Aceh

Election poses dilemma in troubled Aceh

Japan Economic Newswire - April 4, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Indonesia's parliamentary elections on Monday have been enthusiastically awaited by the majority of the country's voters. Far in the north, in the troubled province of Aceh, however, the democratic festivities are seen as a dilemma by most people.

On the one hand, people keen to exercise their suffrage have been worried of possible retribution from the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which has waged a guerrilla war in Aceh since 1976 seeking independence from Indonesia. On the other, those who do not want to vote have been wondering what the military, the martial law administrator in the province, will do to them if they do not show up at polling stations. "What else can we do?" pedicab driver Amat told Kyodo News early this week while waiting for passengers in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh during the election campaign period.

The 43-year-old man stared at an election banner reading, "Knitting dignified Aceh into the framework of the unitary state of Republic of Indonesia." He is apparently was more afraid of the military than the rebels.

"I'm going to vote ... for the yellow," Amat said, referring to the color of the former ruling Golkar Party. "I just seek safety," he added, saying Aceh is under the military's control.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri imposed martial law on Aceh on May 19 last year. Since then, almost 1,800 rebels, soldiers, policemen and civilians have been killed in the province, situated on the northern tip of Sumatra Island.

Cigarette vendor Mukhlisin, 26, and video compact disc vendor Safrul Razi, 33, shared similar views with Amat. "The most important thing for me is that I can carry on with my daily business as usual," Razi said while serving customers at Pasar Atjeh, the provincial capital's main market in the heart of the city. Mukhlisin said he may not vote because his hometown in North Aceh Regency is a GAM stronghold.

An official at the Aceh branch of the government-sanctioned National Commission of Human Rights, who declined to be named, told Kyodo News that many ordinary Acehnese faced the dilemma and generally just want to be on the safe side. "They must vote or they will be labeled as GAM members or sympathizers," the official said.

Legislative candidates have received intimidation, believed to be from GAM, with at least one candidate being killed in North Aceh and two others missing in North and South Aceh soon after a permanent list of the candidates was announced in early February, she said.

"We visited the family of the slaughtered legislative candidate and they were pretty sure that the killers were the rebels, but we haven't been able to confirm their claim," the official said.

The intimidation, she said, has forced many legislative candidates to move from their residences in villages to cities.

Officials of the Regional General Election Commission and the provincial Statistics Agency were also not brave enough to register voters in villages and remote places in "black areas" under GAM's influence.

The agency and the election commission officials have considered it too risky to register voters after GAM rebels allegedly killed two agency officials who were visiting houses for registration and physically abused some others.

Based on the data of the statistics agency, the number of eligible voters in Aceh is 2.5 million of the total population of approximately 4 million.

The eligible voter figure, however, was obtained not based on house-to-house surveys as in other provinces, but based on family registration cards kept on file in sub-district offices in Aceh and red-and-white identity cards issued by the martial law administrator.

"The Acehnese people, they have hopes for safety, for a peaceful life, but at the same time have to face the reality of how difficult it is to gain the privileges," the human rights commission official said.

Rebels threaten to shoot, fine voters in elections

Agence France Presse - April 3, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Separatist rebels in Aceh province have threatened to shoot or fine residents who vote in Monday's Indonesian general elections, an election monitor said Saturday.

Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels in Aceh Jaya district have threatened to beat legislative candidates, issued leaflets forbidding residents from voting, and have threatened to shoot people, said Taf Haikal, chief of the Aceh Non-governmental Organization Forum. "A number of villages have reported these threats," Haikal told AFP.

The long-standing organization has been active in voter education ahead of Monday's ballot for national and local legislatures and is one of the agencies that will monitor the vote in Aceh.

Rights groups in Jakarta have said the election cannot be conducted fairly in Aceh because the province is under martial law, declared last May at the start of an all-out government offensive aimed at crushing GAM.

Haikal produced the alleged GAM leaflets as well as a letter signed by six village chiefs who said GAM will fine voters Rp one million (117 dollars). The letter also alleged rebels threatened to amputate the fingers of anyone found with the tell-tale ink marking him as having voted.

A rebel leader in East Aceh district denied during the campaign that GAM sought to disrupt the polls. Ishak Daud told AFP in Jakarta that Acehnese should vote rather than face reprisals by the military.

Aceh's martial law administrator, Major General Endang Suwarya, said during the election campaign that GAM had started trying to terrorise people to disrupt the ballot.

Haikal's statements about GAM came two days after rights groups in Jakarta made a similar allegation against the Indonesian military. A coalition of rights groups said soldiers and police in East Aceh district had repeatedly threatened residents with comments such as,

"Everybody must vote. If not, people are taking a risk and will be shot." Aceh military spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Asep Sapari told AFP the accusations were false. "The security forces are making the election peaceful and orderly," he said.

GAM has been fighting for an independent state in north Sumatra since 1976.

Activists condemn arrest of environmentalist in Aceh

Jakarta Post - March 31, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The arrest of Acehnese environmentalist Bestari Raden has drawn strong criticism from rights activists and a sociologist, who see the move as part of systematic attempts to silence those critical to government policies in the troubled province.

Munir, cofounder of the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said Bestari came to Aceh as a member of a government team assigned to evaluate the controversial Ladia Galaska highway project.

The team was set up based on an agreement between the Ministry of Forestry, the Coordinating Ministry for Political and Security Affairs, and the martial law administration in Aceh. Bestari, 50, was appointed as a team member through a decree issued by the Ministry of Forestry early this month.

"Bestari had left Aceh for more than four years and returned to the province due to assignment from the government. Minister Prakosa should be responsible for Bestari's arrest," said Munir, referring to Minister for Forestry Mohammad Prakosa. "Someone on an official assignment in a certain area should not be arrested, I suspect the arrest was staged," Munir said.

Rights activist Hendardi from the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) called the arbitrary arrest a repetition of the inhumane treatment the Acehnese people experienced during the 10-year military operation known as DOM until 1998. "When the government launched martial law in mid- May last year, we already predicted that more victims would fall in the province," Hendardi said on Tuesday.

He said that the current political leadership had failed to win the hearts and minds of the Acehnese. "Resolving problems in Aceh is not merely granting them sharia or welfare. The most important thing is to promote justice. I guess such arrests will continue and many civilians will be branded as GAM members. It will be difficult to stop because we cannot control it," Hendardi said.

Bestari was arrested in southeast Aceh last Friday, while he was visiting the area to evaluate the feasibility of the Ladia Galaska highway project that links both sides of the province. The project, which passes through the protected Leuser National Park, home to many of the country's endangered species, has drawn strong opposition from foreign groups and local environmental activists, including Bestari.

The martial law administration in Aceh, however, said that Bestari's arrest had nothing to do with his opposition to the Ladia Galaska road project, but due to his involvement with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). TNI alleged that Bestari served as GAM's leader for the Tapak Tuan area in 2000.

GAM spokesman Sofyan Dawood said on Tuesday that Bestari was not one of his men leading GAM fighters in their war against Jakarta. "The commander overseeing the Tapak Tuan area is Teungku Abram Muda, not someone named Bestari," Sofyan told The Jakarta Post.

Government troops are fighting against GAM in Aceh, where the rebels have been waging war for independence for the resource- rich province since 1976.

Earlier, the troops arrested a number of human rights and referendum activists, raising fears that the government was targeting anyone critical of government policies in Aceh.

Meanwhile, sociologist Otto Syamsuddin Ishak from Syiah Kuala University claimed that he was among those targeted by the military since 2000 forcing him and his family to live in exile in the United States for about one year, before returning to stay in Jakarta.

The outspoken scholar said that his family faced a series of threats from "someone who wanted to assassinate me" during that time, while "I have never been involved in a conflict with GAM nor other Acehnese," Otto said.

Environmentalist at risk of torture in Aceh, Amnesty says

Agence France Presse - March 31, 2004

An environmentalist arrested in Indonesia's Aceh province is at serious risk of torture by the military, Amnesty International said. It said Bestari Raden, 55, was said to be undergoing intensive interrogation.

"Torture and ill-treatment are routine in military custody in [Aceh] and there are serious concerns for his safety," the London-based rights group said in a statement.

The military, which is in the 10th month of a campaign against separatist guerrillas, says Raden was arrested for alleged links to the rebels. Fellow activists say he was arrested because he opposes a controversial highway project advocated by the Aceh governor and President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Amnesty said that on the morning before his arrest Raden had visited the region in his capacity as a member of a government team to review the Ladia Galaska highway project. It said there was concern he may not be a member of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) as the military alleges, "but has been detained because of his activities in opposing government policies in [Aceh]."

Amnesty said Indonesian troops and police "have carried out grave human rights violations" during a 27-year war against the rebels. GAM has also been responsible for human rights abuses, it said.

Environment Minister Nabiel Makarim is among those opposed to the proposed road network through a huge conservation area in Aceh and North Sumatra. He says it could worsen illegal logging and lead to the destruction of the forest and its ecosystem. The European Union, which has funded the conservation area, has also expressed alarm.

Malaysia endangers refugees with forcible returns: HRW

Agence France Presse - April 1, 2004

Jakarta -- The Malaysian government is forcibly returning Indonesian refugees from Aceh province to Indonesia where their safety is at risk amid a continuing conflict there, Human Rights Watch said in a report released on Thursday.

The report documents Malaysia's deportations of refugees and asylum-seekers from Aceh and the mistreatment of Acehnese refugees while in Malaysia, the New York-based group said.

The group accuses Malaysian authorities of violating their international legal obligations by failing to distinguish between Acehnese refugees fleeing conflict and other undocumented Indonesians in Malaysia.

"Acehnese are fleeing a brutal conflict, marked by massive human rights violations," said Brad Adams, executive director of Human Rights Watch Asia division.

"Instead of deporting, detaining and abusing them, Malaysia should recognize its legal obligations and offer them a safe place of refuge until it is safe to go home."

Indonesia last May declared martial law in Aceh and launched an all-out offensive aimed at crushing separatist rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

"The Malaysian government claims that Acehnese refugees are illegal immigrants," said Adams. "In fact, Malaysia itself is acting illegally by forcibly returning them to a place where their lives are in danger."

In a report last December, Human Rights Watch said Acehnese refugees in Malaysia had spoken of abuses against civilians by Indonesian security forces, including extrajudicial executions, forced disappearances, beatings and arbitrary arrests.

Indonesia described the claims as baseless and said there had been no report of a new wave of refugees from Aceh to Malaysia.

Human Rights Watch says "thousands" of Acehnese have sought safety in Malaysia since the military operation began last year. Once they reach Malaysia, however, Acehnese refugees regularly face abuse by Malaysian police including arrest, raids on refugee settlements and extortion, Human Rights Watch said.

"They burned eight huts and the canteen," one Acehnese refugee told Human Rights Watch. "I lost all my clothes, my passport, everything! Everybody ran. It was the Malaysian police."

Military to safeguard elections in troubled Aceh

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2004

Tiarma Siboro and Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Banda Aceh/Jakarta -- The Aceh military has set up security arrangements to enable local residents in areas known as rebel strongholds to exercise their right to vote on April 5.

Commander of the North Aceh Military overseeing also Lhokseumawe and Bireuen, Lt. Col. Entang Sulaiman, said on Wednesday the military had classified the polling stations into three categories: safe, danger level 1 and danger level 2. The status determines the number of soldiers deployed to guard the polling stations. In a safe area, police and civilian guards will play the main role in providing security around a polling station, with up to five soldiers placed at a radius of up to one kilometer from a polling station.

There will be between five and seven soldiers helping the police at each polling station located in areas classified as danger level 1, while in the danger level 2 areas the number of soldiers will be increased to 15 for each polling station. "The soldiers will be ready on site on April 1 [Thursday] or four days before D-day," Entang said.

There will be around 3,500 soldiers involved in safeguarding the election in North Aceh and Bireuen alone, while all over the province the martial law administrator will deploy 21,000 troops.

Head of the North Aceh General Elections Commission (KPUD) Nazaruddin Ibrahim said local residents would cast their vote at 2,293 polling stations across the regency, with 988 of them located in areas considered as safe, 816 situated in the danger level 1 and 744 in the danger level 2 areas.

North Aceh, along with East Aceh, is known as a stronghold of Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist rebels.

The military launched a major offensive against the rebels in May last year. The current military operation is aimed at enabling the Aceh people to exercise their right to vote in the legislative election on April 5 and the presidential election on July 5.

The government had planned to change the martial law status to a civil emergency status when the mandate for the military operation expires on May 19 of this year.

Entang said, however, the security arrangement would be different for villages considered GAM bases. He declined to elaborate on the arrangements.

Interim coordinating minister for political and security affairs Hari Sabarno said in Jakarta on Wednesday the election would definitely be scrapped in 25 of the 52 villages known as GAM strongholds across North Aceh and East Aceh.

"Of the 52 villages which fall under GAM control, we could still hold the election in 27 of them but we need to take extra measures to make it possible," Hari said at the State Palace.

He said it would be impossible to hold the election in the 25 villages because of GAM's presence. "GAM has a strong presence in the villages and government troops cannot enter those areas," the minister said.

He played down the consequence of the decision with regards the legitimacy of the legislative election in the province. "There are still hundreds of villages where people can exercise their right to vote," he said.

Currently, there are no foreign monitors registered to observe the election in the conflict-prone areas in North Aceh. "They must secure a permit from the martial law administration, the Aceh Police and the local district police beforehand. They cannot go beyond municipalities," Entang said.

Military tightens grip in Aceh in run-up to elections

Green Left Weekly - March 30, 2004

James Balowski, Jakarta -- The government of Megawati Sukarnoputri declared martial law in Indonesia's northern-most province of Aceh last May. It launched an "integrated operation" to smash the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and restore "law and order".

Since then, hundreds of civilians have been killed, wounded or disappeared and thousands more are languishing in disease-ridden refugee camps. Foreign journalists and non-government organisations (NGOs) have been barred from the province. Human rights groups have been shut down, as activists flee, fearing for their lives.

Aceh is now completely sealed off, much like East Timor was under the Suharto dictatorship's brutal 24-year occupation.

On April 5, Indonesians will go to the polls to elect new national, regional and local parliaments. The country will be inundated with foreign election observers, who will want to see the elections in Aceh conducted in a democratic and open manner.

The military, however, has already made it clear that it will tightly control election campaigning and the dissemination of information, in order to ensure that the elections are not "disrupted by irresponsible parties for their own interests".

Foreign observers

Following a cabinet session on March 12, the government declared that Aceh would be open to foreign observers but with "certain restrictions". Recently retired minister for politics and security Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono told the February 13 Aceh daily Serambi Indonesia: "The principal is, to maintain transparency and accountability. The elections throughout Indonesia, including Aceh, are open to foreign observers."

However, it is already clear that the regime is deeply concerned about what the observers might see. The head of the Aceh emergency military command (PDMD), Major General Endang Suwarya, told Serambi on February 14: "Every single foreign national who enters Aceh, whether they be a journalist, be they from an NGO or an observer, all of them must obtain permission [from the military]. If they are found to have entered without permission, they will definitely be deported from Aceh."

Claiming there was a risk that foreign nationals might be taken hostage by GAM, he went on to say, "what is clear is that the arrival of foreign nationals in Aceh causes a great deal of problems... [and] we do not trust them at all", adding that "they mustn't stir up trouble here".

Earlier, the People's Representative Assembly (DPR) had formally asked the PDMD to restrict observers' movements in order to "better monitor their work".

"[This request is] so that they only observe the organisation of the elections. And if their activities go beyond this it will be a violation. So, there need to be clear rules on the activities which are carried out by foreign observers", DPR deputy chairperson Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno told journalists on March 5.

Previously, he added, foreigners have been found entering Aceh to "provide secret reports to overseas countries". On these grounds, each foreign observer must be watched "super tightly". "We are concerned that what will be reported later will not be the elections, but other matters", Soerjogoeritno said.

More recently, the PDMD has said that observers will be restricted to particular sub-districts in each regency -- chosen, of course, by the military -- and will be accompanied at all times by a police officer.

Rights violations

The Megawati regime's concerns are well-founded. A recent report by the National Commission on Human Rights ad hoc team for Aceh said that it found indications of gross human rights violations, most of which were committed by the military.

According to the March 10 Jakarta Post, the report includes accusations of "attacks against unarmed civilians, including victims who were murdered, tortured, sexually abused or raped, or others whom the court had not yet proved were rebels".

"The attacks involved high ranking political and military authorities", the report said.

The team found that the attacks followed a specific pattern: First, the victim or victim's relative would be accused of being a GAM member or protecting a GAM member. Then, the victim would be shot dead, or kidnapped and murdered later.

On March 14, the Aceh Referendum Information Center (SIRA) issued a statement accusing the military of intimidation and violence before the elections.

SIRA said that soldiers shot dead a village chief in Pidie district on December 12 because he refused to cooperate over election arrangements. It said troops from the Kostrad strategic reserve abducted a vocal figure in the Ranto Panyang area of East Aceh on January 29. The man's body, showing mutilation and torture marks, was found a day later. According to SIRA, troops or police in at least three parts of East Aceh threatened village chiefs that they would shoot people if the elections did not run smoothly.

The military has also stepped up its campaign against pro- democracy activists. Between February 19 and 23 there was a wave of arrests and abductions of student activists. This followed accusations by the Acehnese Democratic Women's Organisation (ORPAD) that the military was giving preferential treatment during ID "sweeps" to members of political parties linked to or backed by the military.

In a statement carried by the Jakarta daily Kompas on February 19, ORPAD chairperson Raihana Diani said: "This could become a form of coercion by the emergency military command to [get people to] vote for political parties which have the blessing of the military." The report carried similar accusations by the Aceh Media Election Watch, Aceh-Papua Solidarity and the Centre for Electoral Reform.

Although most have been released, several were severely tortured during detention and three now face charges of treason, which carries the maximum penalty of death.

According to Acehnese activists, at least 20 pro-democracy activists are now on a military wanted list and have fled to Java. One of these, Mohammad bin Toyib, was arrested by police in Bandung, West Java on March 1. He was accused of being an aide to the GAM finance minister, and was reportedly "transferred" to the provincial capital, Banda Aceh. His whereabouts is now unknown and there are grave fears for his safety.

Pessimism

According to a March 17 report by Agence France Presse, Ishak Daud, the GAM operations commander in East Aceh, said the security presence is so intense that he expects all electors to cast ballots to avoid physical reprisals. "We urge them to vote rather than be beaten", Daud told AFP, adding that GAM will not seek to disrupt the polls.

Many Acehnese people are pessimistic about the elections. Banda Aceh resident Iskandar told the February 3 Jakarta Post that he was uninterested in the elections because previous elections had not improved day-to-day life.

Muhammad Jamal, also from Banda Aceh, agreed. "Long before the launch of the military operations last June (sic), we were prohibited to express our aspirations. The more people make a noise, the more they are killed or arrested", he said.

"Like others, I will probably go to the ballot booth to cast my vote -- but I am not doing it of my own free will. If I don't vote, I [will be] considered a supporter of GAM."

If foreign observers are unable to freely monitor the elections, questions will inevitably be asked. This is the quandary facing the regime. With no end to the economic and political crisis in sight, and an increasingly skeptical and angry electorate, the regime desperately needs the elections to legitimise its rule. On the other hand, it is clear that they are not prepared to risk foreign observers witnessing what is really happening in Aceh.

According to Tempo Interactive on March 6, the National Elections Commission (KPU) said that to date, no foreign observers -- either organisations or individuals -- have arrived in Aceh. "There is not a single election observer who has informed [us] that they have entered Aceh", said KPU member Ridwan Ishak. It seems that in the face of these restrictions, foreign observers have simply decided not to bother.

Up to 52 Aceh villages may be denied elections

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- As many as 52 villages in war- torn Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam may skip the elections due to the unfavorable security situation there, a senior Cabinet minister said on Monday.

"The government will first assess the security situation in those villages before deciding on holding elections there", Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs ad interim Hari Sabarno said after a Cabinet meeting led by President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

He said that he would leave for Aceh on April 1 to visit those villages, mostly found in North and East Aceh regencies, believed to be the strongholds of the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) which has been fighting for independence for the resource-rich province since 1976.

The country will hold the legislative election on April 5, followed by the presidential election on July 5, and a possible runoff on September 20.

Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh reported to Megawati early on Monday. "It is quite difficult to hold elections in these 52 villages, but if the President orders a delay in the elections then we will try to do it," Puteh said after the meeting.

The government launched a massive military operation in May last year aimed at crushing Aceh rebels after a peace agreement brokered by the Switzerland-based Henry Dunant Center collapsed.

Rights and pro-democracy activists have called for a delay in the elections in Aceh, fearing that the Acehnese would not feel free to express their aspirations under tight military guard.

During the ongoing 21 days of campaigning, few areas in Aceh witnessed the noisy campaigns of political parties.

The Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said after the Cabinet meeting that it would be impossible for the TNI to temporarily move people in 52 villages just to cast their votes. "We cannot afford to trouble the people by transferring them for the election. There has to be a better solution to the issue," Endriartono said.

Meanwhile, Minister for Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda said that foreign observers could not go beyond municipalities in Aceh for security reasons. "As observers they have to abide by our regulations, and that is, they cannot go beyond municipalities. There should be a further decision on which areas they can enter," the minister said. Hassan further said that the decision would be taken by the Aceh military authority in Aceh.

Separately, General Elections Commission (KPU) deputy chairman Ramlan Surbakti said that the KPU had issued a letter to Aceh's KPUD, approving the latter's request to register 200,000 ineligible voters in the province.

Ramlan also said the commission gave dispensation to Aceh to establish polling stations in the front of mosques as long as the establishment of the polling stations was approved by the mosque management. There are a total of 2,523,059 voters in Aceh.

Environmentalist held over alleged GAM link

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- The Aceh martial law administration has arrested an environmental activist for alleged involvement with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), sparking protests from his lawyer.

Bestari Raden, 50, was arrested in the Southeast Aceh last Friday, when he visited the area to evaluate the feasibility of a controversial highway project there.

Bestari is a member of a government-formed team charged with assessing the construction of the proposed Ladia Galaska highway, which would link the province from west to east.

The project, which passes through the protected Leuser National Park, a home to many of the country's endangered species, has drawn strong opposition from foreign groups and local environmental activists, including Bestari.

Activists have become targets of military operations since the government launched a massive offensive against GAM rebels in May last year. Bestari's arrest is the latest attempt to crack down on activists who have alleged links with GAM rebels.

Aceh military spokesman Lt. Col. Ditya Sudarsono confirmed Bestari's arrest on Monday. "Certainly, there are indications of his connection with GAM, observed through his attitude and behavior," he told The Jakarta Post, saying security forces had detained Bestari to get further information about his activities.

"Right now in Aceh, many people are playing double roles [as GAM members and] activists, journalists and even Red Cross officers," he said. Bestari's lawyer, Bambang Antariksa, rejected the claim, saying the arrest was linked with the Ladia Galaska highway project that his client has strongly opposed.

The Southeast Aceh Police had named Bestari at the top of their most-wanted list for allegedly becoming the GAM leader for the Tapak Tuan area in 2000, he said. "It doesn't make sense that Bestari is GAM commander when he has been active in Jakarta since 1999. When did he take up arms?" Bambang said.

Last year, Bestari, who is also a former head of the National Indigenous Society Alliance (AMAN), was involved in an alliance congress in West Nusa Tenggara, attended by several government ministers.

In 1999, he and the Rimueng Lam Kaluet, a non-government organization, launched campaigns in Southeast Aceh against companies that used forest concessionaires (HPH) in the area for illegal logging.

The campaign managed to convince the government not to issue concessionaires several companies involved in illegal logging in Southeast Aceh. Law-enforcement agencies had supported the logging.

Ditya, however, rejected any notion Bestari's arrest was linked to the Ladia Galaska project. "It's about his connection with GAM. We don't know anything about his opposition to the Ladia Galaska project," Ditya said.

Last month the Military administration vowed to go after activists in the province who were allegedly GAM members or accomplices. Ditya said the administration was determined to pursue those activists wherever they went because "their actions hurt the national interest".

Earlier this month, an Acehnese student, Mohammad bin Mohammad Toyib, was arrested for allegedly serving as an adjutant to the GAM movement's head of finances. The student, of the Banda Aceh- based Ar-Raniry Islamic Institute, was arrested while in an Aceh student dormitory on Jl. Cicendo in Bandung, West Java.

GAM has has been fighting for independence for the natural resource-rich province since 1976.

West Papua

Papua independence leader's son runs in polls

Reuters - April 4, 2004

Sentani -- Less than three years after special forces troops killed his father, restive Papua's most prominent independence leader at the time, Boy Eluay wants to be an Indonesian politician.

His mission? To topple President Megawati Soekarnoputri. Eluay is one of many pro-independence Papuan activists jostling for position in Indonesia's parliamentary elections on Monday even as authorities get tougher with separatists.

"There are many ways in having your voice heard. You can go to the jungle and fight or you can go to Jakarta and fight," said Eluay, 33, who is running for the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) -- the political vehicle of former president Abdurrahman Wahid.

"I'm not fighting for the party's interests, I'm fighting for the Papuan people," added the heavily built Boy, his voice rising with emotion as he spoke outside his house at the scenic lakeside Papuan town of Sentani.

The tactic is the most concrete example yet of Papuan activists and church leaders trying to work within the Indonesian system to bring about change.

That is in sharp contrast to Indonesia's other separatist hotspot, Aceh province in the northwest, where most opposition comes from armed rebels fighting a separatist war.

Special forces troops killed Boy's father, Theys Eluay, in November 2001. Seven soldiers were sentenced over the murder.

Like other independence activists, Boy Eluay expressed deep disappointment with Megawati's tough stance toward the independence movement in resource-rich Papua. Her approach differs markedly from Wahid's, who allowed the hoisting of the Papuan separatist flag and gave the province its indigenous name.

Back in Sentani, Eluay exudes optimism about his chances despite aggressive campaigns by the major parties. "The big parties offered me big money but I refused. I still believe in independence but for now, let's get rid of Megawati," he said.

Key witness to Freeport ambush changes story

Jakarta Post - April 2, 2004

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- A key witness to the 2002 ambush in Papua that left two Americans and one Indonesian dead has changed his testimony that Army soldiers were responsible for the incident.

Decky Murib denied he saw soldiers carry out the attack on Aug. 31, 2002, that killed two US teachers and an Indonesian colleague. Gunmen fired on the convoy carrying employees of the US-owned Freeport gold and copper mine.

Testifying during Wednesday's hearing of a defamation case against human rights group Elsham, Murib said the rights group paid him to implicate soldiers from the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) in the ambush.

Elsham failed to pay him the promised Rp 10 million (US$1,176) and an overseas trip to the United States in return for claiming he had witnessed the incident, he testified during the hearing at the Jayapura District Court.

Murib said he had felt cheated by the Papua-based human rights watchdog.

The defamation suit was brought against Elsham by the Indonesian Military (TNI) for accusing its soldiers of being involved in the attack.

The military is demanding that the rights group pay it Rp 50 billion in damages and make a public apology through the local and international media.

Murib's layers failed to attend the trial, which was presided over by judge Ebo Maulana, for health reasons.

Ebo said the absence of the witness' lawyers put the defense at a disadvantage because they were unable to examine the witness.

Murib testified that at the time of the ambush, he was at home in Timika, dozens of kilometers from the scene of the attack, and that he only learned of the incident from a local newspaper.

Weeks after the attack, Murib said, three Elsham activists -- Dani Gobani, Paula Makabori and John Rumbiak -- took him to a church in Timika, where he said he was asked to confess to having witnessed the killings.

Murib said he was later sent home after the activists promised him money and a trip to America in return for his claim.

However, a year later Murib said he had not received the promised money or the trip to the US He later went to the Timika District Court to report Elsham for false promises.

In response to the complaint, Elsham denied it had promised Murib cash or overseas trips.

"That is entirely untrue. We are human right workers," the group's deputy director, Aloy Renwarin, told AFP.

"We conducted the investigation in a professional manner. Decky told us that he saw the incident but now he is giving a different statement. What's going on?"

In November 2002, Papuan Police said Murib had told them that he knew the names of four of the 11 soldiers involved in the attack. The police said Murib had been an informer and guide for Kopassus in Papua.

The US Federal Bureau of Investigation has joined the investigation into the attack. US legislators have demanded a full accounting of the incident before any moves are made to resume military-to-military relations with Indonesia.

The trial was adjourned until April 15, at which time the court will hear from the defendants.

Commenting on Murib's retraction of his earlier statement, Trikora Military chief Maj. Gen. Nurdin Zainal said it was a "victory" for the TNI.

"I can say that Decky Murib's testimony contradicting statements he made to Elsham is a victory for us," he said.

Military in Papua sues rights group over ambush claims

Agence France Presse - April 1, 2004

Jakarta -- A human rights group in Papua province said Thursday it was being sued by Indonesia's powerful military for alleging that troops carried out an ambush which killed two Americans in August 2002.

The Elsham group said the military was demanding 50 billion rupiah (5.8 million dollars) in damages in the civil case and an apology published in local and international media.

On Wednesday a witness in the case alleged that Elsham had bribed him to implicate Kopassus special forces in the attack, Antara news agency reported.

Decky Murib told the hearing in the provincial capital Jayapura that Elsham had reneged on promises of money and overseas trips in return for his claims that he had seen the incident. "I feel I have been cheated. That's why I reported this to the Timika district court," Murib was quoted as saying.

Two US teachers and an Indonesian colleague were killed when unidentified gunmen fired on a convoy carrying employees of the US-owned Freeport gold and copper mine.

The US Federal Bureau of Investigation has joined investigations into the attack. US legislators have demanded a full accounting of the incident before any moves to resume military-to-military relations with Indonesia.

In November 2002 Papuan police said Murib had told them that he knew the names of four of 11 soldiers involved in the attack. They said Murib had been an informer and guide for Kopassus.

Elsham denied it had promised Murib cash or overseas trips. "That is entirely untrue. We are human right workers," its deputy director Aloy Renwarin told AFP. "We conducted the investigation in a professional manner. Decky told us that he saw the incident but now he gave a different statement. What's going on?"

One widow's year of lobbying dangerously

Mother Jones Magazine (US) - March/April, 2004

Tim Shorrock -- August 31, 2002, began as a day like any other in the lives of Patsy and Rick Spier. They were teaching school in West Papua, Indonesia, the latest posting in a series of international teaching jobs far away from their home in Denver.

The long stays in isolated places worked for the Spiers "because we really liked each other," Patsy says, recalling the years before the tragedy that transformed her into a citizen-lobbyist and an expert on the intricacies of US-Indonesian relations.

That afternoon, the Spiers and eight other teachers working for a school operated by New Orleans-based Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold decided, on a whim, to go on a picnic. Driving two SUVs with company markings, they wound their way deep into the mountaintop region where Freeport operates a huge mine that is patrolled by Indonesian soldiers on the company payroll. On their way back, they were ambushed by gunmen hiding alongside the road. "I saw two poofs and that's when I was shot in my back," recalls Spier, who almost bled to death. When the shooting was over, three people were dead: the school's superintendent, another teacher, and Rick Spier.

The incident's aftermath has caused deep strains between Washington and Indonesia and triggered a battle of wills between President Bush -- who considers the world's largest Muslim nation a key ally in the war on terrorism -- and his Republican allies in Congress. The outcome may depend on the Federal Bureau of Investigation and its probe of the ambush, in which the Indonesian army has emerged as a prime suspect.

Within 24 hours of the shootings, the ar my declared the crime the work of a separatist group that hopes to create an independent state in West Papua. But that story fell apart after the local police chief announced that the evidence pointed toward the military itself. (One motive may have been revenge for Freeport's decision to cut back payments to the army; two Freeport executives, who may have been the killers' intended targets, had driven down the mining road just minutes before the Spier party passed by.) At a meeting in Bali last October, however, President Megawati Soekarnoputri told Bush she had seen no proof that the army was involved. A Freeport spokesman would not comment on the case except to say the company is "fully cooperating with the investigations."

Spier, who is 47, retains the friendly and open air of the elementary school teacher she once was. But she hasn't set foot in a classroom since the ambush; her job now is to serve as a de facto spokeswoman and advocate for the survivors. "I got back to Colorado on September 21, and on the 24th, I started calling people in the government," she says. "It was like I knew how huge this was, how evil." On her many trips to Washington, she has met twice with Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, as well as with senior

officials in the State Department and the FBI, including FBI director Robert Mueller. Through her perseverance, she has kept the issue alive -- and convinced many Republicans, as well as Democrats, to vote to link US military aid to Indonesia to justice for the ambush victims. "It's the only leverage we can use," she says.

But Spier's appeals have come at an awkward time for the administration, which is seeking to expand military ties with Indonesia despite its army's reputation for brutality. In particular, the White House wants Congress to lift the restrictions on military training funds first imposed in 1991 in response to Indonesian army abuses in East Timor, the former Portuguese colony Indonesia invaded in 1975.

Bush stepped up the pressure for cooperation after a series of bombings in Indonesia by groups linked to Al Qaeda.

In January 2003, following intense lobbying by administration officials, the Senate voted to fund the military training program. Then, as the year went on, Congress began hearing reports that the FBI's probe was meeting strong resistance. Agents, for example, were allowed to interview Indonesian witnesses only when army officers were present. "From what I understand, the answers have been pretty well rehearsed and scripted," says Senator Wayne Allard (R-Colo.).

Last November, Allard, who has met with Spier several times, joined forces with Senator Russell Feingold (D-Wis.) to draft legislation prohibiting Indonesia from receiving the training funds until the State Department determines that the army has been cooperating with the FBI. Despite White House opposition, the amendment was expected to pass the Senate this spring -- a remarkable victory for Spier, who says she has surprised even herself with her ability to work the system in Washington. In one telling incident, in October, President Bush told an Indonesian reporter that he was ready to go forward with full military ties with Indonesia because Congress had "changed their attitude" on military aid.

Spier, in town to press for the Allard amendment, hit the phones. Six days later, the White House retracted Bush's statement, saying that no new military programs had been approved. "They really backtracked," says a congressional aide. "Patsy really set the wheels in motion."

Still, the outcome of the matter is far from clear. Even if the FBI decides that the Indonesian military was responsible for the murders, it's unlikely that Indonesia would turn over a senior officer for prosecution, and the military courts it has established to try army officers are widely viewed as ineffective. "What they do is, they allow a case to go to trial, but they will produce scapegoats," says Ed McWilliams, a former political counselor in the US

Embassy in Jakarta and one of a handful of human rights activists in Washington focused on Indonesia. "In the past, we've gone along and allowed this to go forward. My concern is, this time it would be different, because [if not] we'd be conspiring in a case that involved the death of American citizens."

That's what keeps Spier focused. "Whoever did this was arrogant enough to think they could get away with it," she says. "So what in God's name are they doing to the villagers and the average Indonesian who doesn't have a voice?"

Despite frustration, Papuans to still go to the polls

Jakarta Post - March 29, 2004

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Political campaigning for the 2004 general elections in Jayapura, the capital of Papua province, is apparently not as lively as before, in 1999, as can be seen from the reduction in the number of those attending outdoor campaign rallies.

In the previous elections, campaign participants could reach tens of thousands, while the number has now dwindled to a maximum of only about 10,000, as has occurred at campaign rallies by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Golkar Party.

Several locals told The Jakarta Post that people were reluctant to participate in the campaigns because they were generally tired of listening to promises by politicians, which they never fulfilled.

"The campaigners simply make attractive promises, but once elected, ignore them. Right now, people need real action. Can promises be eaten?" said Salomina, 32, a palm nut vendor in Ampera market, Jayapura.

Udin, 25, a motorcycle-taxi driver, was also resentful, saying that he still participated in the campaigns of each political party that invited him along because he would receive transportation expenses and T-shirts, as well as food packages.

"It's a good idea to participate in the campaign rallies, but it doesn't mean that I'll vote for them. I'll make up my mind in the polling booth," he said casually.

The disappointment expressed by both Salomina and Udin could also echo the sentiment of Papuans at the moment, but this kind of attitude would only cause them to lose out ultimately, according to the Papuan Traditional Council.

Head of the council Thom Beanal called on everyone in Papua to fight for their political beliefs by voting in the upcoming election. He said that people must involve themselves in the political process to determine who was capable and had the right to represent them in legislative bodies. From the elections in 1971 to those in 1999, he said, Papuans were only perceived as political objects, not sovereign and independent people as endorsed in the 1945 Constitution.

Once every five years, political parties made efforts to approach people with a variety of promises and persuasive arguments, but as soon as the election was over and legislative seats obtained, the people were ignored. "They are elected because people vote for them, but once elected, they tend to forget people," Thom asserted.

The Papua Traditional Council has recommended several candidates for the House of Representatives, provincial legislature, regental and municipal legislative council and the Regional Representatives Council as customary sons who listen to the people, are committed and show it in fighting for the basic rights of the traditional people of Papua, he said.

Budi Setyanto, director of the Institute for Civil Strengthening (ICS) in Jayapura, said that Papuans had now become more critical of the promises offered by politicians; even though they were still involved in campaigns, they would vote for only the party that they considered could fight for the people's interests.

Papuans feel that they are not being forced to vote this time but are voting on the basis of their own consciousness -- as a way of improving their fate, which has long been ignored. "By participating in the election, they are aware that they are involved in determining the government and leaders that will bring them a more prosperous life," Budi said.

Budi said that Papuans were now aware that the fight for independence would face a long and winding road. The election would provide them with the possibility of realizing their dreams, including raising the quality of their standard of living.

'War on terrorism'

US still commitment to work with Indonesia in war on terror

Voice of America - April 1, 2004

Dan Robinson, Washington -- In testimony to Congress, US military officials have reaffirmed their commitment to working with Indonesia in the fight against terror. But they also say there must be a resolution of the controversial question of suspected Indonesian military involvement in the killing of two American citizens in 2002.

The still incomplete investigation into the deaths of two Americans and an Indonesian, and the wounding of 11 other people in Indonesia's West Papua province has been a problem in bilateral relations since the incident in 2002.

An FBI report has implicated members of Indonesia's military in the killings, which took place on a portion of an Indonesian military-controlled road to a mine owned by a US company.

The issue is important because US military education training funds, known as IMET, have been in suspension with Congress pressing for a resolution of the killings before reauthorizing the education funds for Indonesia.

In Wednesday's hearing of the House Armed Services Committee, Admiral Thomas Fargo, who heads the US Pacific Command, said he supports the requirement for "full accountability" for the incident.

"I have talked directly to [Army Chief of Staff] General Sutarto and he has assured me that if this investigation shows that there are members of the TNI [Indonesian military] that took part in this attack, that he is going to hold them completely accountable and there will be the kind of discipline that we would expect would be very proper in this particular situation," he said.

Congressman Joel Hefley is a Republican from Colorado who introduced an amendment last year effectively suspending IMET funds for Indonesia. "Well I hope you will hold him accountable for that offer of cooperation because this is something that we can't allow to go unpunished it seems to me," he said.

Indonesian cooperation in the fight against terror was also a focus of the hearing Wednesday of the House Armed Services Committee.

Calling Southeast Asia a "crucial front" in that battle, Admiral Fargo recalled the 2002 terrorist bombing in Bali as well as one in Jakarta in 2003. Indonesia, he said, is critical to stability in Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region in general.

However, he had to respond to other lawmaker's questions about continuing reports of human rights violations involving Indonesia's military. Admiral Fargo said while Indonesia's military needs to be held accountable, there are signs of improvement.

"In the last year, legislation has been passed that takes the TNI [military] out of the political scene in Indonesia, and after this election that is coming up in April they won't have any seats in the assembly," he said. "The chief of defense of the TNI, in fact, is not going to allow the TNI to vote in this election, not because he wants to set a precedent but because he wants to make sure that they steer clear of politics in this upcoming election."

Admiral Fargo points to what he calls "signs" that the Indonesian army has undertaken significant human rights training, particularly in relation to the situation in Aceh. And he adds:

"Our role, I think, is to serve as a model for the TNI, to make sure that we help bring them along on this path to reform, so they understand the rule of law, the proper role of a military in a democracy, and that they can develop as an institution in a manner that will properly serve their people," he said.

US military education training funds for Indonesia has been limited in the past to about $400,000 a year. US officials and the Bush administration say education for members of the Indonesian military in rule of law and democracy-building, can also help cooperation in the war on terror.

2004 elections

Sunny days for Golkar

Straits Times - April 1, 2004

Laurel Teo -- Dark clouds held the threat of rain yesterday morning. But they were a false alarm, for not a drop fell upon the thousands at Golkar's last day of rallies in the capital city.

Standing on a stage overlooking masses clad in the party's signature canary yellow hue, Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung bellowed: "Look at the crowd here! I have campaigned in 28 provinces so far and always, huge numbers have come for our rallies. What a difference this is compared to five years ago!"

With that triumphant declaration, he went on to deliver a fiery speech for the next 40 minutes, promising supporters a new Golkar that embodies the spirit of reform, and is ready to lead the country towards greater progess.

Back in the 1999 election, his party was despised as the political vehicle of disgraced former president Suharto. Spurned by voters, Golkar managed to garner only 22 per cent of the ballots, losing its three-decade reign to the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P).

But since then, the party leadership has worked hard to distance itself from the Suharto regime, yet retain its reputation as an organisation rich in human resources and experience in running a country.

And that was the main thrust of Mr Akbar's wide-ranging speech, which also criticised the failure of the current PDI-P-led government, listed Golkar's various goals and expressed the party's remorse at past mistakes.

Mr Akbar arrived at about 2pm at the Block S football field in South Jakarta, which was one of Golkar's five rally venues in Jakarta yesterday.

The fun had already begun about an hour before, with at least 10 different dangdut (folk music) singers entertaining the crowd with lusty renditions of traditional favourites and plenty of hip gyrations.

While there was the usual mob of rowdy young men, there was also an unusual crowd of women with small children in tow, in more numbers than seen at rallies of other parties such as the PDI-P. It made the event seem like a family outing, as the giggling housewives and mothers, many of whom were wearing cheery yellow headscarves, tried to swivel their hips to the infectious tunes.

But all attention was focused on Mr Akbar as he strode onto the stage. Remarking on the crowd size, he cried out: "What does this mean? This means that Golkar has returned. We now have the support and sympathy of the people!"

Battered by the sluggish economic recovery and security threats that have erupted over the past few years, many Indonesians now yearn for the steady growth and firm government of the past. It is a sentiment that Mr Akbar has milked to the fullest.

"We have 100 million impoverished people, 40 million unemployed. Our economy grew only 4 per cent, while that of our neighbours grew 6 to 7 per cent. This is not enough to absorb the 2.5 million Indonesians who enter the workforce every year," he said.

Indonesians have yet to benefit from the archipelago's rich natural resources, and the country needs a strong government, he said, urging supporters to give Golkar a strong mandate.

He pledged to increase the education budget and raise education and health standards so that Indonesians can compete with other nationalities and earn more money.

The crowd nodded to his every word and even gave him the thumbs up when he promised that Golkar would fight for a clean government. No one seemed to realise the irony of such a statement coming from a man who was recently relieved of corruption charges through a controversial court judgment.

"Who says we are anti-reform? We are now a new and improved Golkar. We have right all our past wrongs and our new motto is, 'United, we progress'!" he shouted.

It looks like the storm could be blowing over for Golkar this time.

Party takes advantage of PDI-P's failings

Straits Times - April 1, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- Golkar leaders have chosen an apt party slogan. Drawn from the lyrics of the final verse of the patriotic anthem Bandung In The Sea Of Fire, it reads: "Let's win it back, brothers!" These are confident words from a party that was once the bastion of support of the Suharto regime.

But Golkar's newfound optimism is more than just political hyperbole. After years in the doldrums, it appears to have rediscovered its nerve, emerging as the front runner for next week's parliamentary election even as a brewing internal power struggle threatens the party.

Most surveys here suggest that Golkar will reap the largest number of votes at a time when confidence in other major parties such as the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) have ebbed.

In a poll by the US-based International Foundation for Election System (IFES), Golkar got 21.4 per cent of the votes, while President Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P got only 12 per cent.

Chairman Akbar Tandjung talks about a "new Golkar" that is riding on the changing political mood in Indonesia. There is now a gradual shift away from post-New Order concerns such as democracy to more pressing "bread-and-butter" issues.

Golkar is exploiting that rising nostalgia among tens of millions of the wong cilik, or little people, for the cheap rice and stability of the Suharto regime.

At the election rallies, party leaders talk about improving the economy and eradicating poverty. They also promise to counter corruption -- the one thorny issue that had ironically tarnished Golkar's image for 30 years. "We will not repeat the weaknesses of the past," Mr Akbar declared at Golkar's rally yesterday.

It is dreaming of victory this year. In 1999, it secured 22.4 per cent of the votes, while the PDI-P was a clear winner with 33.7 per cent of the votes.

Mr Akbar told The Straits Times: "I am confident we can get at least 30 per cent of the votes. The margin of difference with PDI-P will be small, but we have a better chance of winning." Golkar seems to be capitalising on the failings of its archrival -- confidence in the PDI-P has ebbed.

But Golkar's survival and subsequent comeback have much more to do with the shrewd calculation of Mr Akbar and his party executives.

Five years ago, the mood was hostile. Most Indonesians in the major cities said they would vote for ABG -- Anything But Golkar -- and the party suffered big losses in the heartland of Java, though it won in at least 12 provinces outside Java, especially in eastern Indonesia.

Since the 1970s, the party has methodically constructed a broad and loyal power base that reaches most provincial branches. So it was no surprise that despite resentment towards the party in 1999, it emerged second in the polls.

But since then, Golkar has gone all out to cultivate the grassroots. It recruited and trained almost a million cadres and developed the party along the lines of a new bottom-up philosophy.

The Golkar convention is an example. The lengthy convention process served two broad aims for Mr Akbar. It deflected attention away from his legal battle that ended in February.

More importantly, the contestants are compelled to work the ground to win votes for the party. They might be fighting for the presidential ticket, but ultimately, the party has benefited from the money and resources poured in.

The convention next month, however, has emerged as the source of strife between Mr Akbar and his enemies. The most telling example of this is the latest scandal to afflict the Golkar leader.

Barely a month after being freed by the Supreme Court for corruption, a former government prosecutor is accusing him of reneging on promises to make under-the-table payments in exchange for inside information about his graft trial.

Observers believe that two of the Golkar candidates taking part in the convention might have had a hand in the saga to derail his presidential bid.

A likely victory at the ballot box next week might be a key turning point for Golkar's ambitions for the presidency. But it could also be the start of a battle for power in the months ahead, though chances of it tearing apart the party are slim. The party's appropriate slogan could then be: "Peace, brothers!"

Democracy seeks a drill sergeant

Washington Post - March 31, 2004

Alan Sipress, Bandung -- When Gen. Wiranto's stump speech ended, the real action began. "We should fall no more!" he exhorted the crowd. "We have fallen enough. Now we have to rise again!"

Striking up the band, he launched into an Indonesian pop song: "Rise and Fall." He clasped the microphone in his left hand like a rock star, putting the right one over his heart and then reaching out to thousands of fans in a grassy field.

Hundreds pressed forward toward the stage, forming a throbbing mosh pit beside the mountains of amplifiers. They waved their arms over their heads, clapped their hands, cheered their general.

This is the Indonesian presidential campaign of the man known only as Wiranto: retired armed forces chief, recording artist, indicted war crimes suspect.

Gone is the uniform he wore as Indonesia's military commander -- first under the longtime autocratic president Suharto, who was forced from office by protesters in 1998, and then a year later during the wave of killings in East Timor. Human rights groups say at least 1,000 people were killed in that violence, orchestrated by Indonesian army officers.

Now, over his muscular frame, Wiranto dons a yellow windbreaker, in the color of his political party. But he retains the mantle of military discipline at a time when Indonesians increasingly express nostalgia for the strict rule of the past.

Wiranto's candidacy has tapped into disillusionment with the country's experiment in democratic reform. Six years after Suharto's ouster, many Indonesians fret that order has given way to lawlessness, ethnic conflict and separatism in outlying islands, and that the rapid economic growth of the 1990s has been stalled by corruption.

"The euphoria of freedom over the last few years hasn't brought us any change in our lives except poverty and uncertainty," said Adi, 48, an employee of the provinical government who turned out to applaud the retired general.

Despite being indicted for crimes against humanity by a UN- supported tribunal in East Timor -- a charge he denies -- Wiranto, 57, has emerged as one of the most visible challengers to President Megawati Sukarnoputri in elections scheduled for July.

"After Indonesia underwent its transition to democracy, the expectations for justice, security and prosperity were not fulfilled," Wiranto said in a recent interview in Surabaya. "People demand that their expectations be fulfilled as soon as possible. They're concerned about the dignity of the nation. They need strong leadership."

Wiranto does not advocate a return to the one-man rule of the Suharto era. But he said the country's dash toward freedom has outstripped social responsibility. "There is new hope in society that a strong leader emerges from the power of the armed forces," he said.

During a campaign swing earlier this month across four islands of the Indonesian archipelago, Wiranto's motorcade of SUVs and black luxury sedans, escorted by police cruisers and private militiamen in Jeeps, sliced through gleaming rice fields and past remote villages. The convoy climbed the lush slopes of Bali's interior, far from the tourist hotels along the beaches, and battled the downtown traffic in the industrial city of Surabaya, where the entourage was joined by dozens of bicycle rickshaws festooned with yellow banners.

At rally after rally, he railed against what he described as Indonesia's slide into disorder. "The law has not been enforced. People can buy laws the way they buy secondhand goods in the markets," Wiranto told a crowd of about 5,000 people in Bandung, a provincial capital in the western hills of Java, Indonesia's main island. "Criminals have so much space to move. This is a mad era, a crazy era. We should not be influenced or we will go crazy ourselves ... Enough of waiting! Enough of suffering!"

Cheers rose from a sea of yellow T-shirts, placards and flags. Yellow is the color of the Golkar party, which Suharto had used to exert political control and award patronage. Wiranto is now looking to win the Golkar presidential nomination at a party convention in mid-April.

Defeated by Megawati's party five years ago, Golkar has resuscitated its organization and is now projected by some opinion surveys to be the favorite in April 5 parliamentary elections. But with Golkar's powerful chairman, Akbar Tandjung, also seeking the presidential nod, some Wiranto campaign officials said their candidate may need to find one or more smaller parties to endorse his run.

"Indonesia needs Wiranto now more than before," said Made Sukadi, 31, an auto mechanic who was taking part in a rally in the hamlet of Bangli. "Recent governments haven't done anything for us. Wiranto's been tested. He has discipline."

When Wiranto arrived in the town, he swapped his motorcade for a royal horse-drawn carriage, claiming his seat with perfect military posture, clad in a purple Balinese sarong with a garland of yellow flowers around his neck.

Hundreds of supporters surged forward along the main street past stunning vistas of verdant canyons and a distant volcano. Balinese musicians marched behind, crashing cymbals and pounding drums. People rushed to doorways and onto balconies to gawk and, in some cases, join the chant of "Long live Wiranto!"

"Wiranto is the only presidential candidate who has the capability to rule the country," said Ahmad Mamad, 32, a freelance driver at the rally. "With his military background, the country will go in a better direction. It has been proven that the Indonesian people are too stubborn to be led by civilians."

Wiranto's supporters say he demonstrated his integrity and commitment to constitutional rule when he helped ease Suharto from power, refusing an offer from the former leader to take control himself. These backers point to Wiranto's role in pushing for reform inside the armed forces after Suharto's resignation.

But the general's detractors accuse Wiranto of involvement in a series of atrocities, not only in East Timor but against democracy activists in Jakarta.

UN prosecutors in East Timor indicted Wiranto in February 2003 for his role in human rights abuses by Indonesian security forces in East Timor following its 1999 vote for independence from Indonesia. Between 1,000 and 2,000 East Timorese were killed in militia violence directed by Indonesian officers, according to US, UN and other foreign officials.

Last week, UN prosecutors at the special tribunal urged East Timor to seek an international arrest warrant for Wiranto. During separate proceedings in Jakarta that concluded last year, Indonesian judges acquitted 11 members of the security forces of abuses in East Timor while four others were sentenced to short prison terms, prompting US officials and human rights monitors to call the trials seriously flawed. Wiranto testified but did not face prosecution before the Jakarta tribunal.

US government officials said in January that the State Department had placed Wiranto on a watch list of indicted war crimes suspects, effectively barring him from entering the United States.

Wiranto said in the interview that the controversy over East Timor would not interfere with his foreign policy duties if he were elected president.

"For me, there's no problem because I've offered a very clear explanation about East Timor," he said. He added, "The facts show that my policies were far from those that fit the definition of a 'gross violation of human rights.'"

In his book, "Witness in the Storm," released on the eve of the political campaign, Wiranto says that only "some hundred lives" were lost in East Timor and that this was the result of fighting among East Timorese. He says the claim that Indonesian security officers and proxy militias were involved in human rights violations is a "pseudo reality" concocted by foreign journalists.

"Ironically, instead of receiving praise for the sacrifice they made, [Indonesian soldiers] now face trials in their own country due to pressure from other powers over allegations of actions which were impossible for them to commit and were never committed," he writes.

For Sumiati, 22, a grocery clerk who crowded into the rally at a Surabaya sports stadium, what matters is Wiranto's military rigor and record as a nationalist. What about the human rights charges? "That's what other countries say," she said after Wiranto had finished singing. "Why should we care? If we just listen to other people, we can't get anywhere."

[Special correspondent Natasha Tampubolon contributed to this report.]

Low expectations for Muslim parties at ballot box

Radio Australia - March 31, 2004

An Indonesian Muslim-based political party has accused rivals of pre-election dirty tricks by circulating a video compact disc which purports to show a key party member being baptised. The National Awakening Party (PKB), says the National Mandate Party and the Prosperous Justice Party have circulated a VCD featuring Abdurrahman Wahid, former president and the PKB's intended candidate for the presidential poll. Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim-populated nation, holds a general election on April 5 and a presidential poll on July 5. But amid the dirty tricks, the five Muslim parties competing in next week's parliamentary elections aren't expected to do well.

Presenter/Interviewer: Marianne Kearney

Speakers: Alvin Lie, PAN legislator; Almuzzamil Yusuf, Vice Chairman, Prosperous Justice Party

Kearney: An estimated 85 per cent of Indonesia's 220 million people claim they are Muslim, but strangely campaigning exclusively on Islamic issues is not a vote-winner here.

Even parties such as PAN led by famous Muslim figure, Amien Rais, say they will not be playing the religious card. PAN legislator, Alvin Lie explains why:

Lie: "We are not positioning ourselves as a Muslim party. From the political statistics in Indonesia shows the public will favour a party which is more nationalist than a religious party."

Kearney: From the political statistics in Indonesia, it shows the public will favour a party that is more nationalist than rather than a religious party.

Having been mired in leadership and corruption scandals over the past few years, most Islamic parties are expected to lose votes this election say analysts.

But the main reason conservative Islamic parties won't do well in these elections is because their push to introduce shariah or Islamic law, which is not popular amongst the vast majority of Indonesian muslims.

However one new Muslim party on the block, the Prosperous Justice Party is expected to buck this trend. The party is attracting thousands of young voters to its ranks, Analysts expect it to gain between 4-8 per cent of the vote, which is a massive jump from the 1.4 per cent of votes it won in the 1999 election.

The party's vice chairman Almuzzamil Yusuf, says this is because rather than campaigning on Islamic issues, the Justice Party has been focusing on one of Indonesia's greatest problems: corruption.

Yusuf: "Our party, compared to the other parties, you can say we are the most honest party, especially our members of Parliament. They are famous for their honesty."

Kearney: Developing a reputation for clean candidates might not sound like such a revolutionary concept but in Indonesia, where getting a parliamentary seat is viewed as a prime money-making opportunity, it is.

Legislators usually awarded themselves huge salaries, cars, and outrageous travel and clothing allowances. Last year the Jakarta budget for the salaries and expenses of 85 councillors, was five times the amount allocated for the millions of poor.

As Yusuf points out the Justice Party legislators have become well known for refusing to take bribes.

Yusuf: "In West Java, when the governor gave his members of Parliament 'thank you' money, each member of Parliament got 250- million rupiah. They gave a press conference and they distributed the money, in total 500-million rupiah to the poor people. In Irian Jaya, Papua, the majority they are Christian, but now people are talking about the Justice Party as the rival of Golkar and PDI-P. There was an earthquake last month, we sent our doctors and medicine to the area. At the same time the government, and the other parties, they did nothing."

Kearney: Shifting the party's focus away from campaigning for Islamic law to more pressing issues such as helping the poor and providing assistance for people in conflict areas is paying off, says analysts.

Most of the justice party's supporters are urban professionals and university students, such as Achmad a shopping centre manager, who likes the party because of its commitment to clean government and because it is reaching out to non-Muslims.

Achmad: "They can stop corruption and they have clean people. Then they can accomodate with others, not only Muslims."

Complex process ahead for voters

Radio Australia - March 31, 2004

Indonesians go to the polls on Monday in what will be the third free nationwide elections in the country's history. The ballot is to be the most complex and biggest single day event ever staged by a developing country. And there are concerns that some people will be left out of the process.

Presenter/Interviewer: Marion MacGregor

Speakers: Henry Valentino, senior advisor to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems; Smita Notosusanto, Executive Director of the Centre for Electoral Reform

MacGregor: Indonesia is a huge and complex society. Ditto, its electoral system. With about 147.3 million people expected to cast their votes in the parliamentary polls on Monday, there's possibly never been a bigger test of the democratic process. Henry Valentino is a senior advisor to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, IFES. in Jakarta.

Valentino: For the national legislature, there are 550 seats and there's over 7,700 candidates for the national seats. For the DPD, which is their new upper chamber, there are 128 seats and there's 940 candidates for those seats. For the DPRDs, which is the provincial level, there are approximately 50,000 candidates competing for over 1800 seats. There's also the city level legislatures, and they have about 390,000 candidates, and there's about 12,700 seats for those, so altogether you're looking at over 440,000 candidates.

MacGregor: If this sounds confusing, then pity the poor voters. They'll be presented with four ballot papers, some of which will be physically wider than the polling booths, with up to 336 candidates' names to choose from.

Valentino: It is certainly a different process than what was used in 1999, however if the voters vote in the same manner that they did in 1999 they can still cast a legal ballot. The difference this time is that they are also eligible to select a representative from that political party. So the option is with the voter, whether he or she wants to just select the party only or to select the party and the representative.

MacGregor: While the electoral reforms have been promoted as an expansion of the democratic process, the complex procedures have raised serious concerns about voter participation. The Executive Director of the Centre for Electoral Reform in Jakarta, Smita Notosusanto, says many people will be excluded.

Notosusanto: First on the list are those who are illiterate, because they cannot read the names of the candidates so they will probably only punch the symbol of the party, which is also valid. But also people who are beyond the reach of a ballot station or radio or newspaper, where most of the voter education information are printed or are broadcast.

MacGregor: At this stage, no party or candidate has a significant lead, leaving things very much in the hands of the voters. Pollsters are expecting at least a ninety per cent to turn out. And according to a recent IFES survey, most do understand the process. However Smita Notosusanto believes more than one in five votes cast will be invalid.

Notosusanto: In many of the mock elections that we did, many of the voters only punched for instance one candidate's name, or they punched the candidate's name but not under the political party symbol that they punched -- so cross voting -- and that's not valid.

MacGregor: To observers, the sheer scale of the election might seem to be the biggest obstacle. But Smita Notosusanto says it's not size but the failure of the authorities to educate voters that's the problem.

Notosusanto: I think there is very minimal effort from the government and the election commission to conduct large-scale and effective voter education. When we have three new systems, very early on voter education programs should have been conducted, not just two months before election day.

MacGregor: In just five days time, it'll all be over ... that is until July, when Indonesians will have to go through the process once again for the country's first direct presidential election ... with a second round after that if no one gets more than fifty per cent the first time around. Little wonder it's been called the year of voting frequently.

Hartono repeats blind support for Soeharto

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2004

Surabaya -- Defying mounting protests, former Army chief Gen. (ret) R. Hartono, leader of the Concern for the Nation Functioning Party (PKPB), has reiterated his calls asking PKPB supporters to be protectors of Soeharto.

"Not only loyalists, we are the protectors of Soeharto," Hartono addressed some 5,000 supporters while campaigning on Wednesday at the November 10 Stadium in Surabaya. He urged PKPB supporters to defend Soeharto's development policy, which once provided stability and prosperity for Indonesia.

He asserted that the Soeharto regime, which ruled the country for 32 years, was much better than the succeeding regimes that had ruled Indonesia. "Under the Soeharto regime, there were no bombings, all goods were cheap and the feeling of safety ran high," he said. He promised to bring back the good old days under Soeharto if the PKPB won the 2004 election.

Hartono was criticized by various quarters after he declared himself a Soeharto loyalist during a campaign in Yogyakarta. During the event, he also told Yogyakarta residents that they had an obligation to follow suit, as they were of the same ilk as Soeharto, a former ruler who was still being dogged by corruption charges. A Yogyakarta resident has filed lawsuit against Hartono on charges that he had insulted Yogyakartans.

Golkar's internal fight heats up as polls near

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- As the political party campaigns for the legislative election draw to a close, Golkar Party presidential hopefuls seem to have set their sights against one another.

Two admonishments issued recently by the party's central executive board (DPP) are indicative of the heightened rivalry between the candidates.

The first was addressed to media mogul Surya Paloh for his persistent criticism of corruption. Though he never mentioned names, it was a vague reference to incumbent party leader Akbar Tandjung.

Akbar was acquitted last month in a Rp 40 billion (US$4.8 million) graft case after a two-year legal battle. He is now facing a new legal suit from his former aide, Kito Irkhami, who claimed that Akbar had promised to pay him Rp 1 billion in order to help Akbar escape prison in the above case.

Akbar and Paloh are two of the six Golkar presidential hopefuls. The other four are Gen. (ret) Wiranto, Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto, Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla and businessman Aburizal Bakrie.

The DPP argued that Paloh's campaign speeches could ruin the party's image and were counterproductive to the party's strategy for winning the election, because he charged that the party was filled with many corrupt officials.

Political parties are campaigning from March 11 to April 1 for the April 5 legislative election. The election will pave the way for the 24 political parties to field their nominations for the presidency, provided they win at least 3 percent of the total votes cast by 147 million voters.

Ignoring the party's warning, Paloh has continued his onslaught, saying that he is only targeting the corrupt officials, not the party, and that the party should do something about corruption.

Akbar threatened to drop Paloh from Golkar's national vote- getters team if he continued to repeat his campaign theme.

A political observer from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) said the root of the rivalry was funding. "These political moves show that all candidates think that they should seize whatever opportunity in the campaigning period, on which they have spent a lot of money," said Ikrar Nusa Bakti.

Another DPP admonishment landed on Prabowo Subianto, a former Army general and son-in-law of former president Soeharto. The DPP claimed that Prabowo's commercial television spots exceeded the allowed air time and focused more on him than the party.

Political maneuvering inside Golkar was apparent when Akbar told a media conference prior to the campaigning period that all Golkar presidential aspirants, apart from himself, were allowed to campaign only in Java and Bali.

Ikrar said when the political fray subsided, Akbar would have the best chance of winning a nod from the convention due to the clout his position lent him and his powerful influence over party officials nationwide.

Golkar will hold a convention after the legislative election to determine its candidates for the presidency and vice presidency. Ikrar dismissed the chances of other candidates holding a showdown with Akbar in the convention, especially after his recent acquittal by the Supreme Court on corruption charges.

"It is useless for them to campaign because Akbar will eventually win the race. Wiranto and Prabowo seem to be using the convention as a testing ground while Aburizal is not too serious. Only Paloh seems earnest in the convention," he said.

He was suspicious that Golkar had merely used the candidates as cash cows for the party's campaign, while adding that a recent regulation issued by Akbar to prohibit candidates from joining other parties further enhanced Golkar's position.

PDI-P paints the town red

Straits Times - March 29, 2004

Laurel Teo -- Decked out in the party colour of blood red, tens of thousands of PDI-P supporters surged into the main arteries of Jakarta yesterday. They clogged up the city's traffic and forced the traffic police to close off some roads in the capital.

Crammed into buses, open-top lorries or riding pillion on motorbikes, the crimson tide surged towards the Bung Karno sports stadium in south-west Jakarta, where the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) was holding its last big bash in the final week of campaigning.

Party loyalists started streaming into the stadium as early as 9am and were kept entertained for hours by rock bands and top artistes. The crowd had swelled to about 20,000 by 2pm, when party chairman Megawati Sukarnoputri arrived.

In a voice that turned hoarse at times from the strain of shouting, she told them: "It seems that many who don't like me say, 'Hah! Ibu Mega is just a housewife. Yes, I am a housewife. But you have shown me that you love me!" she declared in ringing tones.

Ms Megawati sang and danced to rally support for her party, one of the biggest among the 24 contesting next Monday's poll.

Outside the stadium, thousands more paraded on the streets. They revved their motorbike engines noisily and brandished flags with the party logo -- a black bull with fiery red eyes and a white snout.

They kept the law enforcers busy throughout the day. In the Semanggi area alone, near the stadium, 400 traffic police came on duty as early as 4am. They and others hauled up plenty of PDI-P supporters for flouting rules, such as not wearing helmets or overloading vehicles. Traffic was so bad that many taxi drivers refused to take passengers heading anywhere near the stadium.

And even after the rally dispersed with the departure of Ms Megawati, the fever continued. A large lorry carrying a live band, singers and booming speakers, for instance, parked at the roundabout at Jalan Thamrin in downtown Jakarta. It stayed there playing PDI-P songs for 30 minutes, even as a long line of cars and buses began piling up behind it.

Though its presence was by far the most dominating, the PDI-P was not the only party campaigning yesterday.

In South Jakarta, the much smaller Democratic Party held another rally, which drew about 10,000 people, who listened to party candidate Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono speak on the need to reduce poverty and banish corruption.

With the other giant, Golkar, set to hold its final rally today, and other parties to follow, it looks like Jakarta residents won't be getting their peace back anytime soon. At least not until Thursday, when all campaigning is supposed to end.

The 'White Group' expresses its disenchantment

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

Endy M. Bayuni, Cambridge, Massachusetts -- How many people will stay away from the polling booths on April 5, or whenever the general election is eventually held? The number of people who boycott the election has always been a subject of a heated debate and speculation each time the country holds an election.

This year, political pundits predict that the number of those who choose not to vote will increase once again amidst growing disenchantment with the pace of political reforms under President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Those who purposefully boycott the election are still referred today as the Golongan Putih (or Golput in local slang). While it literally means the White Group, it has nothing to do with race. Instead, it refers to the blank ballots they intend to cast, either by not punching the ballot paper, or by destroying it when they are inside the polling booth.

The term was coined in 1971 to counter the mighty Golkar, Soeharto's political machine that won all six pseudo-elections held during his 3-decade reign as a means to achieve some semblance of political legitimacy. It was a political statement by those who viewed the election as a farce and sought to discredit Golkar, or Golongan Karya (Functional Group).

The Golput phenomena survives today although the term no longer is used to attack Golkar exclusively, but the entire electoral system, and to some extent, Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). Several student organizations have already announced that they were joining the ranks of this year's Golput.

The number of members of the White Group has never been known because some people stay away on election day for other reasons, and disenchantment may only be one of them. But whatever their size is, voter turnouts, both during Soeharto's time and in the first post-Soeharto election in 1999, have always been impressive by international standards. In the six elections Soeharto held, turnout never fell below 87 percent. In 1999, the first time Indonesia held a free and democratic election in four decades, turnout reached an impressive 93 percent.

These are figures that any democracy would envy. Most new democracies in Latin America, Eastern Europe and Asia would be satisfied with a 60 percent to 70 percent turnout, while most established democracies would be quite content with a 50 percent to 60 percent turnout.

A study by Stockholm-based International (IDEA) on voter turnout in elections in the world since 1945 put Indonesia in 8th place. The average turnout for the seven elections Indonesia has held is 91.5 percent of all registered voters. Australia and Singapore, where voting is compulsory, top the table, respectively with average turnouts of 94.5 percent out of 22 elections and 93.5 percent out of eight elections.

Admittedly, Indonesia's high turnout during the Soeharto years was achieved through the use of coercion to get the votes out, and through ballot rigging, including counting those Golput ballots as Golkar's.

But 1999 was probably an exception to the rule, because enthusiasm ran high for a nation that had just been liberated from the chains of repression. People had a wider range of choice -- 48 independent political parties to choose from, instead of just the three government-controlled parties under Soeharto. This year, voters still face a choice of 24 political parties, and for the first time, they also have an option to choose the candidates in their respective electoral districts, instead of just the party.

Still, most pundits agree that the turnout this year will not likely reach as high as 1999, mostly attributed to discontentment, not only with the current government of Megawati, but at the political system and the election. What they have not figured out is the size, although most agree that it will still remain insignificant by international standards.

In the absence of real statistics for Golput, the closest way of gauging its size is from the left over ballots and perhaps the a percentage of spoiled ballots. Their number could not have been more than 13 percent in the worst of times in 1987, and seven percent at best in 1999.

In other countries, such numbers would be considered too paltry to be seriously debated. So, then, why has there been such a big fuss over Golput? Over the last several decades, and certainly during the Golkar-Soeharto years, Golput was a political movement against Soeharto's political system. People voted with their feet. Golput became a form of civil disobedience that attracted disenchanted university students. They managed to evade arrest because no law required them to vote. The law only made it a crime if you encouraged or intimidated others not to vote. While the movement was never widespread, it was enough to ruffle a few feathers in the Soeharto regime.

Megawati Soekarnoputri, the incumbent president and chairman of PDI-P, used this tactic in 1997, the last general election under Soeharto, when she publicly announced that she was not going to exercise her right to vote, and urged her supporters in PDI (as her party was then called) to use their conscience in deciding whether to vote or not. She tactfully avoided making an outright call on them to follow her, which would have been a violation of the law, although it was clearly implied.

Instead, it was the Bishop Conference of Indonesia (KWI) leaders who were summoned by the authorities for telling parishioners that, "it is not a sin" not to vote if they felt that none of the three contesting parties represented their political interests.

It is a twist of irony then that, if we fast-forward to September 2003, President Megawati had the audacity to criticize the Golput folk as "bad citizens" when she met with the chairman of the General Election Commission, Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin. Several other officials of the government and her PDI-P have since also denounced Golput in the current run up to the general election.

Obviously, now that they have donned the mantle of the ruling party, they are concerned about their own image and reputation. They probably feel that they have made many changes in the political system and electoral laws that this year's election would be far more democratic, free and fair than past elections.

Granted that, but we also have to admit that the system is far from perfect and that there is always room for improvement. Even with 24 political parties, there are bound to be people who feel that they are still not represented.

The fact of the matter is that so long as voting is considered simply a right and not an obligation, people also have the right not to vote, and this right should be respected by all, and most of all the government.

Intimidating or coercing others into voting should be seen as infringing upon people's rights, just as encouraging or intimidating others not to vote is. People have the right to be disenchanted and to express this disenchantment by staying away from the polling booth on election day.

For all we know, those who stay away on voting day could just as well vote for the 25th non-existent party. It would be like ticking "none of the above" on the ballot. As a measurement of voters' disenchantment, it would probably not be a bad idea to include one such box in the ballot paper. We could accomplish two things at the same time: Bolster turnout, and find out how much real disenchantment there is today. Alas, that choice is not available in this year's ballot.

Our democracy can live with a less than perfect electoral turnout. In fact, even a 60 percent turnout would, by international standards, still be acceptable. Anything less, certainly for a new democracy like Indonesia, would be regarded as a thumbs-down by a huge portion of the electorate. The elected government would be ruling with weak legitimacy.

But politicians and pundits are not wrong in raising the concern at this early stage. Many other countries are grappling with the problem of low voter turnout. In the United States, where turnout in 2000 reached just above 50 percent of the voting age population, it is mainly, though not exclusively, about a generational issue.

The post baby-boomer generation is more likely not to vote, according to Pippa Norris in her seminal work Democratic Phoenix. former Democratic candidate Howard Dean won over some of them, and even managed to get them to participate in his campaign for the primaries. But now that he is out of the race, these young people are likely to stay away again in November.

Indonesia needs to deal with the issue before it becomes too big. In a democracy, voting is one form of people's political participation. Granted that there are other forms of civic engagement, but the health of democracy, especially a new one like Indonesia, is determined to a large extent by voter turnout.

Lest we change the law and make it mandatory for people to vote, the use of coercion is certainly not an option. Instead, we need to address the disenchantment, find out why people are staying away on ballot day. In most cases, we will probably find that it is because they do not care about politics. Since it is now the practice to review the electoral law every five years, then the lessons of 2004 should be taken in drafting the new law for 2009.

Ultimately, it is up to the 24 parties in this year's election to get the people out on April 5. In an election that is going to be closely contested, every vote counts, and the task for the contesting parties is to attract voters.

[The writer is currently studying at Harvard University under fellowships jointly provided by the Nieman Foundation, the Ford Foundation and the Asia Foundation.]

DPD candidates struggle to win crowd

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman and Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- During the 22-day legislative election campaign period, which will end on April 1, the contesting 24 political parties have dominated the wooing of voters, leaving Regional Representatives Council (DPD) candidates with the challenge of convincing the public about the prominent role of the soon-to-be established institution.

Each of the country's 32 provinces will be represented by four DPD members.

The parties are vying to garner as many seats as possible in the 550-member House of Representatives (DPR) and the Provincial/Regional Legislative Council (DPRD). Meanwhile, DPD candidates are campaigning independently of party representation, as they will be elected directly.

DPD aspirants have incorporated entertainment and souvenirs into their campaigns just to attract people to listen to their short speeches. Dangdut musical performances and campaign giveaways have become commonplace since campaigning kicked off on March 11.

DPD candidate Agus Rachman provided both music and gifts, but was unable to attract a sizable crowd to a soccer field in Mampang, South Jakarta, where he delivered his speech in between dangdut songs and lucky draws.

Only dozens of Agus' supporters, wearing a T-shirt emblazoned with his face, came to the field and paid attention to his political platform and programs. The campaign was still rolling when those assembled started to leave the venue to get out of the scorching afternoon sun.

"The campaign is not yet over, so I beg you, please, not to leave the venue. Stay here and enjoy the music that has been provided by our beloved candidate, Agus Rachman," a dismayed emcee addressed the crowd, who came mostly from the Betawi Fraternity Forum (Forkabi), representing native Jakartans.

Contrary to Agus' experience, DPD candidate Mooryati Soedibyo, owner of cosmetics and skin care giant PT Mustika Ratu, attracted 6,000 supporters to her campaign at the Senayan Tennis Indoor stadium, Central Jakarta.

The 75-year-old candidate spoke about women's empowerment and other related issues, which received a warm welcome from the audience, who frequently yelled in gleeful support of her. "Women have to be empowered and they have to be considered equal to men," she said, flanked by several finalists of the Miss Indonesia pageant.

No information was available as to whether Mooryati had asked Mustika Ratu employees to attend her campaign. Mooryati is among the few Jakarta DPD candidates who have a solid campaign budget to be able to afford television advertisement spots.

Without party backing, most DPD candidates are working with an extremely limited budget and are resorting to means other than public forums and print or electronic ads to get their messages out.

DPD candidate Gersonius Saragih opted only to distribute fliers and brochures bearing his face and candidacy number in strategic locations around the capital, while Yetty W. Mualim sent out 10 campaign workers to distribute notebooks to high school and university students.

Taking an entirely different approach, candidate Maemunah Chairan initiated a community welfare project in West Semper, North Jakarta, as part of her campaign.

Government finishes draft regulation to delay election

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

Jakarta -- The government has completed a draft decree that will be issued in the event that the general election cannot be held simultaneously nationwide or must be postponed altogether.

A Ministry of Justice and Human Rights official confirmed on Monday that the ministry had completed the draft decree. "We sent it to the Cabinet secretary this morning for enactment when necessary," said Director General of legislation Abdulgani Abdullah.

The decree has been drafted in response to calls for help from the General Elections Commission (KPU), which is in charge of organizing the elections, with the general election due on April 5.

Although the KPU said earlier it was upbeat that the election would be held on time despite several delays in the provision and distribution of election materials, it finally urged the government to draw up a regulation in lieu of law to ensure the legitimacy of the general election.

The draft decree considers a possible failure in distributing materials to electoral districts. The Election Law stipulates that all materials must reach their destinations 10 days before election day, or March 26, said Abdulgani.

In a meeting late on Monday, however, the KPU and the House of Representatives agreed that the legitimacy of the election was not an issue.

"There is no need to reschedule the election [in certain areas] although we failed to comply with the law in ensuring that all electoral materials arrived 10 days before election day," KPU chairman Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin said.

House speaker Akbar Tandjung called on the public not to blow the logistics and delivery problem out of proportion. "The important thing is for the election to take place simultaneously on April 5," he said as quoted by Antara. Akbar said a tripartite meeting between the House, the KPU and the president would follow soon to formalize the decree.

In a meeting with President Megawati Soekarnoputri, also on Monday, Nazaruddin admitted that remote areas were a particular worry regarding the distribution of electoral materials, despite his earlier optimism.

State/Cabinet Secretary Bambang Kesowo said a government regulation in lieu of law was needed to correct the situation, as the KPU had violated the law in not delivering the materials on time.

Meanwhile, Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, is short of three million ballot papers and several thousands of ballots were found to be damaged.

Local KPU head Mahally Fikri said some areas of the province could only be reached by helicopter. "We are in a state of panic, because many of the ballots are damaged and we cannot reach several areas," he said, and that he would seek help from the Indonesian Military (TNI) as soon as possible.

The Poso KPU office in Central Sulawesi has declared that it will not be able to hold the election on April 5, as it had received only 180,000 ballot papers for legislative candidates, while 900 ballots were damaged.

Similar concerns were raised by the Palu KPU office, also in Central Sulawesi, where officials said it was impossible for ballot papers to reach remote areas before April 5 if they did not arrived within two days.

In Manado, North Sulawesi, thousands of ballot papers came in the wrong color for one political party. The local KPU said the damaged papers numbered only a few thousands.

In East Nusa Tenggara, only one municipality has received all ballot papers, while the remaining 13 regencies were still awaiting an average 25 percent of their ballot quota.

Another problem arose in East Kalimantan, where local KPU officials said they received ballot papers intended for other provinces. The province has, however, received and distributed around 95 percent of ballot papers to its electoral districts.

Candidates exploit race during campaign

Jakarta Post - March 29, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- In this ethnically diverse country, the ideal of national unity is an important way to peace. However, a little digging into one's roots doesn't hurt either, especially for the aspiring candidates in this city of migrants: Jakarta.

Singer Vivi Effendy appeals to her people's Betawi roots, the native Jakartans who often feel marginalized; meanwhile, Hanan Soeharto, of Chinese descent, has his face posted all over areas where Chinese Indonesians are predominate; and the Batak language of the banners promoting Poltak Situmorang, is only understandable to those from his home province, North Sumatra.

They are among 38 aspiring candidates who contest the four seats of the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) representing Jakarta province. Each of the country's 32 provinces will have only four DPD members. Its powers will include recommending laws to the legislature. DPD candidates are not party-based and the body has no precedent in the nation's history, coming into existence following the recently amended 1945 Constitution.

The 38 candidates for Jakarta include a considerable number of the city's minorities -- 10 are Betawis and four are ethnically Chinese.

The candidates asserted on Friday they would not provoke sectarianism in garnering support. Ethnicity used to be shunned, especially during the 32-year rule of Soeharto ending in 1998.

Vivi, a popular dangdut singer of the 1970s, said that she only brought up her Betawi ethnicity in her campaign "because I was born and raised here." "Furthermore, Betawi people only account for 20 percent of the capital's total population, which I think [by itself] would be insufficient support for me," she said. She said she had campaigned to residents from many ethnicities.

However, Vivi's 20 percent would mean 1.5 million people if one goes by the official "night time" population figure of the city minus the commuters. So Vivi would have reached out to a fair share of the population when she addressed an applauding audience, "For quite a long time the Betawi people have suffered from [negative attitudes] of people from outside Jakarta. They never really cared about us, the Betawis. We have become aliens in our home."

Candidate Hanan Soeharto, a lawyer by training, said the large number of ethnic Chinese in the capital was only one of many reasons why he decided to run for the DPD. "With a little helping hand from God, I could be elected as a DPD member with a simple majority if all Chinese here cast their votes for me," said Hanan.

In his campaign, Hanan has staged the Chinese traditional lion dance, which was banned during the 32-rule of former president Soeharto administration. Hanan vowed that should he be elected, he would do his utmost to end discrimination against the Chinese people. However, he was quick to add, "I have also reached out to other ethnic and religious groups, and disenfranchised citizens" such as victims of eviction.

Poltak Situmorang, the candidate with a Batak background born in Pematang Siantar, North Sumatra, also insists he is running not only to represent his own ethnic group.

When asked about whether he was taking into account the large number of Batak people living in Jakarta, the 44-year-old candidate raised his voice: "Your question is irrelevant to the current social conditions. We should promote unity regardless of our ethnicity."

Megawati blamed for nation's failings

Jakarta Post - March 29, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- The Golkar Party's political campaign has fixed its guns on President Megawati Soekarnoputri, stepping up on rhetoric that blames her for the nation's many ailments.

"Megawati has to pay the political cost for the rampant corruption in the bureaucracy and judiciary system, the stagnant reform agenda, the sluggish economic recovery and her controversial policy on governors' elections in many provinces," Golkar strategist Bomer Pasaribu said referring to the Indonesian Party of Struggle (PDI-P) leader.

PDI-P strategist Jacob Tobing said it was not fair to lump all the blame on Megawati and her party.

The Golkar Party was former dictator and president Soeharto's political machine and kept him in power for 32 years. Soeharto was named last week as the world's most corrupt leader by Transparency International.

Pasaribu said many of those who gave voted for PDI-P in the 1999 election had returned to Golkar as they still did not trust the newer minority parties.

Based on a recent evaluations, Golkar's campaign activities throughout the country were on schedule and had been well received, he said. March 11 to April 1 is the designated campaign period for the 24 political parties contesting this year's elections.

"Golkar has been to almost all the electoral districts and our campaigning sites are inundated by yellow squads [of supporters] and eligible voters shifting their political preference from the ruling major party," he told The Jakarta Post by phone on Friday.

There are 211 provincial level electoral districts throughout the country, 32 for the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), 69 at national level and 1,746 at the regental/municipal level with a total of nearly 600,000 polling booths.

Tobing said his party remained determined to win swinging votes in electoral districts dominated by Golkar, the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the United Development Party (PPP).

"So far, our strategy is showing itself effective in almost all electoral districts and our studies show we can maintain the confidence of voters who supported PDI-P in the 1999 elections. We are now entering other parties' strongholds in West Java, East Java, Aceh, South Sulawesi and Papua," he said.

Both Pasaribu and Tobing said their parties' strategies aimed to attract the grass-roots level, while development programs and economic policy would be left to their presidential candidates to campaign for.

Golkar, condemned following former president Soeharto's downfall in May 1998, was regaining the people's confidence as it did in six consecutive elections from 1973 to 1997, Pasaribu said.

Found by a group of bureaucrats and the military in 1964, Golkar came under fierce attack by the reformist movement in 1998 for its support for Soeharto but was allowed to contest the 1999 elections.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Akbar under threat again

Straits Times - March 30, 2004

Derwin Pereira Jakarta -- A dagger is pointing again at Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung's political future.

Barely a month after being freed by the Supreme Court for corruption, he is facing another damning scandal that could derail his presidential bid.

A former government prosecutor has accused the leader of reneging on promises to pay him for inside information on his graft trial.

Mr Kito Irkhamni, former aide of Attorney-General M.A. Rachman, said Mr Akbar hired him in July 2002 to spy on court discussions of his corruption trial and to "convince" judges that he was innocent.

During this period, he was given two cheques worth 325 million rupiah (S$63,800) for 'operational expenses'.

The scandal

Former attorney-general aide Kito Irkhamni has accused Mr Akbar Tandjung (right) of hiring him in July 2002 to spy on court discussions of his corruption trial.

Mr Kito was allegedly given two cheques worth 325 million rupiah (S$63,800) for expenses, but he claims he is still owed 1 billion rupiah in fees.

But Mr Kito claimed that a sum of 1 billion rupiah was still owed to him as fees for his services -- an amount he has asked Mr Akbar to now pay together with another 5 billion rupiah in material damages.

The Golkar chairman swiftly brushed aside the charges, but his supporters are concerned this will provide more fodder for his enemies within and outside the party to discredit him.

His rivals had long hoped that a guilty verdict against him in the two-year-long corruption scandal would have barred him from entering the presidential race.

But the decision by the judges to exonerate him last month did what they feared most: It allowed him to consolidate his grip on Golkar, a move that may well see him emerge as the party's top contender for the presidency.

A Golkar executive told The Straits Times: "The dagger is still pointing at Akbar. He survived the first round. This is Act 2 of the plot to finish him off."

Indeed, sources reveal that the latest revelation is part of an internal power struggle in Golkar between Mr Akbar and his principal challengers -- former military commander Wiranto and media magnate Suryo Paloh -- both of whom are taking part in the Golkar convention next month.

The Akbar camp believes the two may have had a hand in getting Mr Kito to go public with the information.

A Golkar member charged that Mr Kito had "a reputation of serving two masters as long as they are prepared to pay a price for his loyalty". "Kito served Akbar and may or may not have been paid," he said. "Now, he sees the opportunity to get something more by working with his enemies."

His track record is telling. The source revealed that last year, for example, he tried to undermine the Attorney-General by making public documents that disclosed he had not fully declared his assets to the government.

Then, speculation was rife that he was acting in cohort with a group of legislators from the Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle that was conspiring to topple Mr Rachman. Backed by President Megawati Sukarnoputri, Mr Rachman stayed on in office. Mr Kito was fired, but he carved out a niche as a broker in high-profile court cases, including Mr Akbar's.

Will the Golkar chairman survive Act 2? On the surface, Mr Kito's allegation appears to have dented Mr Akbar's credibility further -- but not his resolve.

Mr Akbar is a wily politician and a survivor who sees Golkar's phoenix rising this year -- and his own star shining if his party does well in the April 5 election. His rivals could seek to undermine his credibility by using the media to blow up the scandal. But they will not be able to hold a candle to him if Golkar does well in the polls.

As chairman, he will take credit for the victory and reinforce his hold on the party. The dagger will then point in the direction of his enemies. Or will there be an Act 3?

AGO told to use lawsuit to reopen Tandjung graft case

Jakarta Post - March 29, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The Attorney General's Office (AGO) could use the recent civilian lawsuit, involving an alleged bribery attempt by Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung, to file for judicial review with the Supreme Court, but a legal expert doubted on Saturday that the office would dare to do it.

"There's no precedent for it yet in this country, but it could be done," said Rudy Satrio of the University of Indonesia school of law over the weekend.

He stressed, however, that the Attorney General's Office could use the civil case as fresh evidence to file for judicial review only if the case convincingly proved that bribery caused the prosecutors to "weaken their indictment on Akbar, or it managed to persuade the judges to issue a verdict that was the opposite to what it should have been". "But I don't think they would dare to do it because it would amount to a humiliation for both institutions," Rudy said.

Kita Irkhamni, a former aide of Attorney General M.A. Rachman, filed a civil suit against Akbar, one of Golkar's presidential hopefuls, last week, accusing him of breaching a verbal agreement to pay him Rp 1 billion (US$114,000) to monitor his corruption case, influence the judges and arrange meetings between the judges and Akbar.

Akbar was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to three years in jail by the Central Jakarta District Court, a verdict upheld by the Jakarta High Court but overturned by the Supreme Court.

Kito alleged that Akbar had failed to fulfill his promise despite his acquittal from charges of misappropriating Rp 40 billion in funds belonging to the State Logistics Agency (Bulog).

According to Rudy, the civil suit could not be considered as fresh evidence for judicial review because it was not an integral part of the graft case. According to the Criminal Code Procedure, the only party eligible to file for judicial review is the convict or a member of his family, not the prosecutors.

"There was a case in the past in which the Attorney General's Office filed for judicial review, but upon the intervention of the government," Rudy said, referring to the New Order government.

The office is currently seeking possible fresh evidence to file for judicial review with the Supreme Court. A team has been set up for that purpose.

Separately, Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) chairman Taufiqurrohman Ruki said the commission, based on solid evidence, could look only into possible irregularities in the Supreme Court's decision in favor of Akbar.

The KPK, Ruki said, had yet to make a decision following the recent civil suit against Akbar filed by a former aide to Attorney General M.A. Rachman. Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) has urged the KPK to investigate allegations of bribery by Akbar.

Kito is known as the whistle-blower who revealed to the public information about some property of Rachman that was not declared to the Civil Servants' Wealth Audit Commission (KPKPN).

Rachman was reported by the KPKPN to the police two years ago, but the police have yet to receive permission from President Megawati Soekarnoputri, who leads the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), to question the attorney general.

Several days before he filed his lawsuit against Akbar, Kito withdrew his testimony against Rachman, previously made to the police.

Regional/communal conflicts

Reinforcements arrive in Poso

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2004

Ruslan Sangadji and Irvan NR, Poso/Palu -- Calm has been restored in the troubled regency of Poso, Central Sulawesi, on Wednesday after a series of shooting incidents that killed a reverend and badly injured an academic.

Around 100 police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) personnel arrived in the religiously divided area from Jakarta to help provide tight security there, as the late Reverend Freddy Wuisan, was buried peacefully in a funeral.

At the same time, local leaders met at their legislative council to discuss the security situation ahead of the April 5 legislative election.

The meeting was attended by Poso Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Abdi Dharma Sitepu, local military commander Lt. Col. IGK Rai Gunawan, Situwu Maroso Operation task force chief Sr. Comr. M. Rum, local administration secretary Awad Al-Amri and Poso General Elections Commission head Yasin Mangun.

Yasin said the meeting could not determine if the election should go ahead as scheduled on Monday, as the group was waiting to be updated on the latest developments.

Police and soldiers stationed at a security post in Tumora village in Poso Pesisir, were continuing to examine cars traveling to and from the regency, he said.

There are some 3,500 police and soldiers deployed in the Poso area, which has often erupted into sporadic violence, despite the 2001 peace accord between Muslim and Christian leaders to end two years of fighting in 2000.

"The task of the police and soldiers there will become increasingly difficult because they will also have to secure the April 5 election," Central Sulawesi Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Agus Sugianto said in the provincial capital, Palu.

Police were questioning a man of Arab descent who was arrested on Tuesday night for his alleged involvement in the recent shootings, he said. Agus refused to name the suspect.

He said the police and soldiers were searching for other suspects and had strengthened their coordination in Poso to prevent more attacks.

On Tuesday, Freddy was shot dead in the chest by gunmen. Hours later Rosia Pilongo, the 36-year old dean of the law school at Sintuwu Maroso University, was badly injured in a shooting sustaining wounds to her head and right hand.

The incidents followed another attack on Saturday that killed Jhon Christian Tanalida, a villager from the Kawua subdistrict.

Abdi said a preliminary investigation showed Rosia was not the likely target of the gunmen, who apparently wanted to kill the university's rector J. Kogege. In 2002, Kogege was shot in the arm while driving his car in Poso, he said.

Rosia was moved from Poso General Hospital on Wednesday to the Christian Hospital in Tentena for further treatment after a bullet was removed from her head. "[Rosia] has suffered serious bleeding. But we are optimistic we will be able to save her life," Mappicara, a doctor, said.

Many lecturers and students of the university suspended academic activities on Wednesday and visited Rosia in hospital.

Abdi said the renewed violence was aimed at trying to create disturbances in Poso, where peace and security had largely been restored. Disrupting the elections and revenge attacks were also likely motives. Police were still investigating, he said.

Boarder & security issues

New bill to require youths to join military service

Jakarta Post - March 29, 2004

Tiarma Siboro and Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Claiming that the number of military personnel remains far from enough to guard the country's vast territory, the Ministry of Defense is drafting a bill that would require youths to perform military service.

The ministry's director general for defense strategy, Maj. Gen. Sudrajat, said that under the civilian participatory defense concept, the youths would be recruited and trained to support the Army's strike force.

He said the lack of military ground weaponry was the reason why the ministry was not focusing on maritime defense, despite the fact that Indonesia is an archipelagic country.

"We [the ministry] are drafting the legislation in compliance with Law No. 3/2002 on national defense, that mandates us to regulate the use of the Indonesian Military [TNI] as the main component of the state's defense, and the use of reserves and support units," Sudrajat told The Jakarta Post over the weekend.

Another aim of the program is to boost national character building and "implant nationalism" among youths, according to the Sudrajat.

Based on the proposal, which is being discussed by the ministry's officials, the draftees -- high school graduates of both sexes aged 17 years or above -- would be obliged to undergo basic military training for two months.

Fellow ASEAN member countries Singapore and Vietnam have adopted a similar defense concept. Malaysia has just introduced compulsory military service for youths.

With its population exceeding 215 million, Indonesia has around 400,000 military personnel, most of whom are in the Army. The country also has 17,000 islands.

Sudrajat, however, admitted that the proposal would need further discussion, especially regarding funding. "I'm not sure whether the state could implement such a program in the next five or 10 years, and, of course, the military has been capable of overcoming the threats this country has faced thus far," he said. Indonesia imposed mandatory military service in the 1960s when the country fought the Dutch over West Papua.

At that time, Indonesia spent huge sums to buy weaponry from Russia, including tanks, MiG jet fighters, and trucks. However, it continued to lack military personnel.

While admitting the compulsory military service for youths was not uncommon, military expert Ikrar Nusa Bakti warned against the use of civilian forces to fight against domestic threats.

"The bill must clearly ban the deployment of civilian forces to combat rebels. The program must be designed to counter foreign threats," he told the Post on Sunday.

Ikrar, a researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), expressed fears that the poor discipline of Indonesian people would pose dangers if such a program were to be implemented.

"I'm afraid civilians who possess military skills would only commit crimes or do destructive things when faced with economic hardship," he said. He warned that even regular soldiers regularly breached discipline, including deserting from the military to join separatist groups in Aceh and Papua.

What Defense Law No. 3/2002 says about military service for civilians:

- Article 7 (2): In case of military threat, the national defense system gives the Indonesian Military (TNI) the main role, with assistance from reserve and support units.

- Article 9 (1): Every citizen has the right and is obliged to defend the country.

- Article 9 (2): Citizens' participation in national defense shall be arranged through: a. civic classes, b. basic compulsory military training, c. voluntary or mandatory drafting into the TNI, d. pursuing military careers

Local & community issues

Kampar teachers questioned for orchestrating protest

Jakarta Post - March 30, 2004

Haidir Anwar Tanjung, Pekanbaru -- Although Kampar has seemingly returned to normal after the recent dismissal of Kampar regent Jefri Noer, police plan to summon teachers who allegedly ordered and mobilized students to hold massive protests against the controversial regent.

Riau Provincial Police headquarters had summoned three teachers to clarify their role in the protests, and it plans to summon another 16 teachers for questioning, said Riau Police spokesman Adj. Sr. Comr. Syarif Pandiangan on Monday.

"They are being summoned by the police due to allegations that they have violated the law on child protection," said Syarif.

Syarif said that the three were Basrun, the acting head of education and sports office at Kampar regency administration, M. Yasir, the chairman of the All Indonesia Teachers Association (PGRI) Kampar branch and Abdul Muis, the head of the education and sports office at Siak Hulu district in Kampar.

The three teachers reported to the Riau Police headquarters in Pekanbaru on Monday and were questioned at the Riau Police detective unit.

"The three are now being questioned as witnesses," said Syarif, adding that whether they would be named suspects depended on further findings.

Syarif said that the three would be charged with violating Law No. 23/2003 on child protection, which carries a maximum sentence of five years in prison.

Syarif accused the teachers of manipulating and mobilizing students to join the protests and strike against regent Jefri Noer during the course of 12 days, paralyzing classes in the regency. They were also charged with engineering another series of protests about two weeks ago.

He said that the police had collected evidence including a circular dated March 21 that asked teachers and students in the regency to stage a strike. The circular also asked the students and teachers to take to streets to demand Jefri's resignation.

"After the three teachers, we will summon others. We actually planned to summon them all when the protests ended, but situation was bad at that time. We had to wait until the situation returned to normal," he said.

M. Yasir, the chairman of PGRI's Kampar branch, refused to talk about the substance of the investigation. "I am still at Riau Police headquarters under questioning, the investigation is not over yet," he told The Jakarta Post.

Separately, Yuwilis, the lawyer of the three teachers, rejected police' accusations. He said that the teachers did not mobilize and manipulate students in the protest, rather the students protested of their own volition.

The brouhaha in Kampar began last month after Jefri ordered a school principal to leave a meeting between teachers and the regent. The move sparked major protests, in which student and teacher protesters demanded his resignation. Jefri was subsequently dismissed by the Kampar Legislative Council and the decision was upheld by the central government.

Human rights/law

UK gives green light for Indonesian war crimes

Campaign Against Arms Trade (UK) - April-May 2004

Nicholas Gilby and Richie Andrew -- The Government says "our position on human rights is clear and unequivocal", and that it "does not want to see British-built military equipment contribute to human rights abuses or fuel conflict overseas".

Our investigations can now expose how vacuous such statements are. Prior to August 2002, the Indonesian Government agreed not to use UK-supplied equipment in the Indonesian province of Aceh, and to inform the UK in advance if it planned to do so. These conditions were set down because of the war in Aceh, and the appalling human rights situation there, largely brought about by Indonesian Army (TNI) violence.

We recently discovered that after the Indonesians in August 2002 told the FCO they would use UK-made APCs in Aceh for casualty removal, the FCO used this opportunity to agree to TNI using any UK-equipment without any advance notification. Jack Straw wrote to the Quadripartite Committee to tell them about the vehicles for casualty removal but not the changed conditions (discovered after questioning by Jeremy Corbyn in Parliament 10 months later).

The context is crucial. The level of violence in Aceh in 2002 had increased to a horrific level from that seen in 2000 and 2001. In the FCO's own words (Annual Human Rights Report 2002 -- covering July 2001 to July 2002) it says (page 32) "In Aceh there was a rise in the level of violence following the expiry of the Humanitarian Pause in January 2001 and the majority of casualties have been civilians".

Reporting from [the British human rights organisation] Tapol corroborates the conclusion. For example, in April/May 2002 Tapol reported that the daily death toll in 2001 was 10 per day, mostly non-combatants, calling 2001 "a very bleak year". In September 2002 TAPOL reported that in 2002 the death toll, mostly civilians, was around 15 a day. In December Tapol said that the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) had increased 50% in 2002 from 2001, strongly suggesting the level of violence increased in 2002.

To give you an idea what life in Aceh is like under TNI, the latest Human Rights Watch Report Aceh Under Martial Law on page 24 gives a typical (not sexed-up) example: "He was a small child, a boy and he went to the market to buy fish for his mother. The TNI stopped him, checking him because he was buying fish. A soldier said to him Where did you get this fish from? The boy replied, No, I am going to give it to my mother. I want to go home. The TNI were accusing him and threatening him. He was threatened with a gun.

The soldier said, You surely want to give this fish to GAM [the separatists]. After that the boy was really frightened. His answers were not so clear, he was really panicked. So the soldiers took him and threw him into the military truck. The seven soldiers, the others stayed in the market. The seven soldiers were wearing TNI camouflage uniforms. After that his body turned up on the side of the road. I saw the body. There was a bullet wound in his forehead. Just one. The back of his head was all destroyed, and his body was full of red marks, red torture marks."

The FCO decision to relax the conditions on the use of UK equipment in Aceh in August 2002, while human rights abuses were rampant and escalating gave a green light for war crimes to TNI. At the same time during 2002 the Government tripled the number of licences issued for arms to Indonesia (182 from 54 in 2001) as well as the value by more than double (41 million Pounds from 15.5 million Pounds in 2001).

The TNI got the message! Subsequently, Scorpion tanks, Hawk aircraft and Saracen armoured personnel carriers joined the war in Aceh in 2003. In January this year the Guardian reported that "local television has shown heavy machine guns mounted on Scorpions firing at alleged separatist positions on several occasions since they were deployed to the restive north Sumatran province in June."

The FCO say none of this matters because they have assurances from TNI that the weapons will not be used "offensively" or "in breach of human rights".

Human Rights Watch says "known human rights abusers have played significant roles in the preparation and conduct of the war in Aceh". Sjafie Sjamsoeddin, described by UN investigator James Dunn as "implicated as one of the key military officers responsible for the development of the TNI strategy that led to serious crimes against humanity in East Timor," commanded a unit that used Scorpions against protesters in 1998. Last May he said he had no problem in breaching the assurances "For us, we have already paid so there is no problem. We use fighters [Hawks] to defend our sovereignty".

The FCO's assurances come from an institution that committed crimes against humanity just five years ago, and has deployed some of those criminals to Aceh. One commander has used UK equipment to abuse human rights previously.

CAAT and Tapol recently challenged the Government to explain its actions. The explanation given for relaxing the assurances is to "bring practice in line" with the EU criteria. It was unnecessary -- operative paragraph 2 of the criteria explicitly state member states can have more restrictive national policies if they want to.

At the Quadripartite Committee recently Straw defended arms to Indonesia by saying "the security forces have a legitimate right to adequate protection whilst carrying out their duties, as long as they operate in accordance with international human rights standards and humanitarian law." As Human Rights Watch have documented for the past few years, that is precisely the opposite of what TNI do in Aceh. Straw also said "we are not turning a blind eye to anything".

But conveniently TNI have closed Aceh to the world, meaning their operations can be conducted without oversight, guaranteeing the FCO can maintain its "see no evil, hear no evil" line. In another sense the Government is not turning a blind eye. It knows full well what it is doing as the evidence shows the FCO s "position on human rights is clear and unequivocal".

Reconciliation & justice

Bodies of Tanjung Priok victims dumped at sea

Kompas - March 30, 2004

Jakarta -- Witness Syarifin Maloko has admitted to obtaining data on the disposal of bodies from the Tanjung Priok(1) incident which were dumped over the Thousand Islands and Snake Island [off the coast of Jakarta]. This data was obtained from a document sent by an army helicopter pilot which stated that on the night after the Tanjung Priok incident he received instructions from his superior to dispose of the bodies of Tanjung Priok victims over the islands.

This was related in Maloko's testimony at a hearing into the Tanjung Priok gross human rights violations before the defendant, Sutrisno Mascung, a former commander of the III Yon Arhanudse-06 Regiment, on Monday March 29 at the Ad Hoc Human Rights Court in Jakarta.

The hearing, which was chaired by presiding judge Andi Samsan Nganro, heard only the testimony of Maloko who was one of the preachers who give a lecture during a religious recitation on the night of the Tanjung Priok incident.

At yesterday's hearing, Maloko stated that as a result of the Tanjung Priok incident he was tried and accused of subversion and sentenced to 10 years jail. He also said he had initiated the establishment of National Solidarity for the Tanjung Priok Incident (Sontak) and had conducted investigations and uncovered data on the incident.

Included in the data he obtained was a document sent by a helicopter pilot on the transfer of the bodies of Tanjung Priok victims to the Thousand Islands. "On the instructions of his superior, he flew the bodies of the Tanjung Priok victims as many as three times to and from the Thousand Islands. There were [bodies] which were thrown into the sea and [others] which were thrown out over Snake Island". (SON)

Notes:

1. On 12 September 1984, dozens of people were killed and injured when troops fired on Muslim demonstrators in the port district of Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Focus on Jakarta

NGOs slam Sutiyoso's policies

Jakarta Post - April 1, 2004

Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- Two non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have criticized Governor Sutiyoso administration's policies on eviction and the environmental and for delaying important projects.

Jakarta Residents Forum (Fakta) chairman Azas Tigor Nainggolan said at the City Council on Wednesday that on a scale of zero to 10, Sutiyoso's administration would only score 2.8 for performance.

Responding to the governor's budget speech, Tigor slammed the administration for its eviction policy. "The administration conducted 27 evictions in 2003, causing 13,352 families to lose their homes," he told councillors from the Justice Party (PK) and the National Mandate Party (PAN).

Besides evicting squatters, the administration also evicted street vendors on 49 occasions, rendering 17,592 people jobless.

Jakarta Public Order Agency head Soebagio revealed last October that the intensive eviction of squatters across the capital was related to budget spending by relevant agencies. He said that one office, namely the Jakarta Public Works Agency, had allocated Rp 32 billion for riverbank improvements, which included clearing the banks of shanties.

Tigor also criticized the council's factions for always accepting the governor's budget speech even though many of them criticize his policies on the poor.

Fakta assessed Sutiyoso's administration in eight areas of performance: forceful eviction, dealing with dengue fever outbreaks, waste management, transportation management, education, pollution, flood management and security.

In the eight areas, eviction, waste and transportation management came first, second and third respectively in terms of poor performance.

Meanwhile, Independent Forum for Budget Transparency (Fitra) advocacy coordinator Uchok Sky Khadafi focused his criticism on the city's policy on the environment. He said officials who were supposed to protect the environment did not investigate environmental damage quickly enough.

"They only make a move when they get reports from the media or activists about environmental damage," Uchok said. He cited the pollution caused by Cilincing dump as an example that the city was unaware of how to protect the environment.

Due to the temporary closure of Bantar Gebang dump in Bekasi earlier this year, the capital's 6,000 tons of daily waste was dumped on open land in Cilincing, North Jakarta. The dumping polluted shrimp and fish farms nearby, causing farmers to suffer over Rp 700 million (US$81,395) in losses.

Fitra also criticized the administration's delay of projects and the significant changes to some plans. The administration came under fire last year for spending 25 percent of the total Rp 11.5 trillion city budget in the first semester. Some important projects, including the construction of the East Flood Canal and waste management facilities, have yet to commence.

Significant changes to the busway project, launched on January 15, have also been criticized as it still fails to encourage private car owners to switch to public transportation and only worsens traffic conditions, Fitra said.

Business & investment

Foreign direct investments down 66 percent

Dow Jones Newswires - March 29, 2004

Jakarta -- Approved foreign direct investment in Indonesia fell 66 percent in the January-February period to US$805.4 million from $2.4 billion a year earlier, Bisnis Indonesia reports.

In the same period, the value of planned local investment rose 19 percent to Rp 3.07 trillion from Rp 2.58 trillion, the report says, citing data from the official Investment Board.

Analysts had expected total investment in Indonesia to slow down due to the parliamentary elections in April and presidential polls in July.

The report says Japan was at the top of the approved foreign direct investment list for the first two months of the year, with total planned investment of $401.3 million, followed by the UK with $157 million, Brazil with $70.6 million, and Thailand with $32 million.