GAM members, while the price of areca nuts was only around Rp 1,000 per kilogram at the time," he added.

He said outsiders were afraid to visit Sawang, formerly a GAM stronghold in North Aceh, before the military carried out raids against separatist rebels.

Sawang subdistrict head Abdul Barry, a major assigned to his current post by the martial law administration last year, said the security situation had been improving there.

However, he admitted, his administration needed to do more work on development in the subdistrict, where a number of villages, including Paya Reubek and Gunci, did not yet have an electricity supply.

During the rally, the protesters held posters and banners in support of the military operation in Aceh, and carried traditional instruments like rapai (drums).

The participants repeatedly struck the rapai, grabbing the attention of passersby and motorists outside the North Aceh legislative council building.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri's government has considered imposing a state of civil emergency in Aceh to replace martial law, following mounting protest from human rights groups, but the military appears to wish to maintain the current status in the war-torn province.

Walhi's Muhammad fights for Aceh's environment

Jakarta Post - April 23, 2004

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- Aceh is not just about the bloody prolonged fighting between separatist rebels and the Indonesian Military, with all of the unrecorded brutalities and countless devastations of people and their lives.

A rich cultural trove, Aceh is also blessed with natural resources and rain forest stretching across its lands and hills.

However, political interests and human greed must just be put aside as Muhammad Ibrahim talks about saving his land, its fertile soil and all the God's creatures that call it home.

A giant highway project, called Ladia Galaska (an acronym for Lautan Hindia, Gayo, Luwes and Selat Malaka) is underway -- penetrating into the pristine 100.2 square kilometer Gunung Leuser National Park and posing a threat to the provinces's endangered species.

The project kicked off in 2002 an in the second year of work has reached 10 kilometers of road construction from Lamsemol to Beutung Ateuh in North Aceh.

International groups and local environmental activists have stood up against the construction of the 500-kilometer road that would link the province from west to east.

The 32-year-old Muhammad, the executive director of the Aceh branch of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) has joined the protests against the highway. As a result, he has been targeted by some locals who support the construction and the military, which dominates Aceh since martial law was declared there.

"Some local figures sent a letter to the governor, asking him to take stern measures against Walhi and if he (the governor) failed to do so, they would take the law into their own hands," Muhammad told The Jakarta Post recently in Banda Aceh.

Now Muhammad regularly receives threats through telephone calls and letters.

"Our sole concern today is to save the forests in Aceh, particularly our protected forests," he said, brushing off any risks he might face because of his work.

Local environmental activist Bestari Raden was recently held by the military on charges that he had links with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Bestari, 50, was a member of a government-formed team charged with assessing the construction of the highway. He was detained when he was visiting the area to evaluate the feasibility of the project.

But that will not deter Muhammad, who was born in Sigli, Pidie regency.

He is married to Afrida Nurizki, 26, and they are the parents of 18-month-old Nabil Ramadhan Hamuda.

Muhammad went to school in Banda Aceh, about 112 kilometers from his hometown. In 1991, he went to Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh, majoring in agriculture. During his university years, he was an activist with the Islamic Student Association.

"I never wanted to be an environmentalist before," he said with a laugh.

He joined Walhi in 1998 at the invitation of a friend. When he first joined the organization, he was appointed head of the campaign division. His interest and passion in environmental issues has grown ever since.

Muhammad soon became frustrated by the by residents and government officials lack of concern over environmental issues.

"People here have only begun to become aware of the importance of taking good care of the environment following recent flooding. Unfortunately, local government officials prefer to help the victims rather than preventing the floods," he said.

Aceh is home to quite a vast forest area. However, because of unchecked logging, floods and landslides occur frequently. In 2003 alone, Aceh suffered 128 natural disasters.

Today, some 25 percent of the forest in Aceh has been damaged, mostly because of illegal logging and the activities of forest concessionaires.

That is why Muhammad and Walhi are doing everything within their power to protest the construction of Ladia Galaska, because the road, if completed, would pierce the heart of the protected forest.

Muhammad sees the project as being very dangerous. Aside from the fact that the slope of the land is over 45 degrees, the highway would travel through a protected forest that is home to elephants, tigers and rhinos.

"Basically, this road construction project is good. Our protest concerns only part of the plan that goes through a protected forest as it will be harmful to the Acehnese," he said.

If the government insists on constructing the highway through the national park, it is feared the road will only benefit logging bosses and their destructive illegal logging activities.

As an environmentalist, Muhammad has also dealt with problems related to the operations of Exxon Mobil in Lhokseumawe.

"Until now I remain convinced that Exxon Mobil should be held responsible for human rights violation in Aceh, either directly or otherwise. They have provided the facilities for the military," he noted.

To activists in Aceh, Muhammad is held up an example of a selfless crusader for good. When a military emergency status was enacted in Aceh and political activists were compelled to leave the province, Muhammad remained in Aceh.

If he remains and continues his protests, it is not only because Aceh is his home, but also because he values his calling to save the land.

"It is possible for me to remain here perhaps because I deal with environmental issues. Although, in this case, I often have to face high-ranking government officials," he said.

A friend of Muhammad's, lawyer Rufriadi, commented: "He is courageous and is highly consistent in taking good care of the environment even though that is not an easy job in Aceh."

Concern heightens about militia groups in Aceh

Jakarta Post - April 21, 2004

A. Junaidi and Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Activists and researchers have urged an end to the involvement of militia groups in Nanggroe Aceh Darrusalam in the operation against rebels, saying the military is virtually pitting civilians against each other.

Observation by the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM) cited increased mobilization of civilians by the Indonesian Military (TNI) since the "integrated operation" was launched in the province. However some villagers said they had armed themselves in self defense against the rebels, who forced them into GAM or extorted or intimidated them.

Critics have said the government operation is largely a military action against the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) while three other aspects -- the humanitarian field, law enforcement and improved performance of the local bureaucracy -- have been given far less attention.

The operation was launched last year, coinciding with the declaration of martial law in Aceh on the midnight of May 18, 2003. Earlier the government announced it could no longer negotiate with GAM. Martial law is slated to end on May 19.

Amiruddin al Rahab of ELSAM said the TNI had "urged the people to mark with red the houses of suspected GAM members and report their suspicions to the authorities."

"It's like letting people kill each other," Aceh-born Amiruddin told a seminar evaluating one year of military operation in Aceh. Speakers at talks held by the student association of Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) and the Youths and Student Antiviolence Movement (Kompak), urged warring parties to return to negotiations. Philip Vermonte of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said if TNI did not stop recruiting civilian militia, "Aceh could end up like East Timor." Hundreds of militia groups ran amok in the territory, killing people and destroying buildings after the majority vote for independence in 1999.

Separately TNI spokesman Maj.Gen.Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin said the civilian groups were not militia but "fronts for people's resistance in an emergency".

The military was requested by the local government to train and organize them, he said, "but they are not armed and are non combatants," and their purpose was self defense.

Amiruddin suspected the use of militia -- called by some the People's Protection (Linmas) -- was related to the TNI's target, which Aceh's martial law administrator Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya said was "to eliminate GAM at its grass roots".

Since the military operation began, TNI claims at least 1,300 GAM members have been killed and 2,000 other members and sympathizers arrested.

Samsidar of the National Commission on Antiviolence Against Women said the commission had "lost count" of villages now populated mainly by women and children.

The year-long military operation "has brought suffering similar to that endured under the 10-year military operation," which was revoked in 1999, Samsidar said. The previous operation was also aimed at the elimination of GAM, but many youths who grew up in that period were later recruited by GAM.

Meanwhile GAM spokesman Sofyan Dawood said GAM would not retaliate against civilians found to have helped the TNI should martial law be revoked.

"However armed militia must disarm themselves ... GAM has no plan to harm its own people, Sofyan said. Several informants of past operations have been found dead.

Portrait of Aceh's no-man's-land

Jakarta Post - April 21, 2004

Teuku Agam Muzakir, Lhokseumawe -- Entering Buket Nibong village in Jrat Manyang subdistrict, Tanah Jambo Aye district, North Aceh regency, is like being in a no-man's-land. More than 450 inhabitants have fled the area to escape the battles between the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the rebel Free Aceh Movement (GAM) that have been raging since 1999.

The area is located about 65 kilometers east of Lhokseumawe, the second largest city in the troubled province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, along the coast of the Strait of Malacca. The area is known as a stronghold of GAM, which has been under heavy pressure by the TNI since the imposition of martial law in Aceh in May last year.

There is an eerie quiet as soon as you set foot on the road leading to Buket Nibong village. The dirt road is filled with rocks and is overgrown with grass. The village is hilly and surrounded by woods, over which hangs a deathly still.

Do not expect to shelter from the sun and rest in a comfortable house here, as there is nothing in the village that qualifies as such. There are no schools for the children or public clinics for the sick. The nearest elementary school is located about three kilometers away, in the neighboring village of Lhok Beuringen.

According to several people who once lived in Buket Nibong, the area was once the most bustling in the whole of the Jrat Manyang subdistrict.

Residents, after returning home from their fields, would gather and chat in coffee stalls along the village's main road.

But that was four years ago, before the villagers abandoned their homes and fields because of the gunfights and bomb blasts.

Since 2000, more than 55 families have moved to other, more peaceful villages.

"It has been four years since we fled because we were afraid of becoming victims in the gunfights between the TNI and GAM," said Jafaruddin, 41, who now lives in Kreung Lingka village, some three kilometers north of Buket Nibong.

"One day, when it was raining heavily, a bomb suddenly exploded.

Another day, many of our heads of livestock were shot and killed during a fierce battle," he said.

A large part of the residents fled to their relatives' homes in other villages far from Buket Nibong. But many were forced to fend for themselves, building huts on other people's land for shelter.

Buket Nibong residents are now scattered in Ulee Glee, Ujung Blang, Matang Rambong, Lingka, Paya Bakong, Matang Iboh, Matang Sungke Puleut, Matang Raya and several other villages.

Even though security in Aceh is beginning to improve, the residents still are unable to return to their homes.

Most of their homes they abandoned were burned down by armed groups.

And the banana and candlenut farms they left four years ago are now overgrown with wild shrubs.

Those who are taking refuge in other villages are discouraged because they have never received any kind of assistance from the government, despite the fact that billions of rupiah of humanitarian aid has been extended by the central government to Aceh.

"We are common people who don't know who to turn to. We would be grateful if the government helped us, but if they don't we don't know what to say," said Jafaruddin.

Muhammad Ismail, 52, a former head of Buket Nibong village who now lives in Kreung Lingka village, said many residents were gathering up their courage to look after their abandoned farms, despite the security concerns.

Buket Nibong village, once home to 450 inhabitants, was a place where strong mountain winds blew. At the foot of the hill, paddy fields spread out evenly.

But all that is in the past now. The conflict in Aceh has destroyed these happy memories and driven the residents from their once-peaceful home.

Free Fery Santoro: World press body

Jakarta Post - April 21, 2004

Jakarta -- The International Federation of Journalists has reiterated its demand for the release of RCTI television cameraman, Fery Santoro, who has spent almost 10 months as a hostage of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

President of the Brussels-based IFJ, Christopher Warren, said on Monday in a statement that "Neither the GAM fighters in (Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam) nor the Indonesian Military have given Fery's safety the priority it deserves." In an accompanying article Warren wrote that Fery "cannot become the forgotten hostage".

Fery was abducted while on assignment in the Langsa area by GAM along with colleague Sory Ersa Siregar on June 29 last year, their driver and two wives of Air Force officers. The driver escaped late last year, while the Indonesian Military (TNI) said Ersa was killed on Dec. 29 by TNI bullets in a gunfight with GAM. The women were released in February.

The TNI and GAM with the assistance of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Indonesian Red Cross have so far failed to facilitate the release of Fery and dozens of other hostages.

Warren noted that "Journalists are taken hostage to punish and intimidate the press. It is an act of cowardice and futility."

"Taking journalists hostage limits the ability of all of us to know and understand what is happening in areas of conflict," he said.

Anti-corruption bogy seeks to quiz Puteh on graft cases

Jakarta Post - April 21, 2004

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- The newly formed national anticorruption body is seeking to question Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Governor Abdullah Puteh for his alleged role in graft cases as local authorities have been wholly unable to summon him.

"We are here to find out what is hampering the local law enforcers [in questioning the governor], while the evidence appears to be more than sufficient," Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) head Taufieqqurrahman Ruki said on Tuesday.

He was speaking to journalists after a meeting with martial law leaders, ulemas, community figures and non-governmental organization activists at the Iskandar Muda military headquarters in Banda Aceh.

His visit was aimed at gathering data and information on rampant cases of corruption that allegedly involve Puteh.

Taufieqqurrahman said the KPK would directly take over the questioning of the Aceh governor if the martial law authorities were unable to summon him.

Sources at the military headquarters told The Jakarta Post that the martial law administration was seeking permission from President Megawati Soekarnoputri to grill Puteh, but that she had not responded.

Taufieqqurrahman said his commission would push Megawati to grant permission to the Aceh authorities or that the KPK would directly summon and question the governor.

The KPK has the authority to summon alleged corrupters without necessarily asking for presidential permission, he added.

During Tuesday's meeting, the participants demanded that the martial law administration immediately begin a corruption probe.

Local sociologist Ahmad Humam Hamid said during the meeting that corruption in Aceh was completely out of control and was a bigger problem than the armed separatist rebels. "During the 2002-2004 period, some Rp 20 trillion (US$2.3 billion) has been channeled to Aceh, but the use of the funds is not clear."

Corruption is more dangerous in Aceh than the separatist movement (GAM) that has been fighting for independence since 1970s, he added.

"If corruption cases cannot be resolved, Aceh is prepared to break away from the Republic of Indonesia." Humam said.

Puteh announced publicly last week in Banda Aceh that he was ready to face a corruption investigation, but little has been done since.

Rumors had spread that the local authorities would summon the governor after they were investigating his administration's finance bureau head, TM Lizam, for the latter's alleged involvement in the misuse of Rp 30 billion for electricity equipment. Based on a report obtained by the Post, the Aceh Prosecutor's Office was investigating Puteh's alleged roles in three corruption cases including the purchase of a Russian-made MI-2 helicopter.

"The Aceh administration has allegedly marked up the helicopter's price from Rp 6.1 billion to Rp 12.6 billion," the report said.

It also stated that the governor allegedly bribed 53 Aceh councillors with Rp 75 million each to endorse the purchase of the marked up chopper.

Puteh is also accused of corruption in the purchase of a used- printing press worth Rp 4.2 billion, but the machine was inoperable.

On Monday, martial law administrator Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya said that Lizam and electricity equipment contractor, identified only as William, would be handed over to police on Tuesday.

But by noon the suspects had not been in contact with the investigators.

Also questioned in the Rp 30 billion graft case was Aceh transportation office head Usman Budiman to shed more light on Lizam's confession.

Three soldiers die in Aceh ambush: report

Agence France Presse - April 20, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Separatist rebels have ambushed and killed three Indonesian soldiers in Aceh province, a report said Tuesday.

The deaths on Saturday came amid an upsurge in reported violence that also left 22 suspected Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels dead and two others wounded on Saturday and Sunday, according to the military.

Lt. Col. Yakraman Yagus, a local military commander, said about 15 GAM members hiding in bushes opened fire on the soldiers as they patrolled a remote forest in Central Aceh, the Serambi daily reported. Authorities 11 months ago declared martial law in Aceh and launched an all-out offensive to crush GAM.

On Monday the martial law administrator, Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya, told a Jakarta radio station that GAM's strength has been reduced to about 40 percent of what it was.

Rebel operations commander in East Aceh, Ishak Daud, denied there had been a severe drop in GAM's numbers. "In war there are retreats, and there are advances," he told AFP in Jakarta on Monday.

Indonesia to re-evaluate martial law in Aceh

Deutsche Presse-Agentur/Antara - April 19, 2004

Jakarta -- The Indonesian government will soon re-evaluate whether it is necessary to maintain martial law in the war-torn province of Aceh, a senior cabinet minister said Monday.

Hari Sabarno, acting minister for security and political affairs, said the evaluation would be conducted within the next one to two weeks to determine whether martial law was still necessary in the rebellious province.

"We will listen on reports from the province and discuss the latest situation with the martial law authorities [in Aceh]," the state-run Antara news agency quoted Sabarno as saying.

The report added that the meeting would also discuss the implementation of the April 5 general election in Aceh, which was carried out relatively peacefully but with only limited access allowed for vote monitors to assure the polling was free and fair.

Sabarno said the re-evaluation of Aceh's martial law status was necessary as it is currently scheduled to end on May 19.

He refused to discuss the possibility of revoking martial law in Aceh, Indonesia's northwesternmost province on the massive island of Sumatra. "Just wait and see. We're hoping that [the martial law] will be reduced," he added.

The Indonesian government last November decided to extend martial law in Aceh by another six months, arguing that the first six months of martial law had been insufficient to crush the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

On May 19, 2003, the government imposed martial law in Aceh, 1,750 kilometres northwest of Jakarta.

Army says 124 rebel hostages rescued, 260 still detained

Agence France Presse - April 19, 2004

Jakarta -- The Indonesian military has rescued 124 people taken hostage by separatist rebels in Aceh province since the start of a military offensive last year but 260 civilians are still detained, a report said Monday.

"Security forces are still trying to rescue 260 civilians who are still being held hostage by GAM (the Free Aceh Movement) in various locations in Aceh, including RCTI cameraman Ferry Santoro," martial law commander Major General Endang Suwarya was quoted by the Republika daily as saying.

Santoro and his journalist colleague Ersa Siregar was captured by GAM last June along with the wives of two soldiers.

Siregar was killed in a shoot-out involving troops and rebels in December and the soldiers' wives were rescued in January.

The government last May launched an all-out military offensive to crush GAM, which has been fighting for independence for Aceh since 1976, after peace talks collapsed.

The military claims to have killed more than 1,300 rebels since then. Around 2,000 guerrillas and their sympathisers have been arrested or have surrendered, it said.

22 rebels killed as separatists dwindle: military

Agence France Presse - April 19, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Indonesia's military has reduced separatist rebel strength in Aceh by 60 percent, the province's martial law commander said Monday as the army claimed the deaths of 22 suspected rebels.

"What's clear, it's estimated that their strength has been greatly reduced... to around 40 percent," Major General Endang Suwarya said told a Jakarta radio station.

Suwarya, earlier said the military had rescued 124 people held hostage by Free Aceh Movement (GAM) guerrillas since last May's start of a major military offensive to crush the rebels, but 260 civilians were still detained.

Rebel operations commander in East Aceh, Ishak Daud, rejected there had been a severe drop in GAM's numbers. "In war there are retreats, and there are advances," he told AFP in Jakarta.

Suwarya has previously made claims to have decimated GAM's ranks. Two months after the start of the campaign, he was quoted saying the movements "armed remnants" had been reduced from 5,200 to 1,300, with thousands killed or caught.

He admitted Monday that earlier data may have been incomplete because government troops could not enter certain rebel-held areas. In an interview published Monday in the Republika daily newspaper, Suwarya said Indonesia's army was striving to free civilians still held by the rebels.

"Security forces are still trying to rescue 260 civilians who are still being held hostage by GAM in various locations in Aceh, including RCTI cameraman Ferry Santoro," he reportedly said.

Santoro and his journalist colleague Ersa Siregar was captured by GAM last June along with the wives of two soldiers.

Siregar was killed in a shoot-out involving troops and rebels in December. The soldiers' wives were rescued in January.

GAM has been fighting since 1976 for independence for the resource-rich province on the northern tip of Sumatra island.

The US State Department, in a report released last month, said "unlawful killings, beatings, and torture by soldiers, police, and rebels were common" in Aceh last year.

"In many cases, the victims were not combatants but civilians," it said.

In the latest violence, 22 rebels, including a district leader, died during a separate firefights in Aceh on Sunday, military spokesman Captain Chandra Purnama said.

40 per cent of GAM forces left

Detik.com - April 19, 2004

Nur Raihan, Banda Aceh -- The Aceh Emergency Military Commander, Major General Endang Suwarya says that Free Aceh Movement (GAM) forces have been rescued to 40 per cent. Nevertheless, with one month left before the end of the first extension of martial law in Aceh, the military has a presence in every part of the province. The people's resistance [one can assume that this means against GAM rather than the military - JB] has also increased in a number of areas.

This was revealed by Suwarya in a rest break during an evaluation of martial law at the Teuku Umar Building at the Iskandar Muda regional military command (Kodam) headquarters in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh on Monday April 19. The monthly evaluation was not only attained by TNI (armed forces) and police officers but also by civilian officials including mayors and regents from throughout Aceh. Also present was the head of the Aceh National Election Commission Hasbalah Tjoet and a member of the Aceh Election Monitoring Committee.

"This evaluation is similar to the previous one, but this is the last month. So, I need material for a report to the central [government]. But, as of this afternoon, not all of the regents and mayors have given their reports, so I am not yet able to give complete [update] on latest developments", he explained.

According to Suwarya however, aside from restoring security, another pressing issue is the problem of improving the welfare of the poor in Aceh who are reported to be as many as 1.7 million people from a total population of 4.1 million. He added also that the level of unemployment is estimated to be 400 thousand. "Right now, we want know what the [demographic] map is like. Just what steps have already been taken [to deal with the problem]", said Suwarya.

Meanwhile on the question or restoring security, he explained that the size of GAM's forces as well as GAM weaponry will be reevaluated. Basically said Suwarya, the data still refers to figures from the "period" of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA).

"There has been a shift in their forces, both in terms of people and weaponry. But it is not significant, so we [need] reevaluate it. Also, there are still 260 civilian hostages who were have not been able to monitor", he explained.

In the lead up to the last month of martial law on May 19 after being extended by six months on November 19, Suwarya said that they would be integrating all of the forces of the TNI and police with the people.

"We understand that in a number of areas the level of people's resistance is still of concern. But in a number of other areas it's quite good. With regard to prominent GAM leaders who we have yet to arrest, we are still trying. The room [for GAM] to maneuver is getting narrower, it is getting easier for us to access information", he said

A similar theme was elaborated upon by the TNI chief of staff Brigadier General George Toisutta. According to Toisutta, all parts of Aceh are under the military's control. "What is called a GAM basis no longer exists. Because if it is a [GAM] basis it means we have not gone there. We have entered all areas. Although there are still black zones [controlled by GAM] it does not mean we have not gone in", he explained.

Hostages

Touching on the issue of the release of hostages, Toisutta said that the military are still working on it and furthermore have formed a special team for the task. "But we have still not succeeded. If there is direct information [on the whereabouts of hostages] we will rescue them", he said, responding to an offer to release civilian hostages which has been made by GAM, including RCTI TV camera operator Ferry Santoro who is still being detained by GAM.

Toisutta said the pattern of TNI operations has not changed. Only the frequency of operations has been increased in the run up to the end of the second period of martial law on May 19. (nrl)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Labour issues

PTDI workers damage court in unruly rally

Jakarta Post - April 20, 2004

Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung -- More than 1,000 former employees at state aircraft manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PTDI) staged an unruly protest on Monday at the West Java High Court in Bandung, damaging the court buildings.

Police said later they had held PTDI's Former Employees Communication Forum head A.M. Bone on charges of damaging a state facility and were looking for other protesters involved in the vandalism.

The laid off workers have held series of protests after the company's management retrenched more than 6,000 employees, due to what it said were serious financial difficulties.

The employees filed a suit to stop the layoffs, which they said were illegal. In February, the Bandung District Court ruled in favor of the workers, reinstating them to their jobs. Later, the West Java High Court overturned the ruling.

Monday's protest began early in the morning when the former employees traveled in a convoy of cars and motorcycles from PTDI's factory at the Husein Sastranegara Air Force base on Jl. Padjajaran to the Bandung District Court There, the employees filed an appeal to the Supreme Court over the high court ruling.

They then stopped at the West Java High Court and began protesting vocally outside the court house, criticizing the decision by its judges.

Protesters shook the high court gates and damaged them. They also threw objects at the doors and windows of the office and damaged several flowerpots in the office compound. No one was reported injured in the incident. Police arrived after the protesters had already left the area.

Bandung Tengah Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Irwanto said Bone and other unruly protesters would be charged with Article 406 of the Criminal Code, for damaging a state facility. The offense carries a maximum sentence of 2 years and 8 months' jail.

He said the police had held Bone for questioning and were still looking for several other protesters who were alleged to have damaged the court compound.

Sanim Djarwadi, the deputy chairman of the West Java High Court, regretted the incident. "They should have emphasized dialog rather than unruly behavior," he said.

The protest is latest of several staged by workers since February, when presiding Bundung District Court judge Marni Emmy Mustofa ruled in favor of their case.

In the decision, the panel of judges ordered the management to restore the rights of the dismissed employees and allow them to return to work at the company.

Marni said the extraordinary shareholders meeting held by three company directors recommending the dismissal of the employees, was illegal. Regulations required such extraordinary meetings were attended by all five of the company's directors, she said.

While the ruling legally reinstated the workers they were prevented from returning to work when the company locked them out, appealing the ruling to the high court.

'War on terrorism'

US report on Bali flawed, says Canberra

Sydney Morning Herald - April 21, 2004

Cynthia Banham -- A report by a US think tank claiming the Bali tragedy could have been avoided if ASIO had not blatantly disregarded threat assessments has been dismissed by the Federal Government as flawed.

The report, by the independent, non-profit Rand Corporation, alleged rivalries between the Australian Federal Police and ASIO had led the latter agency "deliberately" to withhold information "on the basis of its own idiosyncratic calculation of the national interest".

But the Government rejected the report's conclusions.

The Attorney-General, Philip Ruddock, said they had been based on flawed assumptions that intelligence organisations had warning of the Bali attacks, when the former inspector-general of intelligence, Bill Blick, had cleared Australian agencies of any such charge.

The Prime Minister, John Howard, said the suggestion that the AFP and ASIO were engaged in a turf war "is wrong".

The Opposition Leader, Mark Latham, said the report was "concerning", and that it heightened the need for a royal commission on Australia's intelligence agencies.

The Rand report, which its authors said was partly based on interviews with the AFP, said there was disquiet within the intelligence agencies over the relationship between the AFP and ASIO, and there existed the view that it was not "two-way" or "mutually beneficial".

It quoted a "former high-ranking federal police officer" as saying the problem had "steadily worsened since 2002 on account of jurisdictional jealousies arising over investigative visibility and profile" accorded the AFP after the Bali bombings.

The findings were given some credence by the former AFP officers Dr Sandy Gordon and John McFarlane, who told the ABC structural problems within ASIO and the AFP meant there was not a good intelligence flow.

Spy agency failed on Bali: US think tank

The Australian - April 21, 2004

Patrick Walters, John Kerin and Misha Schubert -- ASIO deliberately withheld counter-terrorism intelligence from the Australian Federal Police based on the spy agency's "idiosyncratic calculation of the national interest", according to a new study by a leading US think tank.

In a searing analysis, the Rand Corporation study also backs the claims of regional terrorism experts that ASIO blatantly disregarded the assessment of the threat posed by Jemaah Islamiah, which if followed could have prevented the October 2002 Bali bombings that killed 88 Australians.

Attorney-General Philip Ruddock said last night that while Bali had been mentioned in a generic form, an investigation by former Inspector-General of Intelligence Bill Blick found "there was no specific intelligence ... that Bali was vulnerable".

Putting more pressure on the security network, a former intelligence official added weight to accusations made by army whistleblower Lieutenant-Colonel Lance Collins yesterday by claiming a secret document circulated within spy agencies in the late 1990s had warned analysts about the threat to their career of giving advice challenging a pro-Jakarta lobby in the bureaucracy.

John Howard dismissed the Rand claim of tensions between ASIO and the AFP.

"These two agencies, in particular ASIO and the AFP, have co- operated very closely. I have observed it, I see it on a very regular basis," the Prime Minister said.

The Rand Corporation study claimed that tension between ASIO and the AFP had created a view that the "ASIO-AFP" relationship was "neither two-way or mutually beneficial".

AFP commissioner Mick Keelty last night denied any strains. "ASIO and the AFP have a close working relationship, which has become closer since September 11, and we share a commitment to fight terrorism," he said.

"The community expects it and recent joint operations have demonstrated this."

His view was backed by other senior ASIO and AFP sources, who said that if information had been withheld it was due to administrative oversight rather than deliberate omission.

A series of government inquiries in the wake of the Bali bombings failed to find any specific intelligence that could have helped avert the Bali bombings.

The Rand study examined intelligence agencies, police and their roles in fighting terrorism in four Western countries -- Australia, Canada, Britain and France.

It said that "operationally", the counter-terrorist record of the domestic intelligence agencies had been far from perfect, with ASIO's counterparts in Britain and Canada accused of failing to pass on intelligence to relevant authorities that could have prevented several high-profile terrorist incidents.

It claimed that ASIO's occasional withholding of information from the AFP had caused disquiet in the law enforcement community.

"One former high-ranking federal police officer claims that this problem has steadily worsened since 2002 on account of jurisdictional jealousies arising over investigative visibility and profile that have been accorded the AFP in the wake of the Bali bombings," it said.

Militant Bashir claws back public support

Reuters - April 20, 2004

Dean Yates, Jakarta -- Indonesian militant cleric Abu Bakar Bashir has not even been charged yet in a fresh terrorism investigation, but already public opinion is shifting behind the jailed preacher amid anger at perceived US meddling.

Prominent Islamist politicians have begun dropping by to see the accused head of the al Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiah network at his Jakarta jail cell to accuse Washington of forcing Indonesia to keep the preacher behind bars.

And his legal team is about to start lobbying big mainstream Muslim groups as Bashir's release date on April 30 nears.

All this poses a challenge to the world's most populous Muslim nation before presidential elections in July and when sentiment for Washington is at all-time low over the war in Iraq and US policies towards the Muslim world in general.

Police last week named Bashir a terror suspect in a new investigation, which might allow them to keep him detained. Police are focusing on possible links to the 2002 Bali bombings and Bashir's alleged leadership of Jemaah Islamiah.

Zachary Abuza, an expert on Jemaah Islamiah at Simmons College in Boston, said serious obstacles lay ahead.

"The roadblocks are that the vast majority of Indonesians believe he is innocent, that he has been acquitted of treason before and most people assume it's just sheer American pressure that's going to start it again," said Abuza.

"I don't think any politician wants to go down that road." Authorities and regional intelligence experts and officials blame Jemaah Islamiah for the October, 2002, Bali bomb attacks that killed 202 people. Bashir, 65, was arrested just after Bali, although he has never been named a suspect. Bashir denies links to terror and says JI does not exist.

But Indonesia is under mounting foreign pressure to go after him again after previous charges of leading Jemaah Islamiah and treason were either dismissed or overturned. Washington has made clear it wants him in jail.

Deja vu

That plays into Bashir's hands, say analysts, allowing Indonesians who don't want to believe they have a problem with terrorism to buy into theories it is all being orchestrated.

Indeed, the same thing happened when Bashir was first arrested just after the Bali bombings. That support eventually dried up as Indonesians lost sympathy for radical views and politicians decided it was not in their interests to be seen with Bashir.

The tide appears to be turning again despite Bashir's unrepentant views. Speaking to reporters on Monday, he endorsed the bombing of US interests in Iraq, indicated attacking the US government on American soil was acceptable, and called the Bali bombers misguided but praiseworthy fighters.

The head of the conservative Islamist Prosperous Justice Party, which did well in Indonesia's parliamentary elections this month, visited Bashir at the weekend.

Ahmad Sumargono, a senior member of the Islamist Crescent Star Party, which is led by President Megawati Sukarnoputri's justice minister, visited Bashir on Monday.

"I do not understand why the United States is scared of Abu Bakar Bashir. Look at him, he's already old," said Sumargono. That image of the avuncular cleric was effective before and might be again. "There is a real act about him. Everything's stage- managed," said Abuza.

Andrew Tan of Singapore's Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies said Bashir and terrorism would be a major issue for whoever runs Indonesia after the presidential elections because the majority of JI members at large were in Indonesia.

More attacks against Western targets were expected, he said. "I think, unfortunately, the whole issue of terrorism will define US-Indonesia relations for a very long time," Tan said.

Police declare Bashir a suspect over terror

Reuters - April 19, 2004

Telly Nathalia, Jakarta -- Indonesian police have named Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir a terror suspect and are focusing on possible links to the Bali blasts and his alleged leadership of an al Qaeda-linked militant group, officials said on Friday.

The 65-year-old Bashir is in jail for immigration offences and is due to be freed on April 30, but the latest legal moves would allow police to keep him under detention. "The Jakarta prosecutor's office has received a notification letter (from police) of their investigation into the suspect Abu Bakar Bashir," said Kemas Yahya Rachman, spokesman for the attorney general.

Quoting from the letter, he said: "Investigators have conducted a probe into the suspect, who is believed to have carried out terrorist action." Police chief General Da'i Bachtiar declined to give any details about the fresh charges against Bashir, whose impending release had alarmed the United States and other governments.

Asked what cases were linked to the new investigation, one senior officer, who declined to be identified, said: "What else, if it's not the Bali bombings and the Marriott bombings?" Authorities have blamed Southeast Asia's Jemaah Islamiah militant network -- seen as the regional arm of al Qaeda -- for the October 2002 Bali attacks that killed 202 people and the bombing of Jakarta's JW Marriott hotel in August that killed 12.

Suyitno Landung, head of Indonesia's criminal investigation department, told reporters that police were focusing on what he said was Bashir's leadership of a secretive group blamed for the Bali and Marriott attacks. He did not mention Jemaah Islamiah by name.

"That organisation is closed, secretive, and its documents will be evidence to indicate Abu Bakar Bashir is its leader. We will interrogate him soon," Landung said.

Bashir was arrested just after the Bali bombings, although he has never been named a suspect in that atrocity. He has repeatedly denied links to Jemaah Islamiah and to terrorism.

Bashir's lawyers have said their client would be quizzed under anti-terrorism laws in the world's most populous Muslim nation. Bashir was previously tried under the criminal code, but charges of leading Jemaah Islamiah or committing acts of treason were either dismissed or overturned in lower courts.

Lawyer knocks police

One of Bashir's senior lawyers, Achmad Michdan, said police were making their client too much of a target at the behest of foreign intervention.

"All of these accusations aren't new ... The police are just making up things," he said. "This is clearly an order from foreigners who have been haunting the police. Why can't they wait until he is released? What, him fleeing? He's a really old man, where can he go?"

Police are building the new case partly on evidence gleaned by investigators who have visited Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore, where many Jemaah operatives have been arrested.

The police moves have surprised some analysts, coming before Bashir's scheduled release and at a sensitive time when Indonesia has just held parliamentary elections. Campaigning for the April 5 parliamentary poll showed little support for radical views such as those espoused by Bashir.

A spokesman for Bashir has said the cleric suspected he would face trial in Bali if fresh charges were brought. Judges in Bali who have presided over trials related to the bombings on the Hindu island have handed down tough verdicts.

[Additional reporting by Achmad Sukarsono and Olivia Rondonuwu.]

Government & politics

House sitting on a pile of bills

Jakarta Post - April 20, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- Fresh from a six-week recess, House of Representatives legislators started on Monday their new sitting period, with nearly 60 bills lined up for deliberation.

In view of the fact that the lawmakers have only seven weeks to complete pending legislation, House Speaker Akbar Tandjung urged legislators to work efficiently and to make maximum use of the time available.

"I remind all the House members to attend all future meetings ... considering that we still have a lot of work to do." Deputy House speakers Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Muhaimin Iskandar of the National Awakening Party (PKB), and A.M. Fatwa of the National Awakening Party (PAN) were also present at the plenary session.

In the current sitting period, which will last seven weeks, legislators will need to work day and night due to the backlog of bills from the previous session that ended on March 6.

Last session, the House managed only to endorse four out of a targeted 54 bills. The bills approved were on water resources, revision of the Supreme Court law, revision of the public courts law, and revision of the administrative court law.

Altogether there are 57 bills on the list for the current sitting period. The legislators will also elect the chairman and members of the State Audit Body (BPK) whose term ended in October last year and conduct a fit and proper test on candidates for the Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor position.

The list of pending bills include the mechanism for enacting legislation, eradication of racial and ethnic discrimination, witness and victim protection, ombudsman, formation of new regencies, high courts, fisheries, postal affairs, agriculture, Batam free trade area, social security, sports, amendment to the law on Islamic pilgrimage, medical practice, protection of migrant workers, national health insurance, bank liquidity, credit, national development planning system, currency, the Jakarta administration, credit guarantee, State Audit Agency (BPK), pornography, formation of West Sulawesi province, foundations, terrorism, the presidency, judicial commission, truth and reconciliation commission, prosecutors, freedom of information, state ministers and the amendment to the law on fiscal balance between central and regional governments.

The lawmakers will have the last session in July before their term ends in September.

Of 500 House members, only 324 signed the attendance register and stayed in the chamber until House speaker Akbar Tandjung closed the plenary session.

The gathering opened at around 10 p.m., after an hour's delay to wait for a quorum.

Akbar also called on the lawmakers to draw up a list of problems they encountered during their five-year tenure, which would be shared with the new House members elected in the April 5 election.

Many of the current legislators, who had campaigned for their reelection during the recess, will have to relinquish their seats to either their successors or competitors as a result of the legislative election.

Election results may worsen House's performance: Expert

Jakarta Post - April 19, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The national legislature will resume sitting on Monday until early July, involving many members who are unlikely to be reelected for another five-year term.

The resulting lack of morale in the House and the threat of corruption meant these legislators should continue deliberating the remaining mountain of bills but should not endorse them, analyst Mohammad Qodari of the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) said.

"The election has taken place and new House members have been elected, therefore the legislators should not make fundamental decisions," Qodari said. "They have lost their legitimacy, but they should continue their work," Qodari told The Jakarta Post.

The General Elections Commission is expected to announce the official result of the April 5 legislative elections and the elected legislators by the end of this month; however ongoing tallies show the parties of many legislators will have a declining share of the 550 seats compared to their 1999 results.

Many legislators were either not picked by their parties for the next term or were placed too low on their party candidate lists to win seats.

Qodari was also responding to fears about the impact on new legislation if legislators on the way out failed to turn up to House sessions.

Former legislator Ichsanuddin Noorsy is among those who have raised fears legislators would use the remainder of their terms to take bribes. Among the priorities of the finance commission for the next sitting period is the selection of the Supreme Audit Agency heads and board members.

Apprehension has also been raised about the impact of rushed deliberations on important legislation the passing of laws with contentious content.

Citing the revision of the regional autonomy law, Qodari said legislators should not revive a "centralistic approach" and instead support ideas for direct gubernatorial and regental elections.

Andi Mattalatta, a legislator of the commission in charge of home and legal affairs which will oversee changes in the regional autonomy law, said faction leaders in the House "must encourage their members to perform well in the remaining term." He said the House's performance would also likely be affected by the presidential election slated for July 5.

In the previous session before the recess for campaigning in early April, the House had aimed to finish deliberating 54 bills. It had only endorsed four.

Baharuddin Aritonang, a member of the House's Legislation Body (Baleg), who failed to be reelected, promised he would keep focused on his job.

He denied speculation legislators who were not reelected would use the remaining time to extort money. "Had I had such intentions, I could have done so from the beginning of my term," Aritonang said.

2004 elections

Mega out to charm the 'little people'

Straits Times - April 24, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- Devastated by her party's defeat in the legislative polls, President Megawati Sukarnoputri is getting ready to work the ground.

Over the coming months, expect the 55-year-old leader to leave her palace cocoon to crisscross the vast archipelago with one mission: to win precious votes.

She will be kissing babies, mingling more with farmers, fishermen and labourers and explaining government policies. By nature elusive and conservative, she is trying to revamp her image to get closer to the wong cilik or little people.

For her advisers, this strategy will reap dividends if they can also do one thing: demolish the image of her rivals who are tainted by their links to the Suharto regime.

Campaign manager and chief election strategist Laksamana Sukardi told The Straits Times in an interview: "I don't think anyone can fault a leader whose policies have brought political and economic stability to Indonesia. But her introverted image let her down. She has failed to reach out to the people. Yes, it is a problem but it is something that can be overcome. Bear in mind this is a woman that fought a psychopathic regime and is cleaning up the mess it left behind. She just needs to work harder to win over the ground. She will be doing more campaigning than governing in the coming months."

Mr Laksamana, who is also Minister for State Owned Enterprises, disclosed that the defeat of her Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle (PDI-P) had forced Megawati loyalists to the drawing table.

They have set up a 20-member team to work with PDI-P branches in the provinces and with non-governmental organisations to shore up her waning popularity. Her approval ratings have dipped. She is now a distant second to retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Mr Laksamana said the party hopes to explain unpopular government policies through the media and lobbyists to win over the "floating masses". "We have about 20 per cent of supporters whom we consider hardcore. But there is a large number of people out there who are still undecided. The challenge is to win them over," he noted.

The key is still Ms Megawati -- to get her to relive her symbolic appeal as Sukarno's daughter and drum home her achievements as President.

Mr Laksamana believes she will be driven to campaign aggressively, especially after PDI-P's loss. "The party's performance in the election has been a wake-up call for all of us," he said.

Party members attributed PDI-P's defeat to what some describe as "the Air Force One syndrome". Explained one source who was involved in the post-mortem: "In 1999, she was just an opposition figure. She did not have any resources and was forced many times to stay overnight in provinces she was travelling to. Now she has a private jet, her own Air Force One, that allows her to spend just a few hours in every region she visits. There was no chance to talk to the people. She was seen as distant and aloof."

It is crucial for Ms Megawati to cultivate the ground. But making up the numbers will require a credible coalition partner. Her options are wearing thin. With her preferred choice, the former Coordinating Minister for Welfare Jusuf Kalla, joining forces with her arch-rival Bambang, she is just left with two choices.

One is her deputy Hamzah Haz, who heads the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP). The other is possibly Nadhlatul Ulama chairman Hasyim Muzadi.

Mr Laksamana refuses to be drawn into whether a deal has been cut with either one. But he made it clear that the two were ideal choices because they "were not associated with the New Order regime". "Like us, both the PPP and NU were oppressed by Suharto. We will never work with people who are tarnished by corruption and human rights abuses."

Some see this comment as a veiled attack on Ms Megawati's closest challengers -- Mr Wiranto and Mr Bambang -- two generals who served under former president Suharto.

Indeed, Mr Laksamana disclosed that the PDI-P will go all out to discredit those with links to the New Order regime. "Our message to the masses will be: beware of those who destroyed this country that Ibu Mega has worked so hard to rebuild."

Does Ms Megawati have a chance with the rise of the generals? Mr Laksamana had this to say: "This election will be a war on personality and image. Whatever you say about Ibu Mega, she has a better image than her rivals. She is not staring at a scandal or a policy catastrophe. A week is a long time in politics. She still has a fighting chance."

Women's group rejects military presidential candidates

Kompas - April 24, 2004

Jakarta -- Senjata Kartini (Sekar), a women's non-government organisation, is opposed to presidential candidates from military circles. According to Sekar, electing a presidential candidate from military circles will return women in Indonesia to [the kind of] oppression [they experienced in the past] because of the tendency to use a military approach in implementing presidential decisions. This approach has been repeatedly proven to cause women and children to be victimised.

Nuraini from Sekar made these remarks in a press conference at the offices of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) on Friday April 23 in Jakarta. In conjunction with the press conference, another organisation, the People's Democratic Party (PRD) held a similar action. The PRD pleaded with voters in the July 5 presidential elections not to give an opening for the reemergence of the military in a civilian government.

In a statement read by Nuraini, she called on presidential candidates [former armed forces chief] Wiranto and [recently resigned coordinating minister for politics and security] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to take responsibility for the Trisakti, Semanggi I and II tragedies(1), the May 1998 riots in Jakarta and martial law in Aceh. "Bringing martial law into force in Aceh has resulted in thousands of [women] becoming widows. Since martial law [was declared on May 19], the elite has [frequently] used sexual violence against women".

Sekar warned people not go give an opening to the anti-democratic forces to lead the nation. "The women's movement has the duty get its act together. If it doesn't, [the government] will be even freer to enact policies which discriminate against women", said Nuraini.

Meanwhile, PRD general chairperson Yusuf Lakaseng acknowledged that the reemergence if the military which has been marked by the emergence of a number of retired generals [as presidential candidates] is a result of the weakness and divisions among non- government organisations, the student movement and other pro- democracy groups. "All of this has provided an opportunity for the return of the old forces, both military and civilian, [forces that are] none other than the fake reformists and the New Order [regime of former President Suharto]", he said. "All elements [of the movement] must unite". (WIN)

Notes:

1. On May 12, 1998, security personnel shot into a crowd of student protesters from the Trisakti University near their campus in West Jakarta, killing four students and injuring several. This proved to be the spark which set-off three days of mass demonstrations and rioting in Jakarta which eventually lead to the overthrow of former President Suharto. Similar incidents occurred on in November 1998 and September 1999 when troops opened fire on demonstrators from the Atmajaya University in Jakarta using rubber bullets and live ammunition in the area of Semanggi, South Jakarta, resulting in the death of dozens of student demonstrators.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Indonesia prepares for day of the generals

The Australian - April 24, 2004

Sian Powell -- Despite enduring 32 years of brutal military rule, Indonesia has not lost its respect for gold braid and epaulettes.

Two of the three front-runners in the presidential race are former generals, and both served the monolithic New Order regime that finally crumbled in 1998.

General Wiranto, chosen this week as the Golkar party's presidential candidate, was Indonesia's armed forces commander until 2000 and responsible for the military brutality in East Timor.

His competitor, Democrat party candidate General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was the Jakarta command's chief of staff when the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters was raided by the military and its proxies, leaving an uncertain number dead.

Like any good general, Yudhoyono conserved his forces until earlier this year, when he quit as chief security minister and launched a cunning raid on President Megawati Sukarnoputri's position.

Polls show Yudhoyono's popularity rocketing ahead of the other contenders - to 40 per cent according to one yet-to-be-published survey. Many tipsters predict he might even win outright the first round of the presidential election on July 5.

Wiranto's popularity rating, by contrast, has languished in single digits, but most expect it will improve now he is the official candidate of Golkar, the party almost certain to win the most seats in the parliamentary election.

Sacked by then-president Abdurrahman Wahid for his role in the 1999 East Timor chaos, Wiranto has been indicted for crimes against humanity by the UN-funded Serious Crimes Unit. He has consistently denied any wrongdoing, and is unlikely ever to face trial.

Australian National University academic Harold Crouch says there is a difference between the crimes sheeted home to Wiranto and Yudhoyono's alleged wrongdoing.

Wiranto could be accused of crimes of omission, Professor Crouch said -- as armed forces commander he bore ultimate responsibility for his troops' actions.

Yudhoyono, by contrast, was only chief-of-staff in Jakarta, and once told Professor Crouch he was proud of the way he managed to limit a riot linked to the PDI raid.

"SBY (Yudhoyono) went on with the Aceh negotiations," Professor Crouch said, referring to the general's prolonged effort to prevent the military operation now under way in Indonesia's westernmost province. "I think he kept going for a lot longer than could be reasonably expected," he said. "He took risks there."

In other liberal measures, Yudhoyono made it clear he opposed the splitting of Papua into three provinces, a policy that upset the Papuans.

Wiranto has also made it clear he wants to end the military operation in Aceh, and to deal with the troubles in Papua.

Some pundits have written him off as collateral damage in the Yudhoyono advance, but some believe his personal popularity will improve. They think Wiranto will benefit from the nationwide machine of Golkar, the party that was once dictator Suharto's political machine, and an organisation that has a vast network of allegiances.

According to Mohammad Qodari of the Indonesian Survey Institute, a firm that has run reputable polls for some time, Yudhoyono is seen as a more able economic manager than the other presidential candidates, and more competent with security affairs.

It's not good news for Ms Megawati, Mr Qodari says. His surveys have found seven in 10 Indonesians do not want their president to have a second term.

Former cabinet minister and Golkar presidential candidate Yusuf Kalla has become Yudhoyono's running mate in the presidential race, but the other two frontrunners -- Wiranto and Megawati -- have yet to arrange complementary vice-presidential candidates. Intense coalition negotiations will continue for some time. Jeffrey Winters, from Northwestern University in the US, has been travelling across Indonesia with the candidates. Western concerns over Wiranto's nomination by the Golkar party were counter- productive, Professor Winter said.

Indonesians were more likely to blame Wiranto for the much- lamented loss of East Timor than for human rights abuses. Any criticism by Australia or the US would be a feather in Wiranto's cap.

Equally misguided were concerns that the candidacy of the two former generals presaged a return to military dominance, he said. "I see no indication whatsoever that the military is conspiring to bring itself back," Professor Winters said.

The military as a whole was "lukewarm" about both Yudhoyono and Wiranto.

[Sian Powell is The Weekend Australian's Jakarta correspondent.]

'Drunken master' reborn

Courier Mail - April 24, 2004

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Almost three years after he was impeached by parliament, Indonesia's nearly blind and erratic former president, Abdurrahman Wahid, insists he still has a shot at the presidency.

Known in Indonesia as the "drunken master" because of his ability to regularly confuse his opponents, Mr Wahid was yesterday adamant he will run as the presidential candidate for his PKB party. This is despite a ruling from the Indonesian Elections Commission (KPU) prohibiting physically or mentally disabled people from running for the presidency.

"I will keep going forward I won't care about the KPU," he said after a meeting of senior clerics which endorsed his run for the presidency.

Polls indicate the man known as Gus Dur would easily be knocked out in the first of Indonesia's two rounds of first direct presidential elections.

Some analysts suspect Mr Wahid's talk of running for president masks a desire for the vice-presidential post -- securing a ticket with one of the stronger presidential candidates.

"He wants an alliance with Wiranto but perhaps as a vice- presidential candidate," Daniel Sparringa, a political analyst from East Java's Airlangga University, said. Mr Sparingga said if General Wiranto, the Golkar party presidential candidate, offered him the vice-presidential seat, Mr Wahid would offer to bring PKB supporters with him.

Analysts say that Indonesia's presidential election, to be decided in two rounds in July and September, will be a tight contest between General Wiranto, and the popular former security minister, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri is not expected to last beyond the first round in July.

Jeffrey Winters, a visiting US-based Indonesia specialist, said that if Mr Wahid were selected as General Wiranto's running mate it could be a good balance of the secular politicians with support from the moderate Muslims.

More importantly, it would mean that General Wiranto would not need to court more radical Muslim groups such as the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) which has a more conservative agenda than the PKB.

General Wiranto is also close to the PKS, a minor party, whose support has jumped dramatically from less than 2 per cent in 1999, to more than 7 per cent this year.

But if General Wiranto invited PKS into his coalition, he would probably need to offer them key cabinet posts and possibly be forced to implement the demand for Sharia or Islamic law.

Given that Mr Wahid is the only president to have visited Australia and his close ties to Australians, he could make international relations far smoother for General Wiranto, who has been indicted by UN prosecutors over his role in violence in the lead-up to East Timor's independence.

Mr Wahid sacked General Wiranto from his post as Defence Minister and Armed Forces Commander in 2000, because of his record in East Timor.

"What Wahid wants is just the most seats in parliament, he has no preference for one party or the other," Harold Crouch, an analyst with the International Crisis Group, said.

Whatever Mr Wahid's confusing game-plan, analysts agree the "drunken master" is intent on playing a key role determining the make-up of Indonesia's next cabinet. Mr Wahid, Indonesia's first democratically elected president and probably its most unpredictable, was impeached over allegations of embezzlement.

Ex-generals ready for battle in July poll

Inter Press Service - April 23, 2004

Andreas Harsono, Jakarta -- In mid-May 1998, as rioters were ransacking business areas and looting properties owned by Chinese Indonesians in Jakarta, Gen Wiranto, then Indonesia's military chief, was approached by his number two, Lt Gen Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

According to Yudhoyono's biography 'Sang Demokrat' (The Democrat), President Suharto himself bunkered in his residence on a leafy street in Central Jakarta as student protesters were occupying the parliament building and demanding that he step down from power.

Yudhoyono asked Wiranto: "Do you have any plan to take over power?" Wiranto replied, "No. I don't have any shred of idea about taking over power. It is unconstitutional."

Yudhoyono immediately shook Wiranto's hand, saying: "Sir, if that is the case, and I am with you!"

This conversation was unknown to the public until Yudhoyono published his biography two months ago.

Today, six years later, Wiranto and Yudhoyono -- both retired -- are still popular because of their decision not to grab power and allow Suharto to exit, thus ushering Indonesia's transition to democracy.

Today they are candidates competing with civilian counterparts in the July 5 presidential race, and challenging too their former boss, President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Looking back, the two military officers' decision to keep the military out won kudos on the grounds that it allowed Indonesia the space for change - in succeeding years, the country held a democratic election, a referendum in East Timor and civilian governments began to lead the country.

After all, in the days leading up to Suharto's stepping down from power on May 21, 1998, there were hawkish generals who planned to crack down on protesters like Chinese officials did in Tiananmen Square in 1989.

Yudhoyono's Democrat Party got seven percent of the parliamentary votes during the Apr. 5 vote, while Wiranto won Golkar Party's presidential nomination on Tuesday -- thus setting the stage for their candidacies.

Golkar, which Suharto created in the sixties, is now the strongest political party after 20 percent of the votes. After the Apr. 5 vote, it is set to control almost a quarter of the 550-strong parliament.

Megawati's party only secured the second position with 19 percent of votes.

But the two military officers' popularity is not without controversy. Wiranto, who used to be an adjutant to Suharto, was indicted for crimes against humanity last year by UN-backed prosecutors in East Timor.

Prosecutors there charge that he failed to stop his soldiers and pro-Indonesia militia from killing nearly 1,500 people in 1999, after East Timorese voted for independence from Indonesia.

Wiranto has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing and claimed that he had tried to stop the violence.

Testifying at one of the Human Rights Court hearings instituted in Jakarta to look into the East Timor debacle -- no military figures were convicted -- he argued that the East Timorese had anyway been fighting each other "for 23 years" since the Indonesian invasion in 1975.

Yudhoyono's candidacy also has controversy although he is not as widely accused as his former boss.

According to John Miller of the New York-based East Timor Action Network, as Wiranto's chief of territorial affairs, Yudhoyono took no action on reports that the Indonesian soldiers and militia were intimidating the East Timorese in advance of the UN-run referendum.

"Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's record shows that as president he is unlikely to rein in Indonesia's increasingly assertive military. The former general is also unlikely to support genuine efforts to hold members of the security forces accountable for crimes against humanity in East Timor and Indonesia," said Miller.

But East Timor is not a big political issue in the psyche of most Indonesians today. It was a former Portuguese colony, unlike the other Dutch-controlled parts of Indonesia. East Timor is also a relatively poor and much smaller territory of around 800,000 people, quite tiny compared with Indonesia's 220 million people.

This psyche is also well understood by the foreign diplomats in Jakarta.

"We can work with anybody that comes out from a free (election) process," US Ambassador Ralph Boyce said on Thursday.

East Timor Attorney General Longinus Montero said Sunday that Wiranto's trial might not materialise due to lack of evidence. Australian foreign minister Alexander Downer said: "We have to work with whoever wins."

Wiranto's and Yudhoyono's appeal inside Indonesia is straightforward.

They come from the main island of Java, whose ethnic population accounts for some 40 percent of Indonesia's various ethnic groups. The two generals have relatively deep pockets. To some voters, their military background is a positive quality when it comes to security and decisiveness -- traits they have missed under Megawati.

Wiranto has been criss-crossing the archipelago in the past six months to seek support. He defeated Akbar Tanjung, the chairman of Golkar party who lost the presidential nomination in a tight party vote, and received 315 votes against Tanjung's 227.

Yudhoyono, who stepped down from Megawati's cabinet in March, is the frontrunner in the presidential pace, according to opinion polls. His television appearances have helped boost his personal approval rating as would-be president to 43 percent in an April poll by a private institute.

A defection by Tanjung's former rival, Jusuf Kalla, to run as Yudhoyono's vice president, is also likely to split the Golkar vote on Jul. 5. The US-educated Yudhoyono is also highly favoured by Indonesia's western allies.

But if, as is widely expected, no single candidate wins more than 50 percent of the vote in the July presidential election, a runoff between the two candidates with the strongest showing will be held Sep. 20. At this point, Yudhoyono and Megawati are quite certain of passing the first election.

Paulus Januar of the Indonesian Catholic Solidarity for Democracy, a caucus of politicians with Catholic backgrounds, however, says the political scene is by no means settled.

Wiranto's and Yudhoyono's candidacies might yet split voters who favour a strong president, he said: "It might help Megawati because she will be seen as the only candidate with nationalist credentials."

Now the battle lines have been drawn between the two retired generals, who in 1998 whispered about how they wanted to support Indonesia's democratisation process. Whether they can prove this to covers is something yet to be seen.

Wiranto win 'would be awkward'

Melbourne Age - April 22, 2004

Tony Parkinson/Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Indonesia risked international embarrassment if former military chief Wiranto was elected president this year, East Timorese Foreign Minister Jose Ramos-Horta warned yesterday.

Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer expressed surprise at major party Golkar's nomination of General Wiranto as its presidential candidate. He has been indicted for war crimes in East Timor.

Mr Downer would not criticise the nomination. "If we started attacking General Wiranto, that might turn out to be a bit of an election winner for him, so we won't comment," he said. "It's not for us to blurt out throughout Indonesia what we think about their candidates. They've got to make their own judgements."

Labor leader Mark Latham also declined to comment. "I don't interfere in democracy and voting in other countries just as we don't expect it to happen here in Australia," he said.

In contrast, Dr Ramos-Horta, speaking in Melbourne, urged Indonesians to consider the international embarrassment if they elected the man who led Indonesia's military during the upheaval that accompanied East Timor's vote for independence.

Dr Ramos-Horta said he doubted that General Wiranto would prevail over current President Megawati Soekarnoputri and her main rival in the polls, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, when Indonesia stages its first direct ballot for the presidency.

In Tuesday's party candidate ballot, General Wiranto defeated by 315-227 Golkar's chairman, parliamentary speaker Akbar Tandjung, who never recovered from the damage over a corruption conviction.

General Wiranto, 56, is accused of overseeing the wave of militia-instigated violence that shook East Timor in September 1999. The campaign of terror resulted in more than 1000 deaths, the forced evacuation of three-quarters of the population and destruction of up to 80 per cent of East Timor's infrastructure.

Last year General Wiranto was indicted before the Dili Special Panel, a joint UN-East Timorese court, for crimes against humanity. No arrest warrant has been issued. UN prosecutors have published a summary of the case against the general, whom they allege "was responsible ... for the crimes against humanity of murder, deportation and persecution".

But delegates at Golkar's Jakarta convention hailed General Wiranto as a military hero who supported Indonesia's democratic transition in 1998.

Asked if he could work with General Wiranto, Dr Ramos-Horta said: "It would put East Timor, it would put Australia, the European Union countries and the United States in an awkward situation, to say the least."

The main purpose of Dr Ramos-Horta's visit to Australia was to plead with the Federal Government for greater "generosity and pragmatism" in resolving the dispute over Timor Gap oil and gas reserves.

Dili says Australia is breaching international law by taking billions of dollars in oil revenues from parts of the sea that East Timor claims as its own.

General unease over Wiranto

Australian Financial Review - April 22, 2004

Rowan Callick -- Was it to be the plain old criminal or the polished war criminal?

Delegates choosing the presidential candidate for Indonesia's biggest party, Golkar, on Tuesday night had to pick between an unelectably dull figure convicted of misappropriating funds intended for poor relief before winning an appeal on technical grounds, and a charismatic retired general accused of war crimes in East Timor. They overwhelmingly went for the latter, Wiranto, over party chairman Akbar Tandjung, who is now stranded in a no- man's-land.

Wiranto's appeal inside Indonesia is straightforward. He comes from the national heartland (central Java), he is rich, and he represents as a military man some of the qualities people have missed under President Megawati Soekarnoputri -- security and decisiveness.

Voters had the opportunity, in the first parliamentary round of elections on April 5, of going the whole hog and inviting the Soeharto dynasty back into power by backing his daughter, Tutut, via her PKPB party.

But she gained only a desultory 2per cent support. The voters don't want to go that far back. But the military, the TNI, is just about the only institution besides Islam still standing after half a century of nationhood, and it is widely trusted.

Wiranto's appeal, beyond this, relies not so much on the ruthlessness with which he is associated in Australia and other Western countries, as on his claim - however perverse it may appear -- to be the man who ushered in Indonesian democracy.

As TNI commander, Wiranto did not step in to keep Soeharto in power or to seize it for himself when the nation's students took to the streets in 1998 to protest against the dictator's New Order rule, but helped ensure a smooth transfer to the country's third president, BJ Habibie.

"Reform was a necessity for Indonesia," he has said. "I felt the process had to happen gradually and constitutionally." Wiranto was sacked in 2000 by the next president, Abdurrahman Wahid, after a tense stand-off which some see as Wahid's finest hour.

What happened between those events, in 1998 and 2000, will now frame Wiranto's place in history and his capacity to represent Indonesia to the world.

Kevin O'Rourke writes in Reformasi, a leading history of that tumultuous time: "While Wiranto served as armed forces commander in 1998-99 various elements of the military perpetrated the Trisakti shootings, the Semanggi killings, the Bantiqiyah massacre, clashes with police in Maluku, the East Timor scorched-earth campaign, and assorted other abuses."

East Timor's chief prosecutor, Longuinhos Monteiro, complained a week ago about the failure of international judges working for the United Nations in Dili to issue an arrest warrant for war crimes against Wiranto.

Since Jakarta refuses to extradite Indonesians to face East Timorese courts for crimes against humanity, the prosecutors are instead seeking Interpol warrants, now that East Timor has joined the international police body.

In Wiranto's case, this would probably prevent him risking travel to Western countries -- including Australia and the US -- if he were to be elected president. Only Wahid, of Indonesia's five presidents, has made it to Australia.

This would not, even if widely appreciated inside Indonesia, inflict much damage on his campaign. Given the country's anti- American consensus, it might indeed do him some good in his electoral stand-off with his former colleague - another handsome retired general, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). For SBY is clearly the West's preferred candidate, although no one will admit as much for fear of damaging his prospects.

And SBY also appears to have been the TNI's favourite. His Democratic party scored well wherever there were polling booths in barracks, although the commander, General Endriartono Sutarto, urged soldiers not to vote. The army's own reserved seats in parliament were abolished last year.

Wiranto is wealthy, thanks to business deals and networks built during his army career. As worrying as his human rights record, he appears to have maintained extensive connections with extremist Islamist groups, also developed in the corrupt closing days of Soeharto's New Order. He would claim an intention to "domesticate" these latter contacts, but the true purposes are unverifiable.

Professor of Asian Studies at Melbourne University, Merle Ricklefs -- who is conducting research in Singapore this year -- says the TNI's expertise and experience comprise, essentially, a capacity to fight the country's own civilians.

It is now fighting a bloody civil war in Indonesia's own province of Aceh.

When Wiranto testified at one of the Human Rights Court hearings instituted in Jakarta into the East Timor debacle (no military figures were convicted) he argued that the East Timorese had been fighting each other "for 23 years" since the Indonesian invasion, and that the TNI had sought to provide protection and peace.

He said he told Habibie that the independence referendum there would not be understood by the uneducated, and could lead to an "emotional reaction". There is evidence, however, that Wiranto knew of orders -- or dispensed them - leading to the militias raising hell as Indonesia withdrew.

But within much of Indonesia the villains of this grim episode are viewed as the UN and Australia, with Wiranto a hero pluckily and reluctantly withdrawing from an impossible situation with honour. His crooning CD of 2000, titled For You, My Indonesia, was well received -- without irony -- and sales went towards refugees from East Timor.

But while Wiranto may be paraded as a strong man, his military decisiveness delivering the investment needed to produce the jobs desperately sought by young Indonesians, Ricklefs points out that today's currents are flowing in the opposite direction -- towards local centres of power, as the radical decentralisation devised by Habibie takes root.

"Such initiatives will not readily be surrendered," Ricklefs says. "Indonesian politics are largely local politics now. Its weak centre may prove its saving grace."

Even if Wiranto were to win, he would have to reinvent himself as a master of compromise. His Golkar party, although marginally the biggest in parliament, has only a fifth of the seats.

Indonesian democratic politics remain new and thus unpredictable. The odds, for now, appear against a Wiranto presidency. But Canberra will be quietly sweating on it until the election on July 5.

Indonesian polls showing strong support for Wiranto

The World Today - April 21, 2004

Tanya Nolan: Indonesia's only two-thirds of the way through counting the ballots cast in this month's parliamentary elections, and as we just heard, the Golkar Party of former President Suharto is still leading the race with just over 21 per cent of the vote.

And it's been tipped as a similarly close race for the upcoming presidential elections on July the 5th.

But Golkar's presidential candidate, General Wiranto has been gaining popular support amongst Indonesians.

The Suharto loyalist and self-confessed karaoke addict, has been helped along by his new singing career, and his pledge to drive Indonesia back to prosperity with a return to strong leadership.

But while his past appears to be less of an issue for many Indonesians, it may affect his relationship with foreign governments. General Wiranto has been indicted on crimes against humanity, accused of failing to stop the violence in the lead up to East Timor's vote for independence. He denies the charges.

So if he does win the presidency and his party comes out in front in the parliamentary vote, what implications will that have for Australia's relationship with Indonesia?

To discuss this and other questions, I'm joined in our Canberra studio by Jim Dunn, who spent 45 years as a foreign affairs analyst, and who's regarded as a specialist on Indonesia.

And from Jakarta, Doctor Greg Fealy, a research fellow in Indonesian politics at the Australian National University.

Welcome, gentlemen. If I can start with you, Dr Fealy, do the charges against General Wiranto have any bearing on his eligibility to stand for the presidency?

Greg Fealy: No, not legally. There's nothing that's preventing him from continuing through to the presidential election, and I think in the case of the Golkar people who voted on this -- the Golkar delegates who voted on this at their convention -- I think they were largely driven by political concerns, domestic political concerns.

They thought Wiranto had the best chance of all their possible candidates of winning the election. And I think at the higher levels of the party, there would be some concern about the international perception of Wiranto, but down at the grassroots level, I think people feel that it's domestic issues which should take priority, and worry about the international opprobrium later.

Tanya Nolan: Well Jim Dunn if I could put that legal question to you, because you actually served as an advisor to the UN on crimes against humanity in East Timor, and General Wiranto was on your list of alleged war criminals. Where does this indictment fit? Which legal jurisdiction will it be heard in?

Jim Dunn: Let's qualify that. He wasn't actually on my list.

I merely mentioned that he had a command responsibility, and it was inconceivable that that big operation involving destruction and deportation in September 1999 could have been carried out without the knowledge, and indeed the approval, for the operation approval, of the commander.

He wasn't on the list of those immediately responsible, in my view, for war crimes.

Tanya Nolan: But you believe that there is no logical explanation for the fact that he couldn't be aware of what happened in East Timor and the violence in the lead up to the ballot?

Jim Dunn: Absolutely not. And in fact I can add to that. When I was carrying out this investigation, I managed to get my hands on a secret report by the Indonesian Human Rights Commission -- a special report authorised by President Wahid.

And in that report, which was on events in East Timor in 1999, they made it very clear, I think to use their words, it was inconceivable that General Wiranto could not have had some responsibility for these crimes.

And they listed them as atrocities, as crimes against women, against forced deportation and so on. So I think from their point of view, he needed to be charged. I mean...

Tanya Nolan: Sorry to interrupt you there ... so are you aware at what stage this indictment is at, and where in fact and when in fact, these charges will be heard?

Jim Dunn: Well, it's in Dili at the moment with the Serious Crimes Unit, with the Prosecutor General, but there's a big problem now. You know, it's a very sad story, because many of us wanted this move for an international tribunal which was the only way to try people of this level, to be set up back in the year 2000.

Thanks to ... really, opposition to the proposal, including from Australia, it never took place, and all that took place was a tribunal organised by the Indonesians, which, as we had anticipated, was a farce.

Tanya Nolan: I want to come back to that issue about Australia in just a minute, Jim Dunn. But Greg Fealy, if I can bring you back into this, it's currently a close race for the presidency -- the polls put former Security Minister and General, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the lead with 30 per cent. Do you think it's likely that Golkar will be returned to power in the presidential elections?

Greg Fealy: At the moment, the surveys, the public surveys -- the reliable public surveys have Bambang Yudhoyono with a clear lead over Megawati and a much bigger lead again, over Wiranto.

But I think now that the general election is out of the way -- even though the counting is still going on, the general election itself is out of the way -- voters are likely to see these candidates in a somewhat different perspective, so it's quite possible that we could see a sharp rise in Wiranto's popularity.

But I also don't think that Bambang Yudhoyono should be taken out as the frontrunner at this stage. I think he's looking a very strong candidate and so far he's been very astute in the way he's played that.

And although Bambang Yudhoyono is a General, most of his service has been in the social political side of the Indonesian military, not in the types of military operations that Wiranto has been involved in.

So although Bambang Yudhoyono is a General, he has a rather softer public image than Wiranto. Wiranto is much more seen as something as a hard man.

Tanya Nolan: Jim Dunn, three decades of Golkar led by President Suharto ... do you think voters will be attracted to the relative economic prosperity they enjoyed under his regime and will therefore return the party to power?

Jim Dunn: Well, as Greg and others have pointed out of course, Golkar's gained a new popularity among people who are rather nostalgic for the stability of the past.

So I think it has a good chance, but of course, it's not a party with a majority. I understand... I think the figures are around about just over 21 per cent, with Megawati's PDIP running at about 19-and-a-half per cent, and then there are other parties.

So what's going to happen is there'll be a lot of bargaining, though these two candidates stand out. What is very interesting is that they are really both (inaudible) officers -- they don't really come from Kopassus.

And I must say I once briefly met Bambang Susilo Yudhoyono, and I did get the impression that he was a reformist. And even though he actually also played a role in relation to East Timor, he had some responsibility for the military command back in 1998/1999.

But unlike Wiranto, I think... the really important thing to remember about Wiranto is two of his leading Generals in Jakarta in the middle of 1998, planned the setting up of the militia. That never came from the Timorese...

the army of the militia, with the aim of sabotaging progress towards independence and towards a plebiscite.

His responsibility begins very heavily there. I always got the impression he kept a distance from it, tried to keep a distance. But every now and then he had to make decisions which were essential.

And I think that one of the last important decisions was in August, I believe, 1999 -- he made a considerable sum of money available to enable the TMI to carry out that operation of destruction, of deportation of 250,000 people; of the destruction of 73 per cent of all houses and buildings on east Timor, and not least, an operation of violence in which hundreds of East Timorese were killed.

Tanya Nolan: Well, indeed, General Wiranto says it's impossible that he could have led the militias in East Timor, but if we get back to the implications for Australia/Indonesian relationship, the relationship in particular, if General Wiranto is installed as president -- would they be better, given the relationship is exceptionally strong between Australia's police force and Indonesia's military?

Jim Dunn: Well, it's very hard to judge at this point. As the Minister says, we can't ... we just have to accept the democratic process in Indonesia. But I can't see how they can be stronger.

Except of course, it's just possible that Wiranto's gone through a change, and I've been given some indication that he has changed a lot. He's now... as it were, he's been reformed as a much more democratic figure, a figure who would never become involved in the events of the past.

Like Yunus Yosfiah, the man who commanded the troops in Bali Balibo back in 1975, who did that same sort of change. So maybe he's a changed man.

But you know, the important reason for having an open and thorough tribunal investigation, was to establish exactly what was the role of officers like Wiranto and others, and who was responsible, most responsible for crimes against humanity and of course not least, who was not responsible.

Who were the officers who really, by their behaviour, are the Generals who ought to be leading the Indonesian military today, if they're really going to have a serious democracy, which they don't have yet.

Tanya Nolan: Well, let's talk about this issue of the pro-Jakarta lobby that's been talked about widely in the past week. Do you, firstly Greg Fealy, believe that it does exist?

Greg Fealy: No, not as such. Not in the way it's being described by some of the critics of the Foreign Affairs department and the intelligence community. I think there was... for a time, there certainly was a type of mainstream thinking among diplomats that it was in Australia's best interests not to antagonise Indonesia unnecessarily. I don't think that type of thinking exists now in DFAT.

I also think that in the Australian intelligence community -- and I've had two-and-a-half years at the Office of National Assessments -- and certainly in my time there, I never once encountered someone saying that we should change our line of analysis because it might antagonise Indonesia.

I think the shots ... we always were told to call the shots as we saw them. And I think it's grossly overstated. I think it's possible in hindsight to criticise the attitudes, that mindset that said that, you know, we had to always ... there was no benefit for Australia in confronting Indonesia. It could be with hindsight that that was perhaps ... times were necessarily accommodatory.

But I don't think there was some tightly knit group even a plot to ensure that Australian Government policy was hijacked. And certainly for the life of the Howard Government, I don't think that the Department of Foreign Affairs had that degree of influence over the Minister.

Tanya Nolan: Well, Jim Dunn, in your latest opinion piece, you say: "our diplomatic accommodation has helped those TNI commanders, responsible for atrocities in East Timor, to escape prosecution." Do you believe that that pro-Jakarta lobby still exists?

Jim Dunn: Well I would never call it the pro-Jakarta lobby. I mean, it's been a mindset, I think, as Greg has said, and I agree not everybody holds that view. But nevertheless, it's been a very powerful mindset which has really produced the parameters of Australian policy toward Indonesia in many ways.

And I felt it very strongly. After all, in 1999 when I was in east Timor, even during the militia violence, some attitudes of officials, and again, certainly after UNTAET (United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor) established the UN mandate, we had this same attitude.

And what it was about... really, somehow, we have to accept this Indonesian political structure for what it is. National integrity is not only important to Indonesia, but it's important to us, so therefore we accept that it's not going to be very democratic because the country will have to be held together by the sword, as it were.

And this has favoured the notion of always understanding the special role of the military. They could get away with things that other military couldn't get away with. And I think he was a very good example at a time when Australia's been joining with other countries in pursuing war criminals in Serbia, in Cambodia and Rwanda.

In East Timor, I found a distinct disinterest in supporting... at least supporting what I was doing. In fact, a senior diplomat simply told me it's a can of worms and we don't want to get involved in it.

But really, when you think about it, it was immensely important to bring out what happened -- not only in 1999 -- but all those previous years where the Indonesian military had misbehaved atrociously and indeed, using that word, we mustn't forget that the worst atrocities were in the five years after the invasion, when as many as 200,000 people died.

Not all of them killed by Indonesian troops, but very many of them killed, as a result of Indonesia's intervention. And this sort of behaviour continued, as we saw, in 1999, a readiness of the military to use its weapons to kill and to intimidate, and destroy. And indeed, we've seen similar things happen in Aceh.

And I think it's really important... it's really important to Indonesians, and I have to point here, that when I was carrying out this commission...

Tanya Nolan: If I can just speed you up a little bit, Jim Dunn, we're going to have to wrap it up here.

Jim Dunn: Well, I'll just say that several Indonesians came over to me in Dili and urged me to bring out the truth because we need to have this truth, so that we can reform the military, because until we really reform the military, the TNI, we can't have democratic reform.

Tanya Nolan: And just a final word for you, Dr Fealy. Do you believe that democracy is well on its way to being fully entrenched in Indonesia?

Greg Fealy: I think these elections have seen some consolidation of democracy. Obviously a lot of foreign observers and quite a few Indonesian observers may not delighted to see that two of the strongest presidential candidates have military backgrounds.

But nonetheless I think voters have clearly expressed heir decision, they've expressed their dissatisfaction with the current government and with the current president, and they've also expressed their disillusionment with some of the older political faces that are going around the political system.

And I think within the next year, we'll see some significant... it's quite possible we'll see some significant changes in the leadership of the political elite here.

and I think it's made the political parties now much more aware of community opinion, and they can no longer rest assured that communities will vote along primordial lines or that once they have a political affiliation, they will stick to it.

The electorate is now more volatile and they're making decisions based on rational political conditions as they see it.

Tanya Nolan: Dr Greg Fealy thanks very much. Greg Fealy was joining us on the line from Jakarta, and he's a research fellow in Indonesian politics at ANU. And Jim Dunn, before him -- 45 years as a foreign affairs analyst in Australia, and an Indonesia specialist. Thank you gentlemen.

Wiranto bid largely seen positive for economy

AFX-Asia - April 21, 2004

Aloysius Bhui, Jakarta -- Golkar party's decision to choose retired general Wiranto as its nominee for the country's first- ever direct presidential election on July 5 raises hopes that Indonesia will have a new leader who can hasten the pace of economic recovery, despite some misgivings about alleged human rights abuses in East Timor during his term as military chief, analysts said.

Wiranto, one of the country's most powerful men at the height of the country's political crisis back in 1998, may have been seen as a newcomer in the Golkar party, which was founded by former president Suharto. But his success in beating the party's experienced leader Akbar Tandjung through a democratic exercise has proved that he has been able to build strong support within the party, they said.

Analysts said Golkar's two-day convention has helped in restoring Wiranto's reputation to some extent, as the ex-military chief's credentials had been damaged in the past by allegations of human rights abuses in East Timor where hundreds of civilians were killed in military operations before the province broke away in 1999.

They said the race is now open between Wiranto, incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri and another retired general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, noting that selection of running mates will be crucial in determining the candidates' prospects.

And as far as the economy is concerned, all the three contestants are seen as largely "market-friendly", analysts said.

But to strengthen investor confidence, they must all prove their capability in building a strong coalition so that they will be able to form a stable government with strong support from the parliament, they said.

"Obviously, Wiranto has a big advantage because he is nominated by Golkar, the biggest party," Standard Chartered Bank economist Fauzi Ichsan said.

"Moreover, he is more experienced (compared to Yudhoyono) because after all he reached the top in military and in a way he has been tested in handling the military during a crisis," Ichsan said, referring to the 1998 political chaos which led to Suharto's downfall.

Ichsan said although some people may still try to link Wiranto with human rights abuses in East Timor, or even the outbreak of social unrest in Poso and Maluku during Wiranto's term as military chief, most people accept the fact that "it is not entirely his fault."

He said it may be too early to predict Wiranto's prospects, but added that Wiranto's chances will improve vastly if he is able to pick the right running mate for vice president.

"Yudhoyono is a rising star but people would question his ability to form a strong government because he was supported by the small Democrat party while his running mate is a Golkar, which in fact already has its own strong candidate," he said.

Yudhoyono's running mate for the presidential election is Jusuf Kalla, who resigned from the cabinet earlier this week to contest the polls.

Ichsan also noted that that Wiranto has been trying to rebuild his relationship with former president Abdurrahman Wahid, the founder of the third largest party in the upcoming election, the National Awakening Party (PKB).

"Therefore, if Golkar teams up with PKB, such coalition will be very strong.

Meanwhile, Megawati may keep trying to also approach PKB or otherwise she has to keep Hamzah Haz," he said, adding that Megawati's chances of winning PKB's support are slim.

Umar Juworo, an economist with the Center for Information and Development Studies (CIDES), said he shares the view that Wiranto, like Megawati and Yudhoyono, is market friendly as he favors free markets and foreign investment.

Analysts noted that Indonesia needs to spur foreign direst investment, which has taken a big hit recently, in a big way to accelerate the nation's economic recovery. And for that to happen, a stable government is a prerequisite.

In a recent report, the World Bank said fixed capital formation in Indonesia grew by a meagre 1.4 pct last year, and that the share of investment in GDP (nominal) declined to 19.7 pct in 2003 from 20.3 pct in the previous year.

Juworo said Yudhoyono has won the heart of investors recently, but noted that it may have been short-term investors in the financial market who were cheering him.

To attract foreign direct investment, which is more longer-term oriented in nature, Wiranto could be a better bet, Juworo said.

Wiranto is a better prospect because "Yudhoyono is untested", Juworo said.

"People may question Wiranto's involvement in East Timor but they should accept the fact that he won the Golkar nomination in a democratic way.

That should guarantee that he deserves to contest the election," he said.

He also said that Wiranto is more likely to succeed in forming an alliance with the PKB, rather than Megawati.

"If the coalition can control 40 pct seats in parliament, that's already good enough," he said.

To have a stable government, the presidential candidates must not only win the popular vote, but also parliamentary support given that most of government policies must be approved by the parliament, Juworo said. "That's why PKB is playing a pivotal role," he added.

Two ex-generals now gunning for presidency

Deutsche Presse Agentur - April 21, 2004

Jakarta -- With retired General Wiranto's surprise victory at Golkar's presidential convention early Wednesday, Indonesia now has two ex-military men contesting its upcoming direct presidential polls scheduled on July 5.

Wiranto faces a formidable challenge from Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a former three-star general who was coordinating minister for political and security affairs until last month when he resigned over a huff with incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri, whom he accused of excluding him from public functions.

Yudhoyono's brand new Democrat Party has done remarkably well in the April 5 polls for national parliament. According to a preliminary count of nearly two-thirds of the 120 million-plus votes cast, the Democrat Party has won 7.53 per cent.

This is sufficient for the party to present Yudhoyono as their candidate for the country's first direct presidential and vice- presidential polls on July 5.

Yudhoyono, who has consistently beaten Megawati in recent opinion polls as the people's favourite presidential candidate, earlier this week chose Jusuf Kalla, a well-known businessman and high- ranking member of the Golkar Party, as his running mate.

The team is especially popular among Indonesia's business community.

"The best team would be Kalla with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono," said Sofyan Wanandi, president of the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo). "That would be our dream team."

Wiranto enters the presidential fray with a more blemished background, at least in the international community.

Wiranto was defence minister and Commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) in 1999 when pro-Jakarta militia went on the warpath in East Timor, killing hundreds of Timorese and destroying public property to punish the inhabitants for voting for independence from Indonesia in a referendum held that year.

He and six other high-level Indonesian military commanders were indicted in February 2003 by the United Nations-supported Serious Crimes Unit court in now independent East Timor for committing war crimes.

East Timorese prosecutors asked that a warrant be issued for Wiranto's arrest, but it has yet to be approved. The United States government has placed Wiranto and the six other indicted generals on its "watch list" for visa applications, although this does not mean they are automatically barred from traveling to the US

"The negative perception of Wiranto by the international community will have a negative impact on Indonesia, " said Arbi Sanit, a political scientist at University of Indonesia (UI).

"It will influence the attitude of foreign investors towards the country and could even affect assistance to the country."

Ironically, Wiranto's negative image abroad may be part of his appeal domestically.

"The very issues that are most controversial for foreigners are read very differently domestically," said Jeffrey Winters, a political scientist and Indonesia expert from Northwestern University.

"For instance on East Timor...the vast majority of Indonesians were horrified that East Timor was allowed to have a referendum in the first place," said Winters.

He added that if anything, US opposition to Wiranto's candidacy was likely to prove a boon to his popularity, given the strong anti-US sentiments that abound in Indonesia nowadays.

But it remains to be seen whether Wiranto has the same kind of mass popularity that Yudhoyono has won, playing on his military credentials and strong pro-reform record.

Yudhoyono was a strong supporter of Megawati, who came to power on a pro-reformasi platform in the 1999 general election, whereas Wiranto is identified closely with the autocratic rule of former president Suharto (1966 to 1998.)

Suharto was forced to resign in 1998 in the wake of nationwide demonstrations against his military-backed, dictatorial style.

"If Wiranto is elected president, he will face strong opposition in the country from human rights groups and student activists," warned Sanit.

One thing nobody seems to fear is that either Wiranto or Yudhoyono, should they become president, would attempt to bring back the days when the Indonesian military played a strong institutional role in Indonesian politics.

"The political environment has changed," said Indria Samego, a military analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).

"Both Wiranto and Yudhoyono are politicians. Their popularity is an acknowledgement that people with military backgrounds are capable of playing any role in society, but they will not bring the military back to power institutionally," said Samego.

Indonesia presidential race jolted by ex-general

Reuters - April 21, 2004

Dean Yates, Jakarta -- The entry into Indonesia's presidential race of a former general indicted for abuses in East Timor will jolt the frontrunner but also makes life tougher for incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

In a surprise result, former military chief Wiranto won the Golkar Party's nomination for president early on Wednesday, edging out its chief Akbar Tandjung.

Wiranto will now be among the frontrunners contesting Indonesia's first direct presidential poll on July 5.

Golkar, the former party of long-ruling autocrat Suharto, has won the most votes in parliamentary elections this month, but it has struggled to throw up candidates who could beat presidential favourite Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono or even Megawati.

But the presence of Wiranto, a telegenic man who was rapidly promoted through the ranks by Suharto, changes the complexion of the July 5 race, even though most analysts still expect Yudhoyono to triumph.

But no pairing of candidates is expected to win the required 50 percent in the first round and Yudhoyono is seen clinching the contest only in the second round in September.

Yudhoyono, also a former general, was Megawati's chief security minister until he quit last month. He has surged to presidential favourite by pledging firm leadership and cleaner government.

"Wiranto's going to be stronger competition for SBY than Akbar was. I think SBY still has to be the frontrunner but I think there's a lot of factors now in the equation," said Sidney Jones, head of the International Crisis Group in Jakarta, using Yudhoyono's popular nickname.

"I think it's still pretty grim for Megawati and I think she is a sure loser in any second round."

Wiranto, 55, can offer the same firm leadership Yudhoyono promises. Like Yudhoyono and Megawati, he comes from the main island of Java, where a majority of voters live.

"The real battle now is between Megawati and Wiranto jostling for the number two position [after Yudhoyono]," said Muhammad Qodari, research director of the Indonesian Survey Institute, which has done major polling on the elections.

"Wiranto threatens Megawati because her loss in the parliamentary poll compounds the image that she cannot deliver."

Golkar is set to be the biggest party in parliament with two thirds of the April 5 vote counted, snatching the spot from Megawati's party. But it will only control 25 percent of seats. Yudhoyono is the candidate of the fledgling Democrat Party.

No pushover

Analysts said Golkar decided Wiranto was more electable than Tandjung, who was tarnished by a graft case.

Rully Chairul Azwar, a senior Golkar official, said the party would likely turn to the Nation Awakening Party of former President Abdurrahman Wahid for Wiranto's running mate. However, that did not mean Wahid would get the nod, he said. Wahid's party is third in the parliamentary elections.

Joseph Kristiadi from Jakarta's Centre for Strategic and International Studies said Wiranto would be no pushover.

"Yudhoyono is a new player and there are doubts about whether he's decisive enough. Wiranto, on the contrary, is quite tough, despite the controversy," he said.

That controversy centres on East Timor, although it is an issue for the international community, not Indonesians.

Prosecutors in East Timor have indicted Wiranto over alleged abuses that accompanied the territory's vote to break from Jakarta's rule in 1999. Wiranto, who was military chief at the time, denies any wrongdoing.

One senior Western diplomat who follows East Timor affairs said prosecutors were pressing judges to issue an arrest warrant for Wiranto. That might mean he could face arrest overseas.

Jones said Western countries would deal with Wiranto should he win the presidency, with foreign capitals arguing they could not shun someone democratically elected.

[Additional reporting by Achmad Sukarsono and Olivia Rondonuwu.]

Wiranto coasts to party victory but can he win the big prize?

Agence France Presse - April 21, 2004

Bhimanto Suwastoyo, Jakarta -- Indonesian military chief Wiranto won a decisive victory early Wednesday in the contest for the Golkar party's presidential nomination but faces a much tougher battle for the top job.

The party founded by former dictator Suharto picked the strongman's former adjutant Wiranto, who has been indicted in East Timor for crimes against humanity.

Now Wiranto will face another former general, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, incumbent leader Megawati Sukarnoputri and other contenders in the country's first direct presidential vote on July 5.

Foreign governments concerned at the prospect of an alleged war criminal as head of state may not need to panic just yet.

Opinion polls before Golkar's convention show Yudhoyono as the people's top choice for president, far ahead of Megawati. He has teamed up with former welfare minister Jusuf Kalla to strengthen his challenge.

"I don't think Wiranto's chances of becoming president are very high -- right now it looks as if the Yudhoyono-Kalla combination is difficult to beat," said Sidney Jones of the International Crisis Group of analysts.

"But we don't know what weeks of intensive television exposure will mean for him or what smear tactics will be used by each side."

At this stage, she said, Megawati looks like a loser but she might benefit if Wiranto takes some of Yudhoyono's support away.

"Viewing the competition that he faces -- Yudhoyono-Kalla and Megawati-Haz, -- Wiranto still has the weakest position," said Sukardi Rinakit, chairman of the Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicate research institute.

Megawati is expected to team up with her current vice-president Hamzah Haz for the presidential and vice-presidential poll after Kalla spurned her overtures.

"This is a popular vote. It is the personality that counts, not the party or the institution behind the candidate," Rinakit told AFP,

Wiranto still caries the aroma of human rights violations, he said, while Megawati is seen as having forgotten the "little people" she pledged to protect.

"From the angle of popularity and clean image, SBY (Yudhoyono) and Kalla are both above the fray and they are also seen as professionals with better vision than the others. They are still the best pair," Rinakit said.

Wiranto, 57, was indicted in Dili for failing to curb army-backed militia atrocities against independence supporters in the Indonesian-ruled territory in 1999.

Jones said the allegations would not hurt Wiranto domestically. "If people look at his role in East Timor they also look at his role in 1998 [when Suharto stepped down amid mass riots]. There was an opportunity amid the chaos for the military to come to power but they declined."

Asked whether voters will back party candidates or make their own choice, she said the April 5 parliamentary election had shown "the sophistication of the electorate, with people voting individually for what they feel is appropriate."

While Golkar has claimed victory over Megawati's party, millions of electors deserted established parties and turned to two new ones, including Yudhoyono's Democrats.

Several parties have courted retired generals as candidates but some analysts question whether they will win grassroots support on their military status alone.

M.T. Arifin, an academic and military observer, said military names were mainly circulated among the elite. As individuals, they did not have the strong grassroots supports needed to go it alone.

"I see the reappearance of candidates related to the military... as part of the networking of the military which is not happy with the withdrawal of the armed forces from the political scene," he said.

Asmara Nababan, executive director of the Institute for the Study of Democracy and Human Rights, said generals were returning to politics "because the military wants it."

The prospective army-linked candidates "are in general, the extension of the hands of the military," Nababan said.

Rejecting the old 'elit politik'

Green Left Weekly - April 21, 2004

Max Lane -- Despite what some media may tell us, the 2004 Indonesian election results indicate that there is no nostalgic swing to the past, but instead a popular rejection of the elit politik.

Not a single major political party has increased its vote. Golkar, despite its massive funding, its so-called "new image" and its ability to get parliamentary speaker Akbar Tanjung off on his corruption conviction, will probably see its vote drop slightly. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) vote has collapsed from 33% in 1999 to around 18%.

In Jakarta the vote for the PDIP and Golkar collapsed to 13% and 8% respectively. New players, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) and Partai Demokrat (PD), scored more than 20% each. It is possible that all the old mainstream parties will not achieve much more than 30% between them in Jakarta.

The Jakarta region, home to more than 10 million people, is where unemployment, the rising cost of living and social stress is most intense. It is where the opposition movement to Suharto took off.

The huge vote for the PKS and PD represented rejection of the old. They are indeed new players, with a new and serious base in Jakarta and, given their 7% national vote, a block of votes each in the parliament.

There was much pre-election media chatter of a nostalgic swing back to the past based on a popular desire for "stability". But most people are concerned about socio-economic stability -- not political stability.

The Megawati government was a relatively stable government pursuing a consistent set of policies throughout its term of office. But these policies resulted in instability for most people -- employment uncertainty, price uncertainty, uncertainty of access to medicines and hospitals and to higher and vocational education.

The blame for this uncertainty is placed on a political culture of self-enrichment and power grabbing.

However, neither the PKS nor the PD have yet shown that they are in fact substantially different from the old. At no time during the last five years has Bambang Yudhoyono, for example, indicated any disagreement with the basic social and economic strategy of the Megawati government. The PKS, as part of the parliament's Reformation Fraction, has supported most of the conservative bills the government put to parliament, including the latest water privatisation bill. It is unclear how the rejection of elit politik will impact on the presidential elections. The only visible presidential candidate with any real prospect of being seen as something "new" and "different" is Yudhoyono.

It is likely, however, that he will enter into negotiations with forces such as Golkar or the National Awakening Party (PKB) of Abdurrahman Wahid. This will weaken his credentials. The PKB is also a party of compromise with the elite politik, despite recruiting some outspoken NGO figures.

Because the Suharto regime was unable to create national unity, elite politik parties are mostly regionally based, including the PD, which comes from Jakarta. It is yet unknown how well Yudhoyono will go elsewhere.

The increased focus on Yudhoyono will challenge him. His star has been dimmed by a recent call for a pardon for Suharto and there are rumours that he will take a Golkar minister, Yusuf Kalla, as his vice-presidential running mate.

The PKS may support a figure from one of the existing old parties, such as Amien Rais from the National Mandate Party (PAN). PAN's vote has also dropped down to below 7%. The PKS has already declared a policy of free primary education.

It is a reflection of the political weaknesses of the left that the PKS and PD benefited from popular discontent.

The best chance for a left and democratic presence in the elections was through the National Coalition (KN) formed in mid 2003. However, the National Bull Awakening Party (PNKB) and the Pioneer Party quite the coalition. These parties got less than 2% of the vote each.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) initiated the Party of United Popular Opposition (POPOR), which included a large number of local worker, peasant and democratic rights organisations. However, debates about whether to boycott the elections slowed the development of this party and it was unable to qualify to contest the election.

Many student activists continued to advocate an electoral boycott, a campaign which has fallen on deaf ears among the mass of the population. While there has been some large scale non- voting in several areas, this seems mainly due to problems flowing from faulty census collection.

The NGOs concentrated on a media campaign calling on people to not to vote for certain specific politicians, but it had a minimal impact without media coverage of the list of names.

Without a left democratic party offering a clear alternative, the people's search for something new and better will be ultimately be frustrated. Whether Yudhoyono or the PKS can get away with presenting themselves as "new and better" between now and the presidential election is unclear. What is clear is that any new government sticking to the old social and economic strategies will be unable to meet the people's expectations. It will not be long into 2005 that rejection of old parties may turn into rejection of new government, especially in Jakarta.

NU yet to support Gus Dur for president

Jakarta Post - April 20, 2004

Surabaya/Jakarta -- The country's largest Muslim organization, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), has not yet named its preferred presidential candidates despite frequent visits by Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid to several influential NU clerics.

"NU has not yet named a figure. Should Gus Dur have to withdraw [his candidacy] due to physical handicap, NU would consider other candidates like NU Chairman Hasyim Muzadi, Alwi Shihab, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono or Mahfud MD," chief of NU's East Java chapter Ali Maschan Moesa said in Surabaya on Monday.

Some 200 influential NU clerics from across the country will gather in Surabaya next week to discuss the criteria to be established for presidential candidates to be endorsed by NU.

"The clerics will forward the criteria to the NU Central Board, which will issue a tausiyah [suggestion]," Ali said. He asserted the clerics would refrain from disclosing any names.

Separately, Gus Dur, who has been named the presidential candidate of the National Awakening Party (PKB), said NU executives were not supposed to establish criteria for presidential candidates because the organization did not get involved in political affairs. The PKB's traditional supporters are mostly NU members.

"If they insist on announcing the criteria, it means they have nothing else to do. The NU is not a political party, so [it should] avoid politics. If it insists, we'll see whether NU members are loyal to the NU Central Board or to the PKB," Gus Dur said after visiting influential cleric Abdullah Fakih in Tuban, East Java.

NU, formerly a political party, reinstated its founding statute as a nonpolitical organization in 1984.

Chief of PKB's East Java chapter Choirul Anam claimed that 80 percent of NU members would throw their weight behind Gus Dur in the presidential election regardless of an order from NU that said otherwise.

"We will not elect anyone other than Gus Dur as he has done a lot to boost the PKB vote this year," Choirul said.

PKB ranks third in the provisional vote tally for the legislative election, winning 12 percent of the votes counted, or some 10 million votes.

In Jakarta, the PKB asked the Constitutional Court on Monday to issue an edict regarding health requirements for presidential and vice presidential candidates that had been issued by the General Elections Commission (KPU).

The party suspected the requirements would preclude the nomination of Gus Dur, who has serious eye problems. The request was filed with the court by senior PKB members Mahfud MD and Djoko Moeljo, and lawyer Saiful Anwar.

"We know an edict is not legally binding but we need a quick legal decision as the deadline for registration of presidential and vice presidential aspirants is drawing near," Mahfud said. Registration will run from May 1 through May 7.

Ahmad Fadlil Sumadi, the court clerk chief who received the file, said the court would respond to the request and issue an edict soon.

The Constitutional Court earlier rejected requests by the New Indonesia Alliance Party (PPIB) and the Independent Election Monitoring Committee (KIPP) in different cases. A court justice said that the court would not issue an edict without very careful consideration beforehand.

Tanjung in anti-graft row as Golkar seeks candidate

Agence France Presse - April 20, 2004

Golkar's leader Akbar Tanjung promised to battle Indonesia's endemic corruption and revive the economy as members of the party founded by former dictator Suharto met to choose a presidential candidate after its apparent parliamentary election win.

Tanjung, who was himself convicted and then cleared of graft, admitted that Golkar has been tainted by its association with Suharto's "New Order" regime.

But corruption under President Megawati Sukarnoputri's rule was even worse, he told more than 1,000 delegates from the party celebrating its apparent April 5 election victory.

"I will work to create a new atmosphere that is clean from any KKN [acronym for corruption, collusion and nepotism]," pledged Tanjung, who is competing against four others for the nomination.

"When we talk about corruption, people always refer to Golkar or to the government of the New Order. But is corruption now wider than before? It is more widespread." With 91.4 million votes counted from the legislative polls, Golkar seemed certain to emerge as the largest parliamentary party.

It had 21.11 percent compared with 19.49 for the current largest party, Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI- P). PDI-P won 34 percent of the vote in 1999, a year after Suharto stepped down. The slump in support is a blow to Megawati's hopes of keeping her job in the country's first direct presidential poll on July 5.

Tanjung, 58, said he "underwent trials, challenges and even humiliation" as Golkar leader, in reference to his conviction and three-year jail sentence in 2002 for misappropriating four million dollars in emergency food aid in 1999.

He remained free pending appeals and continued as Golkar leader and parliament speaker. An appeal court upheld the sentence but the supreme court in February overturned his conviction.

Opinion polls show Tanjung will face a tough fight for the presidency, even if he secures the nomination in a vote by 545 regional and national party officials later Tuesday.

Popular former general and ex-security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is far ahead of Megawati as preferred president. Yudhoyono's appointment of former welfare minister Jusuf Kalla as his vice-presidential running-mate further boosted his hopes.

Tanjung is only the fourth choice for the presidency in some polls, but two of his challengers for Golkar's nomination also have image problems.

Former armed forces chief Wiranto has been indicted by East Timor prosecutors for crimes against humanity during the territory's bloody breakaway from Indonesia in 1999.

Soldiers under the command of then-general Prabowo Subianto, a son-in-law of Suharto, were implicated in the torture and disappearance of dissidents in the last years of Suharto's rule.

The other contenders are tycoon Aburizal Bakrie and media magnate Surya Paloh.

Tanjung told delegates his priority would be economic recovery. Indonesia had the lowest growth among its immediate neighbours, the highest unemployment and the highest number of poor, he said.

He promised to improve education and health services and make Indonesia respected by other nations.

Delegates clad in Golkar's bright yellow colours opened the convention -- the first of its kind in Indonesia -- with a rousing party hymn and a pledge to safeguard the "unity and cohesion" of the world's largest archipelago.

With some polls showing that former military men are popular with voters, Tanjung on Monday said the current military chief General Endriartono Sutarto was a potential running-mate.

Analysts said such a combination, even if it is formed, would face a tough fight against the Yudhoyono-Kalla combination.

Jusuf confident he'll do well with Bambang

Agence France Presse - April 20, 2004

Jakarta -- A senior minister who teamed up with President Megawati Sukarnoputri's main rival said yesterday he was optimistic they could make a strong showing in the July polls for president and vice-president.

"We are certain that we are strong, at least we can go into the final" round of voting, said Welfare Minister Jusuf Kalla, who announced at the weekend that he would be Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's running mate.

The news is another blow to Ms Megawati's hopes of keeping her job in the July 5 polls after her ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) performed poorly in the April 5 legislative elections.

A second round of voting will be held on September 20 if no one wins more than 50 per cent on July 5 in the country's first direct presidential election.

Ms Megawati, who had been courting Mr Jusuf as a running mate, is now likely to invite Vice-President Hamzah Haz to join her re- election bid, according to PDI-P executive Roy Janis, quoted by the Jakarta Post.

Mr Hamzah, who heads the main Muslim party, the United Development Party, said he expected to hear from her later this week. He said she had met him about four months ago to sound him out about possible future cooperation.

Mr Jusuf has a strong Islamic background. The businessman, who comes from Sulawesi, is also able to attract votes from the eastern islands to complement Mr Bambang's Javanese background.

"I think they are the best pair and also the pair with the strongest chances of winning," said politics lecturer Amir Santoso from the University of Indonesia. "Leave their political affiliation behind. The presidential election is a question of figures, not parties."

Saviors of the Nation Forum just a pretence: BOB

Tempo Interactive - April 20, 2004

Jakarta -- The United Opposition Front (Barisan Oposisi Bersatu, BOB) says that the Saviors of the Nation Forum (Forum Penyelamat Bangsa) which has been conceived by [National Mandate Party chairperson] Amien Rais and [Justice and Prosperity chairperson] Hidayat Nurwahid is quasi-unity, a pretence and just pragmatic. This statement was issued by BOB, which is made up of 14 social organisations, in a press release on Monday April 19.

They also criticised the alliance of 17 political parties who plan is to uncover act of fraud in the elections and coming presidential elections, which is only for their immediate interests. They believe that this alliance of parties has no clear platform or program to build joint unity either in the medium or long term.

As well issuing a statement, they also gave speeches in front of the Borobudur Hotel where the National Election Commission is tabulating the 2004 election results. However they were unable to enter because they were held back by police who were guarding the gates to the building.

The statement was signed by representatives from the Muhamadiyah Students Association, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), the Indonesian Environmental Forum (Walhi), the Indonesian National Labour Front for Struggle (FNPBI), the Islamic Students Association (HMI), the People's Democratic Party (PRD), the Association of Indonesian Buddhist Students and the Associated of Evicted People.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

New team to challenge Megawati

Sydney Morning Herald - April 19, 2004

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Former Indonesian general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has edged ahead in the race to become the country's next president by teaming up with a running mate from the Golkar Party of former president Soeharto.

Welfare Minister Jusuf Kalla announced yesterday that he had withdrawn from tomorrow's Golkar convention to run as vice- presidential candidate to Mr Yudhoyono in the July elections.

The chairman of Mr Yudhoyono's fledgling Democrat Party, Budhisantoso, had foreshadowed the announcement earlier after days of speculation. "The party has already decided he will be the vice-president," Associated Press reported him saying.

"It's good news for us. He's the right person to be vice- president. He's relatively clean and gets along well with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono."

Mr Yudhoyono said at the weekend that he and his new running mate "have the same commitment and ideas on how to establish a more effective government that can settle problems facing the country in the next five years.

"He [Mr Kalla] certainly has agreed and wants to partner with me," Mr Yudhoyono told official news agency Antara. Although he was sacked for corruption by former president Abdurrahman Wahid, Mr Kalla is more highly regarded than most of the country's politicians and helped negotiate the Malino accords that ended the Muslim and Christian violence in the Maluku Islands in eastern Indonesia.

Mr Yudhoyono's tiny Democrat Party won a remarkable 7 per cent of the vote in the legislative elections this month thanks to the surging popularity of its leader, widely regarded as the cleanest of the presidential candidates. That result was well above the 5 per cent minimum the party needs to nominate Mr Yudhoyono as a presidential candidate.

Opinion polls show the former security minister is the only candidate whose support is growing. A poll published on Friday by Indonesian non-government group Soegeng Sarjadi Syndicated said Mr Yudhoyono, with 44 per cent support, was more than twice as popular as President Megawati Soekarnoputri with 21 per cent.

Mrs Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle was routed in the legislative elections on April 5, losing almost half its supporters, many of whom voted for Mr Yudhoyono in an apparent protest at the level of corruption in the big parties.

And in a question about who would be the best vice-presidential candidate, Mr Kalla came top with 21 per cent while Hamzah Haz, the current Vice-President and possible running mate for Mrs Megawati, received 5 per cent support.

Sukardi Rinakit from the survey group said the results showed a Yudhoyono/Kalla team was preferred.

Mr Kalla, a business tycoon from South Sulawesi province, is regarded by many observers as Golkar's most popular candidate. His decision to pull out of the convention and join Mr Yudhoyono seems certain to split the Golkar vote in the July poll.

Golkar delegates at tomorrow's convention must now select the party's presidential nominee from five remaining candidates, none of whom seems a real threat to Mr Yudhoyono.

Party chairman Akbar Tandjung remains favourite, despite his reputation for corruption after his conviction for stealing money meant for the poor. A Supreme Court decision clearing him this year has done little to repair the damage he has suffered.

His main rival is the former head of Indonesia's armed forces, General Wiranto, who is saddled with an indictment by United Nations prosecutors who have accused him of human rights abuses at the time of the East Timor vote for independence.

Anti-PKI demonstration at Constitutional Court

Detik.com - April 19, 2004

Maryadi, Jakarta -- Around 70 people who claimed they were from Ngawi, Magetan, from the East Java city of Madiun, demonstrated at the Constitutional Court building on Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat in Central Jakarta on Monday April 19.

They were rejecting the decision by National Election Commission which annulled Article 60 (g) of Law Number 13/2003 on the Elections which allowed ex-members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) to become members of the legislator and regional representative councils (DPD).

Demonstrating in the name of the community of anti-Communists and the victims of the PKI, they called on the Constitutional Court to annul the decision. They said that the decision contradicts the preamble to the 1945 Constitution and Article 29 of the Constitutions which states that the nation is based on Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa [the Great Unity, God].

They said that the Constitutional Court's decision was legally invalid because the People's Consultative Assembly Decree(1) still prohibits the ideology and teachings of the PKI and does not allow the organisation to exist in Indonesia. Furthermore they said that the MPR Degree has a higher legal authority than decisions by the Constitutional Court.

The demonstrators also said that the Constitutional Court's decision will give an opening to the reemergence of communist teachings and the PKI and that they will fight against anyone who brings these teachings back to life.

Speaking before the demonstrators, Ahmad Rustandi, one of the Constitutional Court judges, said that the Constitutional Court's decision was not intended to bring the PKI back because to this day, the PKI's teachings are still outlawed. "What was changed was only Article 60 (g) which allows people who were involved in the PKI to become legislators and [members of the] DPD", said Rustandi. (nrl)

Notes:

1. Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) Decree Number 25/1966 on the Dissolution of the Indonesian Communist Party and Prohibitions on Marxist, Leninist and Communist Teachings. In August 2003, the annual session of the People's Representative Assembly debated a motion to annul the decree. All of the major political parties rejected the proposal. However on February 24, 2004, the Constitutional Court took a historic decision to annul Article 60 (g) in the Law on Elections which had bared members of the PKI from running as legislative candidates.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

United Opposition Front rejects election results

Detik.com - April 19, 2004

Woro Swasti, Jakarta -- On Monday April 19, the United Opposition Front (Barisan Oposisi Bersatu, BOB), which was established by 14 student organisations, held a demonstration rejecting the results of vote counting in the recent legislative elections.

The action, which was held in front of the gates of Hotel Borobudur in Jakarta, involved students from the Muhammadiyah Student Association (IMM), HPM MPO, the National Student League for Democracy (LMND), the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) and the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi).

In a statement issued by BOB, the students gave two reasons for rejecting the election results. Firstly because Golkar [the state ruling party of former President Suharto] and PDI-P [President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle] are two of the parties which are responsible for the economic and political problems facing the country but [as a result of the elections they] will continue to dominate the future parliament and administration.

Secondly, the other political parties will not be able to fulfill the people's hopes for change in a better direction because their economic and political programs are basically the same as those of Golkar and PDI-P.

The students also unfurled a huge red and white banner with the writing "Abandon the Fake Reformists" and carried posters reading "Mega-Akbar No. A People's Government Yes" and "Unite to Form a People's Government". The action broke up when heavy rain began to inundate Jakarta. (aan)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

NGOs smell graft in Ladia Galaska project

Jakarta Post - April 22, 2004

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- A number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Aceh called on the martial law administration on Wednesday to investigate possible irregularities in the controversial Ladia Galaska highway project.

The Working Group for Peaceful Aceh Without Corruption -- which consists of four local NGOs -- announced on Wednesday it had obtained authentic data showing the manipulation of some Rp 30 billion of both state budget (APBN) and regional budget (APBD) funds earmarked for the project in 2002.

"The audit reports of the APBN and APBD funds allocated for the project overlapped," said Akhiruddin, a member of the working group.

The money disbursed by both APBN and APBD for construction of the 100-kilometer road project reached more than Rp 10 billion.

Governor Abdullah Puteh's 2002 accountability report of the Ladia Galaska project also indicated corruption in that it differed from the report submitted by the Ministry of Settlement and Regional Infrastructure of the same project.

"The governor reported a total of Rp 18.908 billion of the APBD funds was allocated for the project in 2002, while the ministry reported a total of Rp 25.72 billion," said Akhiruddin.

Puteh and Minister of Settlement and Regional Infrastructure Soenarno are avid supporters of the development of Ladia Galaska, which has drawn strong opposition from the State Minister of the Environment Nabiel Makarim and Minister of Forestry Mohamad Prakosa.

Akhiruddin revealed the Aceh administration had used Rp 3.9 billion -- allocated for the Ladia Galaska project -- to finance other road projects, without an explanation.

Construction of the Ladia Galaska project, which cuts through protected forest, started two years ago. It is expected that the project will be finished in 2005. The central government has allocated Rp 1.5 trillion for the project.

Meanwhile, head of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) in Aceh Muhammad Ibrahim, said the project had failed to run to schedule, despite the billions of rupiah the government had spent. "There are a lot of irregularities," he said.

So far, some 10 kilometers of road from Lamsemot to Beutong Ateuh has been finished. The condition of the road, however, is less than satisfactory, according to Ibrahim.

He revealed a letter from the team set up by the settlement and infrastructure ministry to monitor the project, which complained of "intimidation" during the team's time in Aceh.

In another development, the Banda Aceh court heard two witnesses in Wahli's lawsuit against the road project.

The witnesses, identified as Jamaluddin and Abdullah S., admitted they had been aware of roadwork from Jeuram to Beutong Ateuh in 2002.

Walhi took the government and the Aceh administration to court for going ahead with the Ladia Galaska project without an Environmental Impact Analysis (AMDAL), despite the fact that it cut through protected forest.

"The forestry law requires the President to issue a regulation, which changes its status from protected forest to industrial area," Bambang Antariksa, Walhi's lawyer, said.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri gave the green light to the development of the Ladia Galaska project two months ago, despite protests from both local and international communities.

Anti-corruption activists draw ire of officials

Jakarta Post - April 19, 2004

Nana Rukmana, Cirebon -- Local prosecutors have brought a criminal charge against a group of activists who staged a rally on Wednesday to urge a serious investigation into corruption scandals in Cirebon, West Java.

Wednesday's demonstration ended with the activists hurling rotten eggs and tomatoes at the Cirebon Prosecutor's Office and lowering the Red and White national flag at the compound to half-mast.

Prosecutors said on Saturday the protesters, grouped in the Coalition of Cirebon Students and Youths (KMPC), were reported to police over charges of insulting a state institution and the Indonesian flag.

"Directly after the protest, we reported them to the police because it became anarchic and they defamed a governmental institution and the Red and White flag," senior prosecutor Basuki said.

He said the anticorruption activists could be charged with violating Article 154 of the Criminal Code on defamation of the government, which carries a maximum penalty of seven years in prison.

They also breached Article 154(a) of the Criminal Code on insulting the national flag, which has a maximum four-year sentence, he added.

Cirebon Police chief of detectives Adj. Comr. Taufik Asrori confirmed that police had received a formal complaint from the prosecutors. "It was filed on Thursday," he said.

He said the police could not yet name the activists suspects in the case, as they were reviewing the case before summoning them for questioning. "We will examine whether the prosecutors' complaint can be followed up," Taufik said.

Meanwhile, KMPC spokesman Agung Supirno denied the charges against him and other activists over the demonstration. The lowering of the flag was not intended to belittle the national symbol, he argued. "The Red and White is the flag of my and all other students' nation. It's impossible for us to disparage what we all respect," Agung said.

He said the move was aimed at pressuring the prosecutors to seriously investigate corruption cases in Cirebon, which had contributed to unresolved poverty problems in the country.

During Wednesday's protest, the activists highlighted a graft scandal involving Rp 1.3 billion (US$151,162) from the 2001 Cirebon budget, in which all 30 councillors and former mayor Lesmana Suriatmadja were declared suspects; but the probe into case dragged.

The demonstrators also demanded that chief prosecutor Suraini Dahlan relinquish her post. "We consider her to have failed in leading the Cirebon Prosecutor's Office in fighting corruption. Therefore, we want her to resign. Cirebon does not need a prosecutor who has no courage to eradicate corruption," Agung said.

Ahead of the noisy protest, 19 KMPC members had staged a hunger strike at the prosecutor's office from March 16 to April 1.

Focus on Jakarta

Fierce criticism over bid for world's largest tower

ABC Radio - April 23, 2004

Indonesia has joined the race to build the world's tallest tower. Work has begun on the Jakarta Tower in Kemayoran, the site of the city's airport. The project is due to be completed by 2009, at a cost of more than 300 million US dollars. But while the Jakarta authorities say it will enhance the city's image, the project faces widespread opposition.

Presenter/Interviewer: Marion MacGregor

Speakers: Wardah Hafidz, director, the Urban Poor Coalition in Jakarta; Yuswadi Saliya, architect and lecturer, the University of Technology Bandung

MacGregor: When it comes to cities and their status symbols, size certainly does matter. For years, Kuala Lumpur's famous Petronas Towers were the envy of the region. Now Jarkarta is getting its own back, with a multi-million dollar, 558-metre tower on the site of the city's former airport. The Jakarta Tower will take about five years to build. Once it's complete, the giant structure, housing a convention centre, a four star hotel, eight thousand square metres of office space, and the obligatory revolving restaurant, will enhance the city's image. That's according to Jakarta's provincial governor Sutiyoso, who recently presided over the start of construction. But not everyone is impressed. Architect and lecturer at the University of Technology Bandung, Yuswadi Saliya:

Saliya: Architecturally speaking I think it's meaningless because the design is so bad. I saw in the papers the photographs of the models of the tower. It's very old-fashioned I think, compared to the tall buildings nowadays being built in Malaysia or China. I think it's a mere economic gimic. I think it's being built just to attract the investors, to give their capital here in Jakarta so that perhaps they will believe that Indonesia is capable of building a tall building...here in Indonesia.

MacGregor: The government has been trying to get the project off the ground for over a decade. It was originally to have been developed by a firm headed by a cousin of former president Suharto, at a projected cost of four hundred million US dollars. After the Asian financial crisis in 1997, the tower acquired a new developer, PT Prasada Japa Pamudja, and a more conservative budget of 314 million. But critics of the project say this saving is hardly significant when sixty percent of Indonesia's population live on about two dollars a day. They're outraged that governor Sutiyoso is continuing to evict tens of thousands of city dwellers to make way for showpiece developments. Wardah Hafidz, director of the Urban Poor Coalition, says at least five thousand homes have been demolished in the Kemayoran area since the Jakarta Tower project was first planned.

Hafidz: It started since Suharto time, some ten fifteen or twenty years ago, so evictions have been happening since then. It's an insult to the urban poor, because their economic situation is still very bad now. And the local government continues to evict informal economic activities and also the poor settlements and yet on the other hand, they are planning for this tallest tower in the world or whatever.

MacGregor: Wardah Hafidz says the evictions have resulted in unemployment as well as homelessness. And she'll continue to try to force the authorities to rethink their approach.

Hafidz: I think they should stop the evictions. And what they have to do is to make an inventory of lands say for instance in Jakarta...vacant lands, the occupied lands and so on. I think the policy should be that the city is replanned to accommodate those business activities traditional activities and economic activities and communities, so each can support each other for a city for all.

208 deads bodies found in Jakarta

Jakarta Post - April 19, 2004

Evi Mariani, Jakarta -- The Jakarta Police recorded 208 bodies found on streets and other public places in Greater Jakarta during the first quarter of this year and about half of those remain unidentified.

Although the police are assuming that the cause of most of these deaths were from natural causes such as illness, some of the bodies show evidence that they were victims of violence.

In March, police recorded 82 bodies found, seven had open wounds. The others were assumed to have died from some sort of illness, by suicide or accidents like being hit by trains or drowning.

Earlier in February, out of the 78 bodies found, seven were suspected to be murder victims, while 33 were assumed to have died from illness. About half of the total remained unidentified, possibly suggesting they were homeless people.

In January, 48 bodies were found and 12 of them had been listed as probable murder victims. Sixteen others likely died of various ailments, while the rest have been called accidents or suicides.

Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Prasetyo said on Sunday that the police were continuing to investigate any that were suspicious, including the unidentified ones.

"Although they could have been, for example, homeless people, we will investigate. We usually send the bodies to the morgue, and we pay for the autopsy," he said.

"If the autopsy results indicate murder, we will investigate further." Separately, urban activist Wardah Hafidz told The Jakarta Post that the high number of bodies found suggested a weak social safety net in big cities -- either provided by the government or the community itself.

"People in cars in Jakarta look away if they see a stranger lying on the street," she said. "We no longer have a social bond ... If an unidentified body is found somewhere in a country village, it would cause a huge commotion; but here in Jakarta, two or three strangers die on the street each day and people pay no attention." However, she added that there was actually some sort of bond surviving among the homeless and urban poor in Jakarta.

"The bond is like ... I'll help you this time but you're expected to pay me back by helping me the next time," she said, adding that even though the bond might sound weak, both homeless and urban poor greatly depend on each other to survive in the big city.

News & issues

Hoarding blamed for kerosene shortages

Jakarta Post - April 19, 2004

Suherdjoko, Semarang -- Kerosene has become very scarce in the past two months in Semarang, the capital of Central Java, and neighboring areas due to a lack of supply, causing its price to soar.

The shortages of kerosene come ahead of state-owned Pertamina oil company's plan to raise the price of Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG). However, the firm blamed the problem on kerosene distribution irregularities.

Housewives in Semarang have to wait in long lines to buy kerosene for up to Rp 1,500 per liter (18 US cents). The government- regulated price is Rp 1,000 per liter.

"Although it's expensive, I still have to wait in line and buy it. I have to be able to cook," Sunarti, a housewife from Jangli neighborhood in Semarang, said over the weekend.

The shortages have prompted the Semarang branch of the People's Humanitarian and Justice Organization (Humanika) to stage a protest at Pertamina's marketing office on Jl. Thamrin in Semarang.

Semarang's Humanika chairman, Agus Salim al Banjaro, demanded that Pertamina stop the kerosene monopoly and arrest those involved in deliberately hoarding the necessary commodity in a bid to squeeze local people dry to increase profits.

In a response to the protest, Pertamina's Central Java and Yogyakarta Marketing Unit IV officials only reiterated that the scarcity of kerosene was allegedly due to irregularities by distributors.

"There are possibilities that kerosene for households is being used for industrial purposes," said I Gusti Bagus Wisnu, head of the office, in a reference to the unsubsidized kerosene that large companies are required to purchase.

He asserted that Pertamina had distributed 4,766 kiloliters of kerosene to areas in Central Java and Yogyakarta each day in order to fulfill the daily needs for household use, which is normally adequate.

For example, said Wisnu district in Semarang is supplied with 425,000 liters per day, which is more than adequate for the needs of the 1.45 million residents.

"We had earlier estimated that the increase in demand for kerosene was caused by an increase in the LPG price. We had also assumed it was caused by drivers and fishermen mixing the kerosene with diesel fuel in their diesel engines in a desperate bid to keep their fuel costs lower. But our surveys in the field last Wednesday found that our suspicions were not verified," he said.

Wisnu said the suspicion that local fishermen's demand for more kerosene was also to blame for the shortages was wrong too.

For example, in the fishing village of Tambaklorok, Semarang, there are 16 kerosene depots and about 400 retailers to meet the demands of local fishermen for 325,000 liters per month.

"Thus far, we have never run out of kerosene. We have always fulfilled the demands of local residents," said Djumani, who operates a kerosene depot.

He confirmed there were many fishermen who mixed kerosene with diesel fuel as an economic step for their boat engines. "But the need is not too high. We can fill the demands. I was rather surprised that people are lining up to buy kerosene," Djumani claimed.

Pertamina's spokesman for Central Java and Yogyakarta admitted he could not identify those who were to blame for the irregularities in distribution.

"But we don't know who is involved in the irregularities, whether from Pertamina to distributors, or from distributors to depots, or other parties," Wisnu asserted.

Armed forces/police

Political involvement of TNI will destroy national defense: Munir

Tempo Interactive - April 19, 2004

Jakarta -- The executive director of Indonesian Human Rights Watch (Imparsial), Munir, says that the drawing in or courting active military officers to enter politics will only destroy the nation's system of defense. This statement was issued by Munir on Monday April 19 in response to [Golkar Party chairperson] Akbar Tanjung's plan to team up with TNI (armed forces) chief General Endriartono Sutarto as his vice-presidential candidate.

Munir said that this ambition only shows that the political parties have misread the wishes of the public. The political parties still see the military as an important political machine while the public does not want the military to be involved in politics.

Even if the political parties want to team up with the military added Munir, they must first clarify the military's position to the public in order that the military institutions do not be come an arena of competition by the political parties. Aside from this, military officers who are involved in politics must resign form their respective military institutions.

Munir gave the example of the position of [Democratic Party presidential candidate and recently resigned coordinating minister for politics and security] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. According to Munir, Yudhoyono's position within the TNI needs to be clarified. Similarly the TNI's position as a neutral institution. "Any retired TNI officer who teams up with a political party must explain well beforehand their position and attitude, particularly with regard to their institution (the TNI)", said Munir.

Munir acknowledged that it is difficult to separate retired TNI military officers from their institutions. But that will not become a problem if it is explained to the public beforehand. This is in order to avoid any tendencies for the misuse of the institution.

Political observer Ikrar Nusabakti said that the tendency of political parties to team up with the military is nothing new. Previously, [National Mandate Party chairperson] Amien Rais teamed up with Yudhoyono as a vice-presidential candidate. This tendency is because the military believes that this can create effective government and guarantee that an administration headed by a political party (civilian) will not be disrupted by the TNI. Nusabakti added that in viewing this phenomena, the public must be provided with guarantees that the next government will not become like the New Order government [of former President Suharto].

[Translated by James Balowski.]

International relations

US can work with Wiranto if he wins presidency: Boyce

Antara - April 22, 2004

Jakarta -- The United States will be able to accept former military chief Wiranto if he is elected Indonesian president in the upcoming election even though he has being indicted in East Timor for crimes against humanity.

"We can work with anybody that comes out from a free(election) process," US

Ambassador Ralph Boyce said on Thursday.

Boyce made the remarks in response to reporters' questions on what the US

reaction would be if Wiranto won the presidential election on July 5.

Wiranto is the Golkar Party's presidential candidate after he trounced party leader Akbar Tandjung in a tense head-to-head vote early on Wednesday morning.

Boyce denied speculation that the US was interfering in the process of selecting who was most suitable to be Indonesia's next president.

"We're not involved in selecting individual candidates, supporting or opposing individual candidates," Boyce said after planting a tree in the grounds of the US embassy in commemoration of Earth Day on April 22.

"It's the election process that we care deeply about and it seems to be going very well."

Boyce further said that the US had never blocked Wiranto from going there.

"General Wiranto and anybody else is welcome to apply at any time and it is the application process that will determine whether someone will be granted a visa or not," he said.

Australia can work with former general, Downer says

Sydney Morning Herald - April 22, 2004

Tom Allard -- Australia can do business with Wiranto, the former general accused of crimes against humanity who emerged yesterday as a candidate for Indonesian president, says the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alexander Downer.

Australia's ambassador to Indonesia, David Ritchie, met Wiranto in January.

Wiranto later said that Mr Ritchie pledged "increasing co- operation" if he became president. Mr Ritchie denied this but confirmed the meeting.

Nevertheless, Mr Downer said he was surprised by Wiranto's success. "I'd been assuming that Akbar Tandjung would be their candidate," he said. "I guess what it does is it reflects a view in some parts of Indonesia that they need to get back to strength and decisiveness in government."

Asked last month if he could work with Wiranto, Mr Downer said: "We have to work with whoever wins".

Mr Downer's spokesman confirmed the sentiment still held, adding that Wiranto was "well known to us" and that would "assist in relations" should he become leader of Indonesia.

Much of that contact involved Mr Downer asking Wiranto if the Indonesian military was behind the militia violence before, during and after the vote for independence in East Timor in 1999.

"He would always say ... he'll see what he can do about it, and he'll do his best," Mr Downer said yesterday. "What efforts did General Wiranto make to try to stop it, to what extent was he involved, to what extent did he know what was happening? Those are issues that will be debated till the end of time."

The Labor leader, Mark Latham, declined to comment directly on Wiranto's candidacy, saying only "we welcome the fact that that country, after the troubled period, is moving to a democratic system".

Business & investment

Are former generals good for business?

Straits Times - April 24, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- The two generals who will run in July's presidential election both have strong leadership skills, but the question is -- are they both good for business in Indonesia? Mr Anton Supit hesitated a moment when asked to define how former armed forces chief Wiranto and ex-security czar Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono were different.

"Wiranto has more problems related to his military ties and his human rights track record," the chairman of footwear producers group Aprisindo finally answered.

Other members of the business community here similarly worry about how foreign governments, and more crucially investors, would accept a Wiranto presidency.

Foreign governments have been careful to reserve comment on the Golkar party's choice of General Wiranto to top its presidential ticket this week.

But there are concerns about the role he may have played in the militia rampage that torched much of East Timor after the territory decided to separate from Indonesia in 1999.

Mr Supit explained: "This country desperately needs more investments and jobs. Perhaps foreign investors won't care about Wiranto's human rights baggage. But what if they do?" The perception gap also affects domestic issues.

Many businessmen used "reformist" or "benevolent" to describe SBY, as Mr Bambang is popularly known. But they came up with "old guard" and "traditionalist" as they spoke about perceptions of Gen Wiranto.

A stockbroker, who declined to be named, bluntly said: "I am scared at the prospects of Wiranto leading the country. There are just too many associations with the military and the Suharto era. He might turn the clock backward and undo reforms that have taken place in recent years."

Candidates' choices of running mates, however, are also factoring in tycoons' equations. Those interviewed by The Straits Times said the next vice-president should have a firm economics background or proven experience in running companies. And the SBY nod to Mr Jusuf Kalla, a rich businessman who quit his Cabinet post as Coordinating Minister for Social Welfare last week, is striking the right chord.

Property developer Harun Hajadi said: "There is a buzz about SBY and Kalla. If you think about it, they're the ones who have really run the country and helped stabilise the economy since a few years ago."

The tycoons are not so hot about Gen Wiranto's rumoured preferences for vice-presidential candidates. Right now, he is said to be talking with Muslim figures Hidayat Nur Wahid of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and Solahuddin Wahid, a brother of former president Abdurrahman Wahid.

Mr Kustarjono Prodjolalito, secretary-general of synthetic fibre producers association Apsyfi, argued that Gen Wiranto could improve his chances with the business community if he tapped someone similar to Mr Jusuf as his number two.

"We need a vice-president who knows what the economy is about, someone who could focus on getting the economy moving forward again," he said.

Indonesian growth rises to 4.5 percent: WB

Agence France Presse - April 20, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's consumption-driven economy is expected to grow faster than expected this year but it still lags behind the rest of Asia in exports and investment, the World Bank said Tuesday.

The World Bank, in its East Asia economic update, forecast growth of 4.5 percent this year compared to its estimate six months ago of four percent due to a stronger international economic recovery and lower interest rates.

But it cautioned that "growth remains consumption-driven, with exports and investment under-performing compared to other Asian countries." Investment as a share of gross domestic product is 10 percentage points below levels reached before the 1997/98 regional financial crisis, it said. While there were some signs that growth could speed up, concerns about the investment climate remain and uncertainty about the new government would not be resolved until the end of the year.

Indonesia's general election on April 5 will be followed by a presidential poll on July 5, with a likely second round on September 20.

"For Indonesia the key challenge remains accelerating growth. Turning this around requires improving the investment climate and improving Indonesia's competitiveness," said the World Bank's lead economist for Indonesia, Bert Hofman.

Donor countries, institutions to push investment climate

Antara - April 19, 2004

Jakarta -- Several donor countries and institutions agreed on Monday to hold routine meeting discussing the improvement of Indonesia's investment climate.

"Ambassador of the United States, World Bank and I decided to meet frequently with Indonesian coordinating minister for economy and minister of finance to discuss investment climate," Japanese Ambassador Yutaka Iimura told reporters after meeting Coordinating Minister for Economy, Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti.

"The improvement of investment climate here is not only important for Indonesia but also foreign businesspeople," he added.

Yutaka said developed countries had policy to improve investment climate in countries entering the free market. "The first step to improve investment climate is by monitoring Indonesia progress as set by a white paper issued by the Indonesian government last year," he said.

"I believe Indonesian government and the donor countries have to discuss the progress of target set by the white paper."