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APSN Indonesia News Digest No 15 - April 5-11, 2004
Agence France Presse - April 11, 2004
Banda Aceh -- Indonesian soldiers have shot dead five separatist
rebels in Aceh while six others have surrendered to the
authorities, the military said on Sunday.
The five Free Aceh Movement (GAM) members were killed on Friday
in separate clashes in South Aceh, Bireuen and North Aceh
districts, provincial military spokesman Lt. Col. Asep Sapari
said.
Troops in South Aceh district also captured a rebel believed to
be the local GAM district police chief, Sapari said.
Six rebels surrendered to a military outpost in South Aceh
district on Friday, he said. GAM officials could not be
immediately reached for comment.
The military says it has killed more than 1,300 rebels since a
major offensive was launched last May to wipe out GAM. About
2,000 guerrillas and their sympathizers have been arrested or
have surrendered, it says.
GAM has been fighting since 1976 for independence for the
province on the northern tip of Sumatra island.
Agence France Presse - April 8, 2004
Banda Aceh -- Indonesian soldiers have shot dead eight separatist
rebels in Aceh and seized weapons, the military said on Thursday.
Four Free Aceh Movement (GAM) members were killed Tuesday and
four more Wednesday in separate clashes, said provincial military
spokesman Lt. Col. Asep Sapari. Soldiers seized two rifles and
ammunition on Wednesday.
Troops in West Aceh captured three rebels including two female
fighters, Sapari said. Six guerrillas surrendered on Wednesday
and one handed over an automatic rifle and ammunition.
Sapari also accused the rebels of murdering two civilians whose
bodies were found Wednesday. GAM officials could not be
immediately reached for comment.
The military says it has killed more than 1,300 rebels since a
major offensive was launched last May to wipe out GAM. About
2,000 guerrillas and their sympathizers have been arrested or
have surrendered, it says.
GAM has been fighting since 1976 for independence for the
province on the northern tip of Sumatra island.
West Papua
Labour issues
Land/rural issues
'War on terrorism'
2004 elections
Regional/communal conflicts
Environment
Military ties
Business & investment
Aceh
Troops kill five separatist guerrillas in Aceh
Troops kill eight separatists in Aceh
Grave violations reported during election in Aceh
Jakarta Post - April 7, 2004
Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Several local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) reported vote buying on Tuesday allegedly committed by political parties ahead of the April 5 poll.
The NGOs said election violations were rampant in the regencies of Southeast Aceh, Sabang and Singkil, which are considered territories loyal to the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, as well as in regencies known to be strongholds of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist group, such as East Aceh, Pidie and North Aceh.
"In Southeast Aceh, especially at a polling station in Ujung Barat village in the subdistrict of Babussalam, all ballots had been punched prior to the election day," the Aceh NGO Forum said in its report.
The NGOs said its volunteers found members of Pemuda Pancasila, a youth organization affiliated to Golkar Party, guarding the polling station which was located in front of the house of the village head. "Voting finished at 9:30 a.m. with 100 percent of the vote going to Golkar," the forum said.
Also in Southeast Aceh, the forum reported that Golkar had distributed 50 kilograms of rice to each family living in 20 villages there.
In Singkil, the forum said it found that Golkar had distributed packages of basic commodities to voters ahead of the election day. "The package comprised rice, sugar, kerosene and palm oil," the forum said.
In Sabang, Golkar distributed free breakfast before the balloting, the report said.
The forum worked with the Civil Society Alliance for Democracy (Yappika), which is led by rights activist and sociologist Otto Syamsuddin Ishak, in conducting the monitoring.
At least 406 volunteers were dispatched to 20 districts across the war-torn province to observe the process before, during and after the voting.
The forum said in West Langsa subdistrict in East Aceh, the United Development Party (PPP) distributed Rp 10,000 (US$1.17) to each voter. Pamphlets were distributed from a car in Pidie asking for support for well-known local religious leaders who were contesting the election representing PPP.
In North Aceh, most voters came to the polling stations without voter cards. They were allowed to vote upon the invitation of local poll committee members.
In Singkil, two people with ID cards issued by the Medan administration, were allowed to vote, the report said.
House of Representatives legislators, however, billed the election as "fair". They said the election had taken place in a democratic atmosphere, while security was maintained.
"I observed the election here firsthand and am convinced that the election took place fairly and safely," Franklin William Kaihatu, a legislator from House Commission I for political, security and foreign affairs, said as quoted by Antara.
Joining Kaihatu during the visit were Permadi from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Aisyah Amini from PPP. Accompanied by Aceh governor Abdullah Puteh, they observed a polling station located in Lhoknga area.
Jakarta Post - April 5, 2004
Tiarma Siboro and Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- A number of arrests of Acehnese activists across the country for their alleged link with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) has raised questions among observers over the performance of the Aceh martial law administration.
"These arrests have sparked more and more questions, all of which are basically on the performance and the objectives [of the martial law administration] there," military observer Ikrar Nusa Bhakti of the Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI) said.
He recalled the military's claim at the end of the first six- month period of military operation in November last year that GAM's strength had been reduced by 50 percent, their communications paralyzed and their routes to obtain logistics blocked.
The military has deployed some 35,000 troops and 14,000 police personnel during the operation in Aceh. Ten battalions of newly established Raider combat troops were sent to the province at the start of the extension of the operation.
"The second period is about to end in May and the military is still proud to announce their success in capturing low-key GAM members or supporters, like the activists.
Why do GAM leaders remain on the loose despite the fact that they have been encircled? Or are there other motives the military is hiding in regard to the future of the operation there?" Ikrar said on Saturday.
President Megawati Soekarnoputri has promised to reduce the martial law in Aceh to a state of civil emergency in May, although she failed to clarify whether the military operation would continue.
Separately, Hendardi of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) also criticized the arrests, which targeted youths, most of whom are in their 20s.
"I just could not understand why the military arrested a 20-year-old university student on the accusation that he was the aide of a GAM finance minister," he said, referring to the arrest of an Acehnese student in Bandung last month.
Shortly after the military operation started in May last year, the military arrested a number of human rights and pro-referendum activists, raising fears that the government was targeting anyone critical of governmental policies in Aceh.
Recently, the military arrested an environmentalist who is known for his opposition to the controversial highway construction project in the province.
Separately, a student activist in Banda Aceh told The Jakarta Post that the military had been targeting a number of activists of non-governmental organization who promoted peace in the province.
"We just want the conflict in Aceh to be resolved but they [the military] branded us as GAM supporters," said the activist, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. He added the arrests were counterproductive as they sparked antipathy of the military and sympathy for the rebels, who have been fighting for independence since 1976. "Due to the military crackdown, some of my colleagues have sought protection from GAM," he said.
The Aceh martial law administration has vowed to hunt down the activists for their alleged link with GAM.
Acehnese activists arrested in 2004
1. Masrizal, 27, Student and activist, arrested in Linge, Aceh in February, alleged GAM leader known as Abdussalam.
2. Iwan Irama Putra, 27. Student of the Ar-Raniry State Islamic Institute and activist of the Linge Student Network (IMPEL), arrested in Linge in February, charges unclear.
3. Harlina, 22. University student and activist of the Acehnese Democratic Women's Organization (Orpad), arrested at her house in Banda Aceh in February, charges unclear.
4. Nova Rahayu, 23. Syiah Kuala University student and Orpad activist, arrested in February but has been released.
5. Nursida, 22. Syiah Kuala University student and Orpad activist, arrested in February in Banda Aceh but has been released.
6. Syafrudin. Student and activist of the Student Solidarity for People, arrested in Banda Aceh in February but has been released.
7. Mohammad bin Mohammad Thayib, 21. Ar-Raniry Institute student, arrested in Bandung in March for allegedly working as an aide to a GAM finance minister.
Jakarta Post - April 5, 2004
His name is Ayus Rizal, 13. He is the youngest Acehnese resident currently undergoing training at the military camp for former separatist rebels in Reuleut village, North Aceh.
He once became a chantoi (civilian recruited by GAM as an undercover agent to spy on the rebels' enemies) and was tasked with finding supplies, such as rice or cigarettes, for his commanders.
The last of four children, he admitted that he had surrendered to the Indonesian Military (TNI) because he was afraid that he might otherwise die young from a soldier's bullet.
"When I joined GAM, I used to help the rebels obtain foodstuffs and other supplies. They paid me for this ... about Rp 20,000 (US$2.2) each time I went to their camp and brought cigarettes, rice or other food," said the young, handsome boy, who was born in 1991.
The military has claimed that GAM recruited teenagers as chantoi, to monitor military maneuvers in the field. Some of the chantoi are equipped with walkie-talkies to keep in touch with the guerrillas.
The chantoi regularly informed rebels about the presence and targets of operations set by TNI soldiers.
Ayus, nevertheless, denied that he ever supplied GAM fighters with information on the whereabouts of soldiers.
The second-grade student at a local junior high school in Geudong village, North Aceh, claimed that he was prepared to help GAM because he wanted to do so. No further reason was given.
He said that none of his family members had joined the secessionist movement, which has fought for independence since 1970. "My parents have visited me here, so my have my sisters and brothers. I miss not being with them again," Ayus said.
Jakarta Post - April 6, 2004
Banda Aceh/Jayapura/Ambon -- Violence marred polling day on Monday in several parts of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam in an apparent attempt to disrupt the election, while people cast their votes peacefully in three other troubled areas of Poso, Papua and Maluku.
Suspected rebels shot at least two election officials in Blang Rheum village, Jeumpa subdistrict, Bireun regency, at around 6:30 a.m. "The attackers must be GAM [Free Aceh Movement rebels]," Bireun Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Handono Warih said.
The victims -- Muhammad Nasir and Abu Bakar -- were taken to hospital after the attack on a poll booth in Blang Rheum.
In Lhokseumawe, soldiers beefed up security by enforcing checks on vehicles traveling to and from the town, known as a stronghold of separatist rebels. A number of military trucks tightly patrolled several locations in Lhokseumawe to guard polling stations. The military also deployed three Bolco helicopters equipped with rockets to monitor the situation in Lhokseumawe amid the elections.
In East Aceh, at least seven children were seriously wounded after a grenade exploded at midday as local people cast their votes in Paya village, Lipah subdistrict.
In general, the legislative election ran smoothly across Aceh despite GAM's recent move to oppose it.
At least 567 former rebels being trained at a military camp in Reuleut village, Kuta Makmur subdistrict, North Aceh, voted in the election.
In the neighboring subdistricts of Sawang and Seuneudon, vote counts were not carried out at village poll booths for security reasons.
In Papua, the election was smooth and peaceful despite a recent attack by a group of 20 men on local Panwaslu official Asriadi Kani and policeman Brig. Anwar while the two were dropping off equipment for the election.
Papua Police Insp. Gen. Timbul Silaen said Asriadi survived the ambush on Saturday in the remote area of Okaba, Merauke regency. But the fate of Anwar remained unknown.
Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Daud Sihombing said security officers released Asriadi along with 10 other residents who had been abducted by the attackers. However, one victim Cornelis Silooy had been found dead, he said.
Sihombing said the police were investigating the incident and hunting the attackers, believed to be members of the Free Papua Organization (OPM).
In Maluku, which was once wracked by sectarian fighting, people cast their ballots peacefully and as scheduled after fears of delays blamed on a lack of election equipment.
Earlier at 9 p.m. on Sunday, two Merpati and Hercules planes landed in Pattimura Airport in the provincial capital Ambon, dropping off an additional 14,000 ballot papers for Tual in Southeast Maluku, and Saumlaki in Northeast Maluku.
"[Due to] the arrival of the additional ballot papers, the election in Maluku should run simultaneously and there will be no voting delays," Maluku Elections Commission (KPUD) chairman Idrus Tatuhey said.
Similarly, people in Poso enjoyed a peaceful and smooth election amid tight security following threats by unidentified people to disrupt voting day. "Praise be to God, the local government's goal of making the election in Poso exemplary for other conflict areas has been achieved," said local administration spokesman Abdul Haris Rengga.
Jakarta Post - April 6, 2004
Tony Hotland, Jakarta -- The Ministry of Forestry is demanding an objective investigation into the recent arrest of environmentalist Bestari Raden, 50, after the Aceh martial law administration accused him of involvement with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).
The secretary-general of the ministry, Wahyudi Wardoyo, said that his office would provide legal advisors for Bestari even though he already had a legal team for the case.
"Basically, we don't want anything negative to happen without an objective investigation by police officers in Aceh. We've been in contact with the Southeast Aceh Police and the commander of military operations there They gave positive responses," he said without going into detail.
Bestari was arrested in Southeast Aceh on March 26 by the Aceh martial law administration while visiting the area as a member of a government team assigned to evaluate the feasibility of the controversial Ladia Galaska highway project.
He was appointed through a joint decree issued by the Ministry of Forestry, the Office of the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs and the Aceh martial law administrator.
Wahyudi said the team had been trying to promote an objective investigation and provide necessary documents, including the decree, to police to prove that Bestari was working for the government.
Currently, Bestari is represented by a team of legal advisors that include the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI), the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi) in Aceh and the legal bureau of the Ministry of Forestry.
The martial law administration has alleged that Bestari served as a GAM leader for the Tapak Tuan area in 2000. GAM spokesman Sofyan Dawood has refuted the allegation, saying that Bestari was not one of his men leading GAM fighters in the war against Jakarta.
A number of activists have lashed out at the arrest, saying that the move was part of systematic attempts to silence those critical of government policies in Aceh. According to them, Bestari had been active as an environmentalist in the capital and foreign countries since 1999.
Wahyudi confirmed the statement, adding that Bestari's frequent involvement in environmental issues was indeed the main reason behind his appointment. However, he said the ministry would not investigate the possibility of Bestari being involved with GAM, saying it "was not within the authority of the ministry".
Hasjrul Junadi of the Indonesian Network for Forest Conservation (SKEPHI) told the Post on Monday that they planned to meet with Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno and National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar soon. "We want to urge them to bring Bestari's case to Jakarta, or at least to the Aceh Police to assure that he is treated fairly and humanely," he said.
Meanwhile, Wahyudi said the government team was still working on its initial assignment for the Ladia Galaska project. "But they haven't made or sent any reports on their findings so far. Probably in the next few days they'll give us their preliminary findings," he said.
The project, which passes through the protected Leuser National Park, home to many of the country's endangered species, has drawn strong opposition from foreign groups and local environmentalists, as well as the Ministry of Forestry and the Office of the State Minister of the Environment.
| West Papua |
Jakarta Post - April 5, 2004
Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Police here said on Sunday that they had shot dead a suspected separatist in the troubled province of Papua for allegedly trying to discourage people from voting in the legislative election on Monday, while a policeman and an activist were reportedly missing.
The shooting incident took place at 8 p.m. on March 30 at the Bokondini Police station, Jayawijaya regency, Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Daud Sihombing said.
He said the police killed Maryus Kogoya, a suspected member of the separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM), as he allegedly attempted to flee with three other suspects -- Wetinus Wenda, 45, Tepenar Wenda alias Step Wenda, 30, and Iperus Wenda, 27.
Earlier, the four Papuans had been nabbed by police in the remote Bokondini area in connection with leaflets they had allegedly distributed to local people, asking them to abstain from voting on Monday. During questioning at the interrogation room, Maryus threw a flashlight at a police officer who managed to catch it.
However, Maryus renewed his attack and a kerosene lamp fell down throwing the room into total darkness. The suspect then tried to seize Second Brig. Rudy Mangasak's gun, who later fired the shot which killed Maryus, Sihombing said.
He said the police would continue to investigate the three other suspects.
Indonesians will cast their votes at poll booths throughout the country on Monday. However, those in several remote areas of Papua and East Kalimantan will vote later due to a lack of ballot papers.
Papuan separatists are opposed to the presidential and general elections and have reportedly tried to prevent locals from voting.
Meanwhile, policeman Brig. Anwar Mosab and Asriadi Kani, a member of the Merauke Election Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu), were reported missing after they were attacked on Saturday by a group of 20 unidentified men in the Okaba area of the remote town of Merauke.
Sihombing said the attack was launched at 3 p.m, when Anwar escorted Asriadi aboard a boat after supervising the distribution of ballot papers in the hamlets of Yowid and Dolip. Upon their arrival in Okaba, they were unable to dock close to the nearby beach as the tide was low.
When the officials transferred the electoral materials to a smaller boat, unidentified men launched an attack on them, using traditional weapons, such as arrows and machetes.
"Up until now, the fate of the two officials [Anwar and Asriadi] remains unclear. We are sending some 200 police personnel to the scene to investigate the incident and search for the attackers," Sihombing said.
However, a source in Merauke told The Jakarta Post that Anwar was killed after being shot in the chest by arrows, while Asriadi was stabbed, although his fate is unknown.
The Papua Police have deployed some 9,500 personnel to ensure a peaceful and smooth election in the province. They are guarding 6,312 poll booths in 20 regencies and towns there.
The police are assisted by 1,234 soldiers who are stationed at district commands.
Radio Australia - April 6, 2004
Counting continues after Indonesia's national elections in the world's third largest democracy. The remote province of Papua, formerly known as Irian Jaya, was the first place to vote in the Indonesian archipelago, which covers three time zones. However, Papua's remoteness has thrown up some challenges for local authorities.
Presenter/Interviewer: Sen Lam
Speakers: Glynd Ford, head of the 231-strong European Union election observation mission in Indonesia
Ford: What happened in Papua was that we've had no reports of any disruption where the poling took place, but Papua was the province that was most affected by logistical problems, perhaps understandably allowing for the nature of Papua, but probably close to one in four of the polling stations didn't open in the morning because of shortage of ballot papers and other material. A number of those polling stations opened later in the afternoon, but there will be some further delays probably till tomorrow and up to three or four days time before all the polling stations are able to open and voters are able to cast their votes. LAM: So polling day essentially has been stretched into a few days then?
Ford: Absolutely, the full extent of this is not known, but certainly the reports indicate that probably about 23 percent of polling stations didn't actually vote yesterday.
Lam: And many tribes people I understand had to come down from the hills to vote as well. Many not speaking Indonesian. Was this a problem?
Ford: Not, well I mean clearly it was a problem, but it doesn't seem to if you undermine the integrity of the election according to what our observers saw. But we only covered a rather limited area, so the reports we have from our our own observations was that this caused a problem. Generally, in terms of voting priorities that doesn't seem to have been a problem. It did probably affect the second choice which was to actually vote for an individual as well. We are reasonably confident that we are sending our observers to the areas where polling hasn't yet taken place to actually observe the electors when they do happen. Our view is that there's no evidence so far that they will not over the next few days have the opportunity to vote.
LAM: We've had reports that in some villagers, voters had to shout out their choice of candidate. Have you heard anything about this?
Ford: No, that's not a report we have. So let me emphasis, I mean we had a limited coverage.
Lam: I realise that polling as you say will be staggered over the next few days in Papua Province, but has counting of ballots begun in some areas?
Ford: Yes, it has. Reports from our observers now indicate that there is counting going on and that results at polling station level have been made available.
Lam: From what you can gather from your own observation and also from your other EU colleagues, have you seen anything that might be troubling at all?
Ford: At this stage we haven't, but clearly the election process is not over. We've got the aggregation of ballots and the resolutions of disputes that still go, but up to now, I mean everything seems fine. But of course if something goes wrong at this stage that could create a problem for the whole election. Every part of the process needs to have the same integrity.
| Labour issues |
Jakarta Post - April 10, 2004
Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- The government has dismissed unemployment data and projections from the National Development Planning Board (Bappenas) as inaccurate and misleading, saying it had launched various programs to cope with the unemployment time bomb.
Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob Nuwa Wea insisted that the government could not accept the data on unemployment released recently by the BPS and predictions made by Bappenas, which he said had discredited the government and could heighten public unrest.
"President Megawati never listens to the BPS's data on unemployment or Bappenas forecasts on the labor market in the coming years as they are out of touch with reality. It's as if the government has done nothing to cope with the unemployment problem," he told The Jakarta Post.
The BPS data was inaccurate and misleading as the surveys were conducted randomly and using the wrong methodology," he added without elaborating. The two agencies are not directly accountable to the government.
Bappenas recently published its 2005 government work plan (RKP) with a prediction that the number of fully unemployed would increase to 11.2 million in 2005 from 10.8 million in 2004 and 9.1 million in 2003, while the number of disguised unemployed, that is, people who worked less than 35 hours per week, would rise to almost 49 million in 2005 from 42 million in 2004 and 38.5 million in 2003.
The unemployment rate has been growing by two percent, or between two million and three million annually, with many of them being high school and university graduates.
The BPS also predicted that the work force would increase to 95.5 million in 2005 from the current 91 million. Forty-four percent, or 42 million, of the work force was employed by the agricultural sector, 13 percent by manufacturing with the remaining 42 percent being accounted for by other sectors and the unemployed.
Minister Nuwa Wea said the government had instead asked regental and municipal administrations to collect their own data on unemployment, and to design strategies to help create jobs.
The minister, accompanied by two directors general from his ministry, said that according to data collected by the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration, the number of the jobless this year was only 9.6 million, with the figure up to January 2003 being 9.1 million, and the remaining 500,000 being those of the 2.5 million new job seekers in 2003 who could not find work.
"Last year, the government successfully ensured a livelihood for almost 2 million job seekers. Of this two million, more than 400,000 were enrolled in the resettlement program at home, more than one million were sent overseas or found employment in manufacturing, and the remaining 600,000 found employment in the informal sector," he said, adding that the government had intensified its resettlement and entrepreneurship programs, as well as its lobbying of developed countries to attract foreign investors to Indonesia.
Foreign investment rose by 212 percent in January this year while domestic investment was up by 108 percent. "These new investments are expected to give jobs to around 10,000 workers," he added.
Nuwa Wea conceded that the government had failed to attract many foreign investors to Indonesia, saying this was due to security disturbances, the absence of legal certainty and rampant illegal fees in the regions.
"But, the situation in Indonesia has improved since the first semester of 2003, and the government is reviewing the regional autonomy law. More investors are expected to come to Indonesia in the coming months," he said.'
| Land/rural issues |
Jakarta Post - April 10, 2004
Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- With the country's poultry farmers yet to recover from the devastating impact of bird flu, they now face a new threat: an influx of much cheaper chicken eggs and meat smuggled from neighboring Malaysia.
Indonesian Poultry Information Center chairman Hartono urged the government to immediately take action against the smugglers, who have reportedly bribed customs and other officials to facilitate their smuggling operations.
Hartono explained that the smuggled chicken eggs and meat would not only hurt local farmers, but could potentially be carrying new strains of bird flu due to the failure to comply with quality control and quarantine requirements.
"We have done everything to prevent bird flu from spreading, including inoculating poultry at great expense, and culling millions of chickens over a period of weeks. But just as the government is getting the disease under control, the smugglers are creating a new threat," he told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
He feared that without immediate government action, many of the country's 250 thousand chicken farmers would go out of business.
"Each farmer has at least four or five dependents to feed. These are the people who are at stake here," Hartono said.
When contacted by the Post, Anton, a chicken farmer in West Kalimantan confirmed the problem, saying that over the past few weeks, chicken eggs and meat had been smuggled into the province via the border with Malaysia's Sarawak.
He accused customs officials, police and local government officials to being in cahoots with the smugglers.
"The smugglers pay all these officials to be allowed to bring thousands tons of eggs and meat into Indonesia every day. From what I hear, Malaysia is experiencing a glut of chicken eggs and meat," said Anton.
At least 2 million illegal chicken eggs and tons of chicken meat were being sold in many areas of Kalimantan, such as Sintang, Kapuas Hulu, Sambas, Sanggau and Pontianak, for around Rp 250 per egg, with the meat being sold for Rp 6,000 per kilogram, he said. "These prices are less than the production costs of local farmers," Anton said, pointing out that the production cost for eggs here was about Rp 400 per kg, and about Rp 7,000 per kg for meat.
A Medan farmer, Rahman, said the situation in Sumatra was similar, with millions of eggs and tons of meat being smuggled from Johor, Malaysia, to Dumai and Tanjung Balai for distribution throughout Sumatra island.
"The smugglers cooperate with Navy officers, the customs and excise office and the quarantine office so as to be able to bring the eggs and meat in," he said.
| 'War on terrorism' |
The Australian - April 10, 2004
Sian Powell, Jakarta -- A politician soon to be elected in Indonesia has been linked to extremist Islamic organisations, including Bali bombing group Jemaah Islamiah.
As the vote count continued in Indonesia's huge elections, Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle held a slight edge over its main rival Golkar party yesterday, with 20.77 per cent of the vote to Golkar's 19.96 per cent.
With more than a third of the ballot counted, Tamsil Linrung looks certain to take a place in Indonesia's national parliament as the member for South Sulawesi of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).
Mr Linrung, a Makassar businessman, was arrested at Manila airport two years ago when explosives were found in his suitcase. He was released on the orders of Philippines President Gloria Arroyo, following some high-level diplomacy between Jakarta and Manila. As a PKS parliamentarian, Mr Linrung is likely to have some clout in the national assembly.
The Islamic-oriented PKS is the success story of the Indonesian elections, and is predicted to win more than 7 per cent of the vote. A leading businessman in South Sulawesi's capital of Makassar, Mr Linrung was listed at number one on the party's South Sulawesi candidate list.
Mr Linrung was the national leader of the Islamic charity Kompak, which has been linked to the violence between Muslims and Christians in central Sulawesi. The bloody conflict, centred in Poso, has left hundreds dead.
A report released in February by the International Crisis Group, titled Jihad in Central Sulawesi, refers directly to Kompak. "From the beginning, Kompak had one foot in radical violence and one foot in the Muslim establishment," the think tank's report says.
It focuses on the Mujaheddin Kompak, a Muslim militia set up by a branch of the charity, and how it both competed and co-operated with JI in Poso. Mujaheddin Kompak was joined by former JI members impatient for action and was "leaner, meaner and quicker" than JI, the report says.
Mr Linrung had earlier connections with JI, according to a 2002 ICG report. It notes he was present at a meeting called in Malaysia in late 1999 by the radical Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, said to be JI's spiritual leader.
Besides Mr Linrung, the report says, the notorious JI leader Hambali was present, as well as a representative from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, a Philippines terror group, and two people from the Islamic Malaysian party PAS.
The PKS was known for its hardline stance on religion, but moderated its demands for sharia law before the election. The chief of the party's south Sulawesi council, Surya Darma, said Mr Linrung was regarded as a hero locally. He said the Manila arrest was a frame-up and Kompak was a humanitarian Islamic organisation.
| 2004 elections |
Tempo Interactive - April 9, 2004
Deddy Sinaga, Jakarta -- The 2004 General Election observers from European Union (EU) countries have said that they considered the election went well and peacefully despite some weaknesses during the election, including the work performance of General Election Commission (KPU).
"However, the election process was not interrupted," said Glyn Ford, the chairman of EU election observers, at a press conference held in Jakarta on Thursday (8/4).
Ford said that substantial progress had been made in the 2004 election, compared to the 1999 and the previous elections, especially as regards political campaigning, which went off quite peacefully this year.
However, according to him, the general public seemed to lose interest in the election campaigns. It turned out that political speeches from those campaigning had discouraged members of the public because of the lack of focus on populist issues and no explanation of how parties would achieve their goals. "As a result, voters trusted the campaigning less and less," said Ford.
According to the EU observers, who have been in Indonesia since February, there were incidences of money politics during the election. However, the observers said they did not consider this practice would have any meaningful impact on the final voting tally.
The observers also said they considered that the KPU had been successful in maintaining its neutrality in terms of political parties. This might be due to the change of the commission members since the formation in 1999.
However, the KPU is still considered of not being properly prepared as regards the distribution of election logistic materials. Ford said that logistic arrangements were very centralized and not well-prepared. According to him, the KPU should have taken preliminary action by replacing all printing agencies that failed to meet the deadline.
Ford added that he had sent 230 EU observers all over Indonesia, including to the Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD) and Papua provinces.
According to him, the election in these two conflict areas went ahead quite peacefully. However, he regretted the time limit set by the Aceh martial law authority on the observers' working hours, from 8am to 6pm. As a result, they could not monitor the ballot counting process. "Under these conditions, it is unlikely we will be able to make any decision on the legality and holding of the election in the province," said Ford.
EU observers urged the KPU to form clear rules for the presidential and vice presidential election on July 5.
Election Monitoring Committee chairman Komaruddin Hidayat said that the assistance of the foreign observers to help the election monitoring was quite good. He added that the monitoring results indicated that the election went ahead safely and had proven the freedom felt by the people in expressing their points of view.
Hidayat also said that some weaknesses had occurred in the election process, mostly because of logistics problems. However, he considered that the KPU had having worked hard to make this year's election as a success.
"This means that the people now have their sovereignty. If top political figures do not understand this, they will lose. The people have now understood that they are now the subject in the election, not an object like in the previous elections. This must be understood and respected by political figures," Hidayat stated.
Straits Times - April 10, 2004
Devi Asmarani, Surabaya -- With another sweeping victory already at hand in this politically strategic province, the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) looks set to secure again a top five position nationwide.
This will give the party leverage as a kingmaker ahead of the presidential election in July, according to observers.
The latest vote counts last night showed PKB in third place with 13.55 per cent nationwide, behind President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesia Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) and Golkar.
Half of PKB's votes have come from its constituents in East Java, its largest stronghold, with 4.37 million votes counted as of last night. East Java is the home of most of the 40-million strong Nahdlatul Ulama, whose leaders founded PKB in 1998.
Although the vote tally will continue for at least several more days, PKB executives expect to maintain its 1999 poll results of 35 per cent in the province and 13 per cent nationwide.
But even if the party finishes third again this year as in 1999, its aim is not the top post but the role of king-maker in the direct presidential election on July 5, considering the tough competition ahead.
In 1999, a loose coalition of Islamic parties and Golkar helped push PKB founder Abdurrahman Wahid to the presidency, defeating Ms Megawati despite her PDI-P's win in the legislative election. But 18 months later, the same parties that supported the cleric impeached him and put Ms Megawati in power.
This year, Mr Abdurrahman is back, initiating a coalition of Islamic and secular parties to foil the incumbent President's bid for re-election. He has tipped potential presidential aspirants to endorse, including former defence minister and military commander Wiranto and former security czar Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
On Thursday night, Mr Abdurrahman, known popularly as Gus Dur, led a meeting with the former military chief and a host of other representatives from smaller parties in a Jakarta hotel.
While there is no talk yet of forming a coalition, it appears that the move to beef up support for alternative candidates other than Ms Megawati is gaining ground. "We all have the same political views, it's best if we are not enemies," Mr Wiranto, who is seeking the nomination of the Golkar party, was quoted by AP as saying after the meeting.
Political analyst Sukardi Rinakit told The Straits Times: "It is a first step towards a coalition of 'anyone but Megawati'." Mr Bambang, who was not present at Thursday's meeting, is the strongest contender to run against Ms Megawati.
The unexpected poll results of his Democrat Party are due to his growing popularity since he quit the Cabinet after a fallout with the President last month. But his chances of winning depend on the support of larger parties such as Golkar and PKB.
Already, there is talk of pairing Mr Bambang with another strong contender, Cabinet minister Yusuf Kalla, who is widely supported in the eastern part of Indonesia.
PKB official Chotibul Umam Wiranu said his party would wait for the final vote tally before deciding on who to endorse for the top post. Mr Bambang and Mr Wiranto are the two most likely candidates, he said, adding: "Who we will support will depend on further talks and political bargaining." But analysts say what PKB would get out of any bargaining are ministerial posts, due to its weak support base outside of East Java.
Straits Times - April 9, 2004
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- The palace is plotting. With her political life on the edge as her party teeters on the brink of defeat, President Megawati Sukarnoputri is fighting back with a game plan to keep the top job and destroy her foes in the July presidential election.
This involves building a broad alliance led by the Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle (PDI-P) that will include members of the Golkar, the Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) and Islamic-based parties such as the United Development Party and Crescent Star Party.
The two Islamic parties are represented in Ms Megawati's administration currently.
Dubbed "demolition strategy" by PDI-P diehards, the main aim is to drive a wedge in both Golkar and NU by roping in key figures of both organisations.
PDI-P sources said that proposal was a response to Golkar's refusal to be nudged into a partnership with its rivals -- Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung has ruled out a coalition with the PDI-P, confident that his party will win the legislative election.
But of even greater concern for the palace is Golkar's plan to form a "dream team" with the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) -- which draws much of its support from the 40-million-strong NU -- and possibly the Democratic Party led by the popular General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
PDI-P, however, is upbeat. "We will not make it so easy for them," said a PDI-P legislator, who was involved in talks with the President's influential husband Taufik Kiemas to identify potential running mates and coalition partners for the incumbent.
The game plan is to rope in Golkar's Jusuf Kalla, the Coordinating Minister for Welfare, and make him the running mate to Ms Megawati. He also hails from a non-Javanese background -- a Bugis with strong Islamic credentials, given his grassroots links with several Muslim groups in South Sulawesi.
The palace believes that by winning him over, they could capture at least 20 million votes in his eastern Indonesian stronghold, crippling Golkar's hold in that area.
But it is unknown whether Mr Jusuf will go along with the plot, though intensive horse-trading is going on between both sides. It is complicated by the fact that the minister is also being courted by a Bambang-led coalition.
PDI-P's second target is NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi. He is being offered a ministerial post in return for prodding the largest Muslim group in Indonesia to support Ms Megawati. But this too will not be easy.
Mr Hasyim might have a hold on some NU provincial branches, but the biggest influence in the organisation continues to be Mr Abdurrahman Wahid, its former leader. It is unlikely that Mr Hasyim will be able to ensure NU's total support if he does not have the endorsement of Mr Abdurrahman and other influential clerics.
But the palace plan here is not so much to win votes as it is to cripple the the ability of the NU-linked PKB to maximise its vote tally if it goes into an alliance with Golkar.
A similar logic applies to PDI-P drawing in the Muslim-based PPP and PBB into its coalition with pledges of Cabinet positions. Both of them will eat into the NU pie, splitting the votes.
Ultimately, the strategy is to win over the Islamic swing vote that could be crucial in a battle against a Golkar-led alliance or against Mr Bambang who could ally himself with smaller Muslim parties. Palace backers close to Mr Taufik were largely responsible for crafting PDI-P's comeback strategy.
With three months to go in the presidential race, they said that Ms Megawati had the advantage of incumbency and could bounce back. "Don't forget, she is still President," said an aide. "But she needs to work fast to win over the ground."
Besides coalition building, the palace was also contemplating policies to curry favour with the wong cilik or poor -- a big voting base which backed her rise to power in 1999. Some of the measures being talked about include tax reductions and tariff cuts for electricity. Supporters also want her to break her silence over the country's rampant corruption to win back voters.
Mr Kwik Kian Gie, a PDI-P leader and Cabinet minister, was quoted by AP as saying: "Megawati must convince voters that, although she did little about fighting corruption in the past four years, that she will fight it in the future if she is re-elected."
With 44 million votes counted out of a possible electorate of around 147 million, the PDI-P maintained a slim lead with 20.82 per cent to Golkar's 20 per cent. This was cold comfort for the PDI-P, for it's a dramatic decline in support from the 34 per cent share of the votes it won in 1999.
Sydney Morning Herald - April 10, 2004
Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Three days after it knocked her flat, President Megawati Soekarnoputri was still waiting patiently for the truck carrying the nation's votes to arrive.
Indonesians cast their ballots for a new parliament last Monday, and the result was clear the next day: 44 per cent of Mrs Megawati's supporters had deserted her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), the party's share of the national vote had collapsed from 34 per cent to 19 per cent.
So, when Mrs Megawati summoned reporters to the palace on Thursday, there was a moment of heart-racing expectation that the crippled leader might do something uncharacteristically dramatic.
Instead, she read a short statement: "I ask you to be calm and patient in waiting for the result. Let it flow, because it's the people's will that counts."
There are signs that Mrs Megawati is finally realising that her time as Indonesia's fifth President is running out. She dropped in on the stock exchange unannounced to "express my appreciation to the Jakarta stockmarket for its positive reaction to the elections". And she dropped into the national tally room and walked past screen after screen listing the stark numbers illustrating her party's demise. These forays into the public arena are a belated pitch for media exposure, a forlorn hope that her sudden appearance on TV screens might restore the faith so many once placed in her.
Mrs Megawati has just three months to remake herself if she is to avoid defeat in the July presidential poll. Few believe she can do it.
An Indonesia expert from Chicago's Northwestern University, Professor Jeffrey Winters, wrote her off as finished at a midweek seminar. At the same function, a senior member of her own party, Kwik Kian Gie, was just as damning as he laid out what he thought was her only hope. "So, if Mrs Megawati can convince people that, although in the past four years she did little about fighting corruption, she has a clear concept that if elected president, it [corruption] will be eradicated and how, then maybe she can succeed," he said.
PDIP was not the only party damaged by the graft that has made politics the best get-rich-quick job in the land. The Golkar Party of former president Soeharto also suffered its own serious setback. Although Golkar will have more parliamentary seats than any other party, the claim of a "win" by its chairman, Akbar Tandjung, rings hollow. Despite the massive loss of votes by PDIP, Golkar's vote remained frozen at its 1999 level.
This result is even worse for Mr Akbar, who remains best known as a corrupt politician. Mr Winters reckons the "Akbar factor" cost Golkar up to 7 per cent of its anticipated vote.
Voters switched to two tiny parties, the Islamic Prosperous Justice Party and the new Democrat Party. Both are seen as opposed to corruption. With anger over corruption simmering across the country, the July poll is increasingly looking like it might become a referendum on the issue.
For the Democrat Party, this will be welcome. Its leader is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the only presidential candidate with broad popular appeal.
For the next month, Indonesian politics will be a series of deals and double-crosses as the parties try to work out what alliances they will be part of for the presidential elections and then the all-important selection of a new cabinet. Delivering decent government could be harder than ever. With the collapse in the PDIP vote, and the growth of smaller parties, the parliament will be more fractured and the cabinet again seems certain to include members from all major parties.
Senior Golkar official Slamet Effendy Yusuf warned that any president will have to fight for support. "He will only get the support from the majority for one day and for the next five years he'll be fragile," he said. "And every morning when he wakes up, he will think 'does the parliament support me?'"
Kompas - April 10, 2004
Jakarta, Kompas -- Support from the political "roots" of presidential candidates continues to be a big factor in getting votes in elections. The [success of] the Democratic Party, which aside from being determined by the [recently resigned Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono factor, is also being influenced by the strength of the support from the TNI (armed forces) and police community and retired military officers. Meanwhile, for the National Mandate Party (PAN), party chairperson Amien Rais also has around 80 per cent of support from members of [the Islamic mass organisation] Muhammadiyah.
This can be seen from the tabulated data at the Jakarta National Election Committee which by Thursday had reached 26 per cent of the total number of votes.
In almost all of the village level political administrative districts (kelurahan) and sub-districts were there are TNI or police complexes, votes for the Democratic Party who are nominating Yudhoyono as their president candidate are far superior in comparison with other political parties.
In the Cijantung kelurahan of the Rebo market in East Jakarta, where an elite special forces Kopassus complex is located, the Democratic Party was in first position obtaining 922 votes followed by the Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS) and [President Megawati Sukarnoputri's] Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). In Cilangkap kelurahan, Cipayung, East Jakarta, were the TNI's headquarters are located, the Democratic Party scored 1,161 votes followed by the PKS and the [former state ruling party] Golkar.
In Setu kelurahan the Democratic Party scored 1,140 votes followed by PKS and Golkar. In West Kelapa Gading kelurahan, North Jakarta, were there is a navy complex, the Democratic Party was ahead of the PKS and PDI-P with 2,946 votes. In the Kelapa Dua Wetan kelurahan, Ciracas, were there is a Mobile Brigade (Brimob) barracks, the Democratic Party is leading shadowed by PKS and PDI-P.
If the scope is widened to the sub-district level in Jakarta, were there are TNI and or police complexes, the Democratic Party continues to be on top. In the Kelapa Gading sub-district, the Democratic Party obtained 7,463 votes, twice the number of votes obtained by the Peace and Prosperity Party who ranked second. In the Tanjung Priok sub-district, the Rebo market and the Ciracas sub-district, the Democratic Party was also in first position. This is despite the fact that in the 1999 elections, these areas were PDI-P "zones".
Yudhoyono himself has explained that support by the TNI and police community is their own personal choice and there has been no systematic effort to mobilise them. However as he himself has admitted, a number of members of the Democratic Party's success tem are retired TNI officers. The chairperson of the Democratic Party's Election Victory Body is retired Air Marshal Suratto Siswodihardjo and the chairperson of the success team nominating Yudhoyono as president is retired Lieutenant General M. Makruf.
"Well beforehand we mobilised the members of the Association of Retired Officers and Army Widows to support political parties like the Democratic Party", said the general chairperson of the Association of Retired Military Officers (Pepabri), retired Inspector General Putera Astaman. (DWA/inu)
[Abridged translation by James Balowski. The second part of the article which was not translated was on the drop in support for PAN but the continuing popularity of Rais among members of Muhammadiyah.]
Australian Financial Review - April 8, 2004
Andrew Burrell -- Remember these initials: SBY. They belong to Indonesia's new presidential frontrunner, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, whose prospects were boosted even further by his fledgling party's astonishing performance in Monday's parliamentary elections.
"These results are very positive, but I must wait until the official results are released," he told The Australian Financial Review in his typically cautious manner, as early counting suggested his Democrat Party had emerged as a new political force.
When asked, however, about his bid for the presidency at separate elections in July, Yudhoyono was far more confident. If he were elected president, he said, he would move immediately to create jobs, reduce poverty, rebuild Indonesia's crumbling infrastructure and continue to fight terrorism.
"I am very determined to run for the presidency. I have the experience in solving many problems in this country," he said at his home in Bogor, south of Jakarta.
"I was a member of the cabinet for 4 years and I have solved problems such as combating terrorism, dealing with separatism and maintaining law and order.
"I give my promise to the people that I will work hard for our better future, for a more stable and peaceful Indonesia, for a more just and democratic Indonesia."
Yudhoyono said he was prepared to contest the presidency as part of a coalition with another party or parties. But he said if his Democrat Party "achieved a significant outcome", such as winning more than 10 per cent of the total votes, he would likely run for president on the party's own ticket.
It has been a career-defining week for SBY, a retired general with a reputation as a statesman, a nationalist and a reformer with an intellectual bent. Two credible surveys have shown he has replaced President Megawati Soekarnoputri as Indonesia's most popular political figure, ahead of presidential elections in July.
Yudhoyono resigned as chief security minister on the day the election campaign started last month after a public spat with Megawati, a decision that in hindsight appears to be a masterstroke. Freed from his cabinet duties, he was able to embark immediately on a strong nationwide campaign to boost his already surging popularity and tap into the electorate's wide resentment at old-style corrupt politics.
SBY held out for months from resigning his post, which appeared at the time to confirm his reputation for Javanese caution and indecision. But in the end, he benefited from waiting so long. By hedging for months on whether he really coveted the top job he was able to avoid appearing overly ambitious or disloyal to his boss, Megawati, traits that are frowned upon in Javanese culture.
As a result, most Indonesians believe he resigned because his hand had been forced by a president they regard as increasingly out of touch, and who has presided over endemic corruption and growing unemployment.
SBY is widely seen as an honest politician whose military background and democratic credentials would restore strong leadership to Indonesia without having to revert to the authoritarianism of the Soeharto era.
He is also highly respected and liked by Australian officials because, amid some resistance within the Cabinet, he successfully spearheaded Indonesia's anti-terrorism fight after the Bali bombings 18 months ago.
Yudhoyono is perhaps best remembered by Australians for the extraordinarily heartfelt speech he delivered at the commemoration service in Bali for the one-year anniversary of the bombings.
Yudhoyono moved many to tears with an oration that contrasted with Australian Prime Minister John Howard's lacklustre effort at the same ceremony.
"They were our sons, our daughters, our fathers and mothers, our brothers and sisters, our cousins, our best friends and our soul mates," he said of the 202 people killed in the terrorist attacks. "And they were all innocents."
But let's not completely canonise SBY. Before formally entering politics he was essentially a New Order military figure who held key positions during some of the more unsavoury episodes of that time, and after Soeharto's fall.
He is also believed to have played a role in planning the infamous 1996 military-backed crackdown on Megawati's opposition party headquarters in Jakarta, in which at least five of her supporters were killed and 23 went missing. And he served as the military's key policy maker while the Indonesian military oversaw a ferocious killing spree in East Timor in 1999.
Then last year, as Megawati's chief minister for security, he helped plan the military's brutal assault against separatists in Aceh, a futile war that is still raging almost 12 months later. To his credit, SBY led efforts for months to negotiate with the separatist rebels in a bid to to avoid full-scale conflict, but he then oversaw the launch of the Aceh offensive without an exit strategy.
Yudhoyono told The AFR he was committed to further military reform, promising to continue to disengage the military from politics after it lost its automatic right to seats at Monday's election. "The military must go back to its main function of a defence role," he said.
Straits Times - April 8, 2004
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- What a difference a week makes in politics! Seven days ago, Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) carried the banner of the Big Two. Their dominance was unquestioned.
Today, while they run neck and neck for top spot in the polls, a better-than-expected showing by smaller parties has altered political alignments and thrown up dark horse candidates who need to be courted.
Intense horse-trading is now revolving around one man: Mr Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The former security czar who quit the Megawati administration in a huff a month ago has emerged as one of the most serious rivals to the incumbent.
Being courted by different political players, he is what The Jakarta Post describes as "a new, cute girl at school". His approval rating is high -- even higher than Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri, who has been riding all along on her cult status as daughter of Indonesia's founding father Sukarno.
His small Democratic Party (PD) has benefited from his popularity. It has performed beyond expectation in this election, with some believing that it could get as high as 7 per cent of the national votes. It paves the way for his presidential bid in July.
He is staring at several options if he goes for broke. One is to ride on the reformasi ticket. At the most extreme, he could align himself with an ad hoc group of Islamic-based smaller parties, including the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), in what some describe as the "Third Force".
PKS, like Mr Bambang's party, has been a surprise. Run by young Western-educated men and women, it has campaigned aggressively against corruption, winning significant support. His running mate here could be the popular Muslim intellectual Nurcholish Madjid, backed on a joint ticket with PKS.
But will the former army general, known for his nationalist disposition, want to rise to power on an Islamic ticket? The alternative would be to go with Mr Hasyim Muzadi, chairman of the 40-million-strong Nadhlatul Ulama (NU). This looks attractive on paper, but in reality hard to get off the ground.
Mr Hasyim, who is also being courted by Ms Megawati, might have the support of several NU provincial chapters, but he has yet to find a party that will sponsor his vice-presidential candidacy.
He does not have the backing of the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), which is led by former president Abdurrahman Wahid, who continues to wield enormous influence in the NU he once led.
Mr Hasyim might go it alone, but there is no guarantee he can capture the NU ground. The votes will split given that parties such as the PKB and the Muslim-based United Development Party are also drawing support from the country's largest grassroots organisation.
One way to unite the NU vote is for him to make peace with his nemesis, Mr Abdurrahman. But that seems to be a tall order with the ailing cleric veering towards Golkar.
That presents Mr Bambang with a third option: an alliance between Golkar, PKB and PD. For Golkar, this is a dream team that would steal the crown away from Ms Megawati in a battle that could go into a run-off in September.
A strong win by Golkar in the parliamentary election will strengthen its hand in any coalition talks. It may embolden party leaders to go for broke.
Indeed, with signs emerging that it will clinch the polls, it is now ruling out a coalition with Ms Megawati and PDI-P -- touted a month ago by the palace as an unbeatable joint ticket. Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung, driven by personal ambition, wants the presidency for himself.
But to get there, he needs to get Mr Bambang on board given that his choices for a winning presidential ticket are limited. If brand recognition is a key factor in the presidential race, then he will do wonders for Mr Akbar's waning popularity.
Golkar is attractive for Mr Bambang because it brings along its enormous grassroots machinery that will be key to winning a presidential election. But will he want to be Mr Akbar's deputy? If Mr Bambang goes on a reformasi ticket, almost impossible.
Moreover, relations are somewhat strained between them. Some trace the roots of their problems back three years ago. Then, Mr Bambang had agreed to run in the vice-presidential election at the National Assembly on the understanding that Mr Akbar would withdraw his own nomination at the last minute and throw Golkar's support behind him.
That did not happen. In the end, it was the Golkar leader who progressed to the final run-off against the eventual winner.
More importantly, with his fortunes rising, Mr Bambang would want the top job himself -- with another Golkar candidate such as Mr Jusuf Kalla as his running mate.
Will Mr Akbar give in especially if Golkar wins the polls? The permutations are endless. But increasingly, every potential winning presidential ticket has Mr Bambang's name on it.
Where does that leave Ms Megawati in the wayang of coalition building which will dominate Indonesia's political discussions? With the PDI-P doing badly in the polls, she is no longer the flavour of the month. The new, cute girl in school has taken over -- for now at least.
The Australian - April 5, 2004
Sian Powell, Jakarta -- Australians who mourned the dead at the first commemoration of the Bali bombings will remember the man who is now the favourite in Indonesia's presidential race.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, then Indonesia's chief security minister, moved many to tears as he stood under the hot Bali sun, and spoke of the tragedy that had ripped apart so many lives.
"They were our sons, our daughters, our fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, our cousins, our best friends, our soulmates," he said. "And they were all innocents. They all had happy plans to spend 'tomorrow' under the sun. They all had families to write and come home to."
It was a statesman-like oration and exactly suited the mood of the mourners. SBY, as he is familiarly called, on Friday became Indonesia's most popular presidential candidate according to two of the nation's most reputable polls.
Today's massive nationwide election, canvassing 147 million voters, will determine whether Mr Yudhoyono's tiny Democrat party follows on his coat-tails. According to Friday's broad-based International Foundation for Election Systems poll, the wily campaigner's support had doubled to 18 per cent and outstripped that for President Megawati Sukarnoputri for the first time.
An Indonesian Survey Organisation (LSI) poll also found Mr Yudhoyono rated as Indonesia's most popular presidential candidate, with 31 per cent support, followed by Mrs Megawati with 21 per cent support. Suddenly the SBY star is shining bright.
It had been eclipsed earlier in the year, when he was forced to offer his resignation as chief security minister in Mrs Megawati's cabinet, ostensibly because he misused public advertisements to sell himself. The ads featured an avuncular SBY calling for a peaceful election. They particularly infuriated the President's husband, Taufiq Kiemas, who called the security minister "childish".
Yet his resignation gave Mr Yudhoyono, a one-time army general, the opportunity to spend all his time campaigning for his tiny Democrat party. The complexities of both today's parliamentary election and the direct presidential election scheduled for July means it is impossible to say with any certainty how the cards will fall, but one thing is clear: SBY is now a force to be reckoned with.
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) political analyst Mochtar Prabotinggi says that while Mr Yudhoyono is clearly a man of integrity, he fears the former general has yet to shrug off the military influence of years in the army elite.
Although not connected with the Indonesian military's more reprehensible campaigns, Mr Yudhoyono was chief of staff of the Jakarta Regional Military Command at the time of the attack on Mrs Megawati's party headquarters in July 1996. It was a brutal Suharto crackdown on a rival political force and the exact death toll remains unknown.
"That's what I'm worried about with SBY and the Democrat Party -- there's a smell of the military," Dr Prabotinggi says.
Mr Yudhoyono is likely to be popular with Western governments, not least because he has said all the right things about the war on terror. At the Bali commemoration he said Indonesia would spare no effort to hunt down those responsible for the attacks. "Some are still on the run, but make no mistake: we will hunt them, we will find them, we will bring them to justice."
He is pragmatic, too, about the nature of terrorism in Indonesia. Last year he warned publicly that it was time to abandon the "international conspiracy" theories and admit the Bali bombings and the Marriott blast were the work of Indonesians.
Landry Subianto, a political analyst with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta, believes SBY already has moved past his military phase. Mr Subianto's concerns are more about the politician's character: Mr Yudhoyono is known to be indecisive, dithering on critical decisions. "His style of leadership is seen as too cautious, too careful, and that's ingrained in his personality," he says.
The showdown with Mrs Megawati actually became a selling point for Mr Yudhoyono, Mr Subianto believes. He stood up to an administration that has become increasingly disliked by ordinary Indonesians, and managed to do it in a seemingly fair and honest way.
Dr Prabotinggi says it's entirely reasonable for the Indonesian electorate to prefer SBY over the incumbent President. "He is much calmer than her," he says. "Besides, Megawati has disappointed and betrayed her supporters -- that's the real story."
Straits Times - April 5, 2004
General Wiranto, a possible presidential candidate from the Golkar Party, gave student protesters the slip in Surabaya on Saturday.
The former chief of the Indonesian military was taping a talk show on the campus of Airlangga University while dozens of students from various groups in Surabaya held a protest in front of the building.
They opposed the appearance by Gen Wiranto, who they accused of involvement in human rights violations in Timor Leste in 1999. After the event ended, Gen Wiranto exited through the back door to avoid the student protesters.
Radio Australia - April 5, 2004
Indonesians have been voting in parliamentary elections today in a crowded contest billed as the biggest one-day vote in history. National police say there were no reports of violence despite earlier fears of election-related attacks by Islamic radicals. The outcome of this legislative election could be crucial to President Megawati Suakarnoputri's hopes of retaining her job in the country's first direct presidential election in July.
Presenter/Interviewer: Sen Lam
Speakers: Margaret May, Australian Federal MP, head of Australian parliamentary observer mission
May: We're actually at a polling station somewhere in Semarang, I can't tell you the street of course, but one of the polling stations, in fact it's polling station number 22. I can see it from here, and we've just been observing the count that's going on here at this polling booth. The whole election process has gone extremely well, most of the community or a lot of the community here to watch the votes as the day unfolds. There are certainly families here watching with great interest and I can say that we're pretty happy with the way that it is all unfolding and the way that it's been undertaken. The entire day I think we could say was a huge success in the way it's been undertaken.
Lam: The election of course has been billed as the biggest and most complex one-day vote in history. So logistically did you see any evidence at all that there was a little bit too much for the Indonesian authorities to handle?
May: Well no we didn't and we certainly expected that there may have been some hiccups but when you think of the logistics of putting an election together like this and I can only compare it to what we do in Australia, that the logistics of putting this together were enormous. We've certainly had a few days on the ground to observe what has gone on as far as getting those ballot papers out to the communities. We've been really surprised at the smoothness and the professionalism of the way the entire operation has been undertaken. Each community, each polling booth we've visited today from six-thirty this morning, there has not been one complaint about the way in which this has been undertaken.
Lam: So you and your colleagues have not seen anything that was troubling or of concern to you?
May: No we haven't at all, even as far as the registration and the marking off of people's names, it was all very orderly. The registration lists were at each polling booth so people as they arrived this morning they were able to have their names marked off, wait to be called to cast their vote, all the material was there and we were amazed that that has happened.
Lam: Prior to polling day we had reports that people were not sufficiently briefed on polling given the complexities involved. Did you see much evidence of people, of voters missing out because they didn't know where to go or how to cast their ballots?
May: Well we certainly didn't and prior to today we did ask about the education program, I was particularly interested in that myself in how the education program had been undertaken and whether the officials felt that the voters themselves had enough information so that they knew when they were casting their votes it was going to be a valid vote. We also raised that issue with a number of the parties leading into today. They were also very complementary about the education program and they themselves have undertaken a lot of education. People do know what they're doing; they do understand what they have to do to cast a valid vote. So I could really say from what I've seen that the education process has been successful.
Lam: The Indonesian archipelago of course covers three time zones. Are you confident that all eligible Indonesians who wanted to vote, especially those in remote regions, managed to cast their ballots?
May: Well we've talked to outlying areas and to date the information we have back is that anyone who wants to vote will be able to vote with the ballot papers and the information has gone out to all those far flung places.
Lam: And you're of course in central Java as you say, which is the most heavily populated area in Indonesia. What about provinces like Papua and Aceh? Are there representatives there monitoring the election?
May: From Australia I'm not aware of anyone in those areas, but I know there are a lot of teams on the ground from the EU, other American teams so I would imagine each and every one of those areas is being covered by some international observers. Certainly we've been deployed to a lot of areas, not all MPs but certainly officials, so my understanding is that most of Indonesia will be covered by international observer teams.
Lam: But from what you've seen today in central Java at least you're quite happy with the way the day has unfolded?
May: Well I am extremely happy, I think for the people themselves they've been given a safe environment, a very transparent environment in which they can cast their vote. There's been a sense of joy, happiness you can certainly feel that with the people, they've certainly turned up, even from early this morning the first polling booth at six-thirty this morning. You know people are out, they wanted to cast their vote, they were there to do it and you had this sense that they felt secure in the fact that they could do it without any sort of intimidation at all.
| Regional/communal conflicts |
Reuters - April 11, 2004
Jakarta -- Two men opened fire at a church during an Easter service in an eastern Indonesian town and lightly wounded seven people, including a four-year-old girl, police said on Sunday.
The shooting occurred on Saturday when Christians gathered at the church in the town of Poso, for years a scene of fighting between Muslims and Christians in the world's largest Islamic nation by population.
"Two men dressed in black masks stormed into the church and opened fire," Poso deputy police chief Rudy Tranggono told Reuters. "Seven people, including a four-year-old girl, suffered light injuries," he said.
"We have yet to detain any suspects and determine the motive of the shooting," Tranggono added.
Despite the attack thousands of Christians in Poso, some 1,600 km northeast of Jakarta, flocked to churches in the lakeside town for Easter Sunday masses, Tranggono said, adding hundreds of police had been deployed to secure the services.
At least 2,000 people have been killed in fighting between Muslims and Christians in Poso since 1999.
There had been a period of calm in Poso after a peace deal reached in late 2001, but small and sporadic bursts of violence do occur.
Almost 90 percent of Indonesia's 220 million people are Muslim but Poso has an equal number of Muslims and Christians.
| Environment |
Reuters - April 7, 2004
Patricia Reaney, London -- More than 300 of the world's rarest and most exotic creatures, including flying foxes in the Comoros Islands and yellow-eared parrots in the Colombian Andes, are completely unprotected, scientists said on Wednesday.
All could disappear in future decades because global efforts to protect them are inadequate, the scientists believe.
Although 11.5 percent of the Earth's surface is a protected zone, conservationists have discovered huge gaps in coverage that could lead to the extinction of unique species of mammals, birds, amphibians, turtle and tortoises.
"This study demonstrates that the global protected area is far from complete," Ana Rodrigues, a research fellow at Conservation International in Washington, D.C, said in an interview. Most of the coverage gaps are in the world's tropical belt -- mainly islands and mountain areas in central America, the Caribbean, eastern and western Africa, India, Myanmar and the Pacific region.
Nearly 150 threatened mammal species, 411 types of amphibians, 232 bird species and 12 turtle and tortoise species live in unprotected areas.
"Conservation in these areas needs to be a global project," said Rodrigues.
Quality not quantity
In the most comprehensive analysis of its kind, Rodrigues and her colleagues used a global database on protected areas and the latest information on threatened species gathered by thousands of scientists at dozens of institutions to pinpoint the gaps in coverage.
The analysis, which is reported in the science journal Nature, included 11,633 different species.
"We overlapped one with the other and we are just looking at species which completely fall through the cracks. This is an underestimate of the species that need more protection. These are species which are not protected anywhere," she said.
The global conservation strategy, with a 10 percent target for global coverage by 2000, was formulated at the 1992 World Parks Congress. The target has been exceeded but conservationists believe the analysis provided evidence that more protected areas are needed in areas with the most biodiversity.
"Protecting more than 10 percent of the planet's land surface is a major conservation achievement," said Gustavo Fonseca, executive vice president of CI.
"But this study proves that no matter how appealing arbitrary percentage targets might be from a political standpoint, we should focus on those places with the greatest concentrations of threatened and endemic species," he added in a statement.
Without more protection, the 100 known Caerulean Paradise- flycatcher birds found only on Indonesia's Sangihe Island or the 150 yellow-eared parrots in Colombia could vanish.
| Military ties |
Agence France Presse - April 7, 2004
Jakarta -- Indonesia's fight against terrorism is being hampered by a US military embargo, President Megawati Sukarnoputri said Wednesday.
"I seek the understanding of the West in tackling this issue. We need resources," she told Singapore's Channel NewsAsia in an interview due to air Wednesday evening.
"As I told US President George W. Bush, I am unable to overcome terrorism quickly and in a sophisticated way if the US imposes a military embargo. And they do not provide logistical assistance.So we need to work together," Megawati said. However she added: "That was two years ago and now we are cooperating."
Washington halted most military-to-military contacts after the Indonesian military ran riot in East Timor in 1999. US legislators want an accounting for these and other abuses before the ties can resume.
Megawati was speaking in an interview conducted on March 26th. The station provided an English translation of her replies to questions. The president, who rarely gives interviews, was responding to a question about obstacles in tackling terror attacks.
Morning Star (UK) - April 5, 2004
Aguswandi -- A high court decision last Monday could have major repercussions for the democratic development of the world's fourth most populous country, which goes to the polls in national elections today.
The court blocked my attempt to challenge the legality of British policy on arms sales to Indonesia. My homeland, Aceh, on the northern tip of the island of Sumatra, is being subjected to Indonesia's largest and most brutal military offensive since the invasion of East Timor in 1975 and British arms are playing a key role.
British support for the Indonesian military in this way is seriously undermining the continuing struggle for a better future for the people of Aceh and Indonesia.
The ostensible purpose of the military offensive is to crush the rebel group known as the Free Aceh Movement, GAM, but Acehnese civil society is bearing the brunt of the onslaught. Already, over 3,000 people have been killed and widespread human rights violations have been perpetrated.
British-made Hawk jets, Scorpion tanks and Saracen armoured vehicles have been used in flagrant breach of Indonesian government assurances that British equipment will not be used for offensive or counter-insurgency purposes.
The message from Indonesia's military chiefs could not be clearer. They have insisted that they will use the weaponry at their disposal to "complete the job" in Aceh and they will not comply with any restrictions on the use of the British equipment. Despite this, the British government refuses to intervene.
The basis of my legal claim was that, in the circumstances, the continued licensing of military exports to Indonesia contravenes British and EU export control guidelines which clearly state that export licences should be blocked if there is a risk of the equipment being used for internal repression.
I argued that the government is ignoring these guidelines by indicating through its words and actions that it will not do anything until British equipment is actually used to abuse human rights in Aceh.
However, without further enquiry, the court accepted the government's contentious assertion that it is observing the guidelines and making a proper assessment of the risk. The victims of the war in Aceh would beg to differ.
The government places the onus on people on the ground -- ie the potential or actual victims -- to produce credible evidence of the "misuse" of equipment. That is clearly impossible given the army's tight grip on conditions throughout Aceh. It has issued an explicit warning to people not to take photos of Scorpion tanks or to film them. Those who disobey such instructions face arrest and arbitrary detention or far worse.
Since the collapse of the authoritarian military regime of General Suharto in 1998, Indonesia has been making uncertain progress along the rocky road to reform and democratic development.
The forthcoming elections are important, but they do not on their own establish Indonesia's democratic credentials, especially when they are taking place under conditions of martial law in Aceh and of military repression in other areas, such as West Papua.
One of the key elements in building democracy in Indonesian is the reform of the military. The main obstacles to progress are the persistent and institutionalised role of the military in Indonesian political affairs and its hostility to meaningful democracy and improved respect for human rights.
The catastrophic role of the military is demonstrated by the situation in Aceh, where state violence is being used by the military as a solution to problems which can only be solved by political means.
I am astounded that the British government's crusade against terrorism permits friendly relations with a military force which is responsible for many times more civilian deaths than non-state terrorists in Indonesia, including those who killed over 200 people in the Bali bombing atrocity. Britain is a leading supplier of military equipment to Indonesia and the government under Tony Blair has continued to licence exports despite the repeated use of equipment against civilians in East Timor, Aceh, West Papua and other areas.
Since 1997, when new Labour came to power, this country has delivered over 375 million Pounds worth of military equipment to Indonesia. The government recently authorised a staggering 20- fold increase in the value of military licences, from 2 million Pounds in 2000 to 41 million Pounds in 2002. In the same year, Britain was responsible for 63 per cent of the value of all EU licences issued for Indonesia and 87 per cent of the number of EU licences.
Indonesia is a poor country, which is still recovering from the disastrous Asian economic crisis in 1997. Paying vast amounts of money to Western countries for arms purchases does not help.
When Indonesia had to reschedule its public sector debt in September 1998, three-quarters of the rescheduled debt owed to Britain was for arms business. It included included 130 million Pounds for the purchase of Hawk jets, which are now being used in Aceh.
Debt servicing impacts primarily on the Indonesia's poor people who are being made to pay for military equipment which has no conceivable connection with their efforts to escape from poverty.
The government's continued sale of arms and engagement with the Indonesian military is dangerously misguided. It merely provides succour to the generals and helps them to maintain their powerful position in Indonesian political and security affairs.
The situation cannot be improved by providing the military with technical training in human rights. The problems are much more fundamental and structural. They can only be solved by weakening the political power of the TNI through policies of disengagement. A total military embargo by Britain and other countries would be a useful start. Not until the Indonesian military is weakened politically can we help improve the situation in Indonesia.
[Aguswandi is an Acehnese human rights activist.]
| Business & investment |
Jakarta Post - April 10, 2004
Jakarta -- The economy grew at a snappy 4.8 percent in the first quarter of this year, driven mainly by strong consumer spending, according to Bank Indonesia Governor Burhanuddin Abdullah.
He said on Thursday that the strong first quarter gross domestic product (GDP) growth coupled with further improvements in other macroeconomic indicators boded well for the economy this year.
Burhanuddin was speaking to the press following a Cabinet meeting.
The first quarter growth figures came in at the top end of the central bank's forecast range of 4.3-4.8 percent. The government is targeting economic growth of 4.8 percent this year. The official first quarter growth figures will be released by the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) next month.
Burhanuddin said that the country's macroeconomic indicators had continued to improve during the January-March period of this year. He pointed out that the rupiah strengthened to around Rp 8,460 per US dollar, inflation eased to 5.11 percent and the central bank's benchmark interest rate had fallen to a record low of 7.34 percent. He added that the country's foreign exchange reserves had increased to a record level of US$37.42 billion.
But Burhanuddin acknowledged that the positive macroeconomic gains had not translated into brisker investment activities. "Investment remains scarce," he said, adding that exports had contributed little to the first quarter growth.
He said that if the upcoming presidential election proceeded smoothly, and without violence or major disruptions, investment should hopefully pick up over the course of the rest of the year as investors would be encouraged by the improving macroeconomic stability.
The country's economic growth has been mainly driven by domestic consumption over the past couple of years due to weak investment and export performances.
Analysts have said that both investment and exports are crucial to pushing the economy to grow at a faster rate of between 6 percent and 7 percent in order to be able to create enough jobs for the millions of unemployed people.
The government has come under strong criticism for failing to revive the domestic investment climate.
BI warns of rising bank NPL
Bank Indonesia said that gross non-performing loans (NPLs) in the country's banking sector had increased to 8.3 percent during the first quarter of this year. Bank Indonesia Governor Burhanuddin Abdullah, however, said that net NPL had declined to 2.6 percent.
"BI has been observing an increase in NPL since February last year," he said, pointing out that the increase was contributed by both new loans and unrestructured loan assets acquired from the now-defunct Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA).
The central bank has set a 5 percent NPL limit for the banking sector to help ensure the health of the industry, which has just started to recover from the late 1990s financial crisis.
Burhanuddin also said that there had been a rising trend among depositors to switch their funds from bank time deposits to bonds and foreign exchange investment. This was mainly caused by the sharp decline in time deposit interest rates, forcing depositors to seek alternative investments offering better returns.
According to the central bank, some Rp 15 trillion worth of funds had been switched from bank deposits into bonds during the first quarter of this year, and another Rp 7 trillion into forex investment. Burhanuddin said the central bank is closely monitoring the situation to avoid a negative impact on the banking industry.