Aceh

GAM members receive prison terms

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2004

Apriadi Gunawan, Medan -- A panel of judges at Medan district court sentenced on Thursday 10 members of the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) to between two and 10 years in jail for acts of terrorism.

Of the 10, two were top brass in GAM's Medan Deli area of operations. This was the first trial in Medan to decided the fate of leading GAM personnel.

In the hearing, which was tightly guarded by dozens of police, the panel of judges sentenced GAM Medan Deli commander Manaf Abdi to 10 years in jail and his deputy M. Yahya to six years.

Eight other GAM members were given sentences of varying length: Abdullah Sulaiman received six years, T. Said Azhar nine, Anwar Adan six, Musliadi eight, T. Mustafa Halim two, Nasrul nine, Tengku Zainal two and Tengku Abid Johan five years.

The 10 were jailed for their respective roles in a spate of bombings in Medan in 2002 and 2003. They were charged with involvement in the bombings of ASEAN Hotel International on August 17, 2002, the office of the Medan Mayor on March 31, 2002, and a gas pipe network belonging to state oil and gas company Pertamina on Jl. Medan Belawan on April 1 last year.

All the defendants were charged with violating the Law on Terrorism 2003.

No fatalities were reported in the incidents, a fact that might have led the judges to hand down more lenient sentences to the convicted bombers. The sentences were mostly less than what had been sought by prosecutors during the course of the trial.

Manaf Abdi's sentence, for example, was much more lenient than demanded. The prosecutor had demanded a jail sentence of 20 years, but in the end Manaf was given only 10. According to the judges, Manaf received a heavier sentence than the others because he had planned and funded the bombings.

Abid Saleh, one of the judges delivering the verdict, said that Manaf was known to have attended and led several meetings before the bombings were carried out. The defendant handed over money to the executors of the bombings, amounting to Rp 800,000. The defendant also ordered another defendant, Musliadi, to take four homemade bombs from Aceh to Belawan seaport, Medan.

After the trial was over Manaf told The Jakarta Post that he could not accept the verdict. He asserted that an Indonesian court had no right to prosecute him and the other defendants, because, he said, the bombings were part of an international dispute between the countries of Indonesia and Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam.

"Only the International Court of Justice has the right to prosecute us," he said.

Prosecutions of GAM members have frequently been held in district courts across the archipelago. Those convicted have occupied cells in several parts in the country, depending on where the prosecutions were held.

Data on how many GAM members have already been prosecuted is not available, but hundreds have been arrested following the imposition of martial law in Aceh in May last year.

The Indonesian Military has estimated that GAM had some 5,000 active members.

Military kills eight rebels in restive Aceh

Agence France Presse - February 26, 2004

Indonesian troops have killed eight separatists in Aceh province, the military said Monday.

Two of the eight Free Aceh Movement (GAM) members were killed in a skirmish in Nagan Raya district on Sunday, said Lieutenant Colonel Asep Sapari, an Aceh military spokesman.

He said army troops shot dead the other six in separate clashes on Saturday. "We have received confirmation from officers who were involved in the skirmishes with GAM," he said, adding that six guerillas had also surrendered to the military since Saturday.

Troops seized two Kalashnikov rifles, a satellite phone and hundreds of rounds of ammunition, Sapari said. No GAM officials could be immediately reached for comment.

Sapari said last Thursday that the Indonesian military had stopped publishing figures for killed rebels.

More than 1,300 guerrillas have been killed since the start of a military offensive May 2003 and 2,000 others have been arrested or have surrendered out of an initial GAM force estimated at about 5,000, the military has said.

Human rights groups have questioned whether all those in the casualty count were actually rebels, partly because the number of weapons the military seized from the dead was fewer than half the number of casualties.

Aceh military goes after activists

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- The Aceh martial law administrator has vowed to go after non-governmental organization (NGO) activists in the province, saying many of them were accomplices of the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

"What is certain is that the activists arrested [by security officers] are involved in the separatist movement," martial law administration spokesman Col. Ditya Sudarsono said on Wednesday.

Ditya was asked to confirm the rampant arrests of activists in troubled province Aceh. At least three activists are now being detained by security officers in Aceh and many more have been placed on the wanted list.

"We don't consider them activists, but people who either sympathize with GAM or openly help the rebels," Ditya told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.

He also admitted that many activists in Aceh had fled to Jakarta and other provinces outside Aceh. "Outside Aceh they are shouting that the military has committed abuses in Aceh. They [activists] do not change the situation for the better," Ditya said.

The Aceh martial law administration, according to Ditya, is determined to pursue those activists wherever they go. "Clearly their actions hurt national interests. They have to be arrested and questioned," he stressed. He declined to reveal the number of activists the martial law authority was targeting.

National and international NGOs have slammed the abduction of six student activist in Aceh recently by the police and demanded their immediate release.

The six detainees were identified as Harlina (22), Nova Rahayu (23), Nursida (22) from the Acehnese Democratic Women's Organization (ORPAD), Iwan Irama Putra from the Linge Students Network (IMPEL), and Syafruddin from the Students' Solidarity with the People (SMUR).

The last was Masrizal, who is reportedly a member of GAM's military wing. The six were students of Syahkuala University and Ar-Rainiry Islamic Teaching Institute (IAIN) in the Aceh capital of Banda Aceh. NGOs have said the students are human rights activists and were arrested as they had uncovered grave human rights violations since the imposition of martial law on May 19 last year.

The government declared war against the Acehnese rebels in May last year to crack on the separatist movement which has been fighting for independence for the resource-rich province since 1976.

Meanwhile, AFP reported that the police are denying access to a detained activist who has reportedly been beaten up. A lawyer and his wife have since last week been barred from visiting Muhammad Nazar, the head of the Aceh Referendum Information Centre.

The centre campaigns for an independence referendum in the province in Sumatra island, where police and troops are battling separatist guerrillas.

Aceh's war for 'hearts and minds'

BBC News - February 25, 2004

Rachel Harvey, Aceh -- It has been more than nine months now since the Indonesian government launched its military campaign in the north-western province of Aceh.

The stated aim was to crush separatist rebels of the Free Aceh Movement, known by its Indonesian acronym, Gam. It was meant to be all over in six months, but it has not turned out that way.

The rebels have been pushed away from the major towns and roads, where the security forces now have control. But elsewhere the fighting is continuing. And the death toll is rising.

According to figures provided by the military authorities, more than 1,300 suspected rebels have been killed, and around 2,000 have surrendered or been captured.

But the Indonesian military spokesman in the regional capital, Banda Aceh, Colonel Ditya Soedarsono, said the success of the operation should not be measured in terms of body counts. "What we want is for our brothers to come back to the Republic of Indonesia" he said. "The main aim now is to win hearts and minds."

Information

The security forces are appealing to the public for help. One group, calling itself the Anti-GAM Front, has responded to the call.

Its leader, Sofyan Ali, said the group was formed to stand up to what he calls the intimidation of the rebels, and to provide information to the military. Claiming a membership of around 20,000, the Anti-GAM Front aims to have five people working for it in every village, but their identities are kept secret.

"These people gather information about the rebels and their sympathisers, and we then report that back to the TNI [the Indonesian military]" said Mr Ali proudly. "It's like an intelligence network with the people and the military working together to secure the area."

The Front said it was not armed ("other than with bamboo sticks -- but that is just a tradition left over from the fight against Dutch colonial rule"), and received no practical support from the military. But under martial law, it must have at least the moral support of the security forces to be allowed to operate at all, and clearly the military are happy to use the information it provides.

Inmates

Once captured, many Acehnese accused of being rebel supporters end up in what the authorities call "re-education" camps.

One such camp sits on a hillside about half an hour's drive out of the town of Lhokseumawe. Long wooden huts, with blue tarpaulin walls are gathered around a dusty parade ground. Inside, benches with lines of plastic sleeping mats and buckets for washing mark the personal spaces of the inmates.

Banners on the side of the dormitories spell out a simple message: "If you support the rebels you will have nothing but grief. If you support the Republic of Indonesia you will get welfare." Prisoners are held at the camp for five months.

Those who cannot read or write are given literacy classes. Others are offered practical skills such as motorbike maintenance or sewing. But all are obliged to attend lectures extolling the virtues of belonging to the Republic of Indonesia. And each morning they report for role call beneath a huge flag flying the red and white colours of Indonesia.

Mind set

The camp offers three square meals a day and some genuinely useful training. But with soldiers listening to every word, it is hard to be sure what the prisoners really feel.

Many said they were forced to join the rebels, and were happy to have been given the chance to surrender.

Their tales of intimidation by Gam were plausible, yet some responses sounded a little rehearsed. The security forces, however, seemed convinced that their methods would genuinely change the mind-set of the prisoners.

"I'm 200% sure this will work," said Lieutenant Tatok, one of the soldiers in charge of the camp. "We recently let some of them out on leave, and they all came back on time. They even said they missed us. They are our brothers and sisters, we're like a big family, so we have to bring them back to the right path," he said.

The right path in the eyes of the Indonesian government is unquestioning allegiance to the Republic of Indonesia. Under martial law it is very hard for Aceh's civilians to refuse. The test of such pressurised loyalty will come when the soldiers go home. But there is absolutely no sign of that happening anytime soon.

NGOs slam Brimob over abduction of Aceh students

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Tiarma Siboro and Nani Farida, Jakarta/Banda Aceh -- Six Acehnese students, mostly activists, have disappeared after they were taken by officers from the Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) from their homes three days ago.

Many have speculated that they were picked due to their strong opposition to the ongoing martial law and their alleged links with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Dita Indah Sari, an activist from Aceh-Papua Solidarity (SAP), said in Jakarta on Tuesday that the five activists, three of them women, were Harlina (22), Nova Rahayu (23), Nursida (22) from the Acehnese Democratic Women's Organization (ORPAD) Iwan Irama Putra from the Linge Students Network (IMPEL) and Syafruddin from the Student Solidarity for the People (SMUR).

The remaining one was Masrizal, who is reportedly a member of GAM's military wing. The six were students of Syahkuala University and Ar-Rainiry Islamic Teaching Institute (IAIN) in the Aceh capital of Banda Aceh.

"Their whereabouts is unclear after police asserted that they had not detained any activists or students, whereas according to eyewitnesses, the six were taken by Brimob personnel from their own homes in Banda Aceh," Dita said in a joint press conference with the National Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), on Tuesday.

"They just staged rallies demanding that the government lift martial law. The women activists had said that martial law and the military operation had brought suffering to the people, especially women, and had not restored security and order in the resource-rich province," said Dita.

Martial law imposed on May 19, 2003, to quell the separatist movement with a budget of Rp 1.3 trillion, was extended for another six months in December with an additional budget of Rp 1.4 trillion. So far, more than 2,000 people believed to be rebels have been killed and more than 2,500 others have been arrested or "reeducated" to accept the unitary state of Indonesia (NKRI).

According to the eyewitnesses, Mazrizal and Iwan were taken away on February 19, and February 22, 2004 respectively

Several days later, the police picked up Harlina who was beaten before she was taken into a Kijang minivan. After Harlina, Syarifuddin was also picked up by Brimob officers.

Meanwhile, the Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) in Aceh said that three activists had already been released, but refused to identify them.

"We have been appointed to provide legal counsel for them. Three of them have been released today, but three others are still missing. I can't say anything else, pending the release of the others," SAP Coordinator Afrida Darmi said.

The London-based human rights group Amnesty International condemned the detainment of the six activists, saying that such arrests were believed to have been conducted "due to the peaceful expression of their political beliefs and their work in defense human rights."

"Grave human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions of both adults and children" have been reported since the latest offensive was launched in May, 19, 2003, Amnesty said.

"Anyone detained by the police and military in (Aceh) is at risk of torture, ill-treatment and other human rights violations," it said in a statement.

The military says it has killed some 1,300 rebels and 2,000 GAM members or sympathizers have been arrested or have surrendered since then.

In an unrelated development, hundreds of government soldiers besieged several villages in Simpang Ulim subdistrict, including Kuta Buloh village where RCTI TV station Fery Santoro and several hostages are being detained.

Arrested rights activists risk torture in Aceh: Amnesty

Agence France Presse - February 24, 2004

Jakarta -- Five human rights workers and another man are "at grave risk" of torture and ill-treatment after being arrested by police in Aceh province, Amnesty International said Tuesday.

The London-based human rights group said the five are believed to have been arrested "solely for their peaceful expression of their political beliefs and their work in defence of human rights."

Police and troops are in the 10th month of a major offensive aimed at crushing separatist rebels in the province on Sumatra island.

Amnesty said in a statement the incident began with the arrest on February 19 of a man called Masrizal on suspicion of being a Free Aceh Movement (GAM) member.

Three days later a rights worker called Iwan Irama Putra, an acquaintance of Masrizal, was also detained.

It named the other detained rights workers as three women called Harlina, Nova Rahayu and Nursida and a man called Syafruddin. Harlina and Syafruddin were reportedly beaten before being taken away.

"Grave human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions of both adults and children," have been reported since the latest offensive was launched last May, Amnesty said.

Amnesty said members of political organisations campaigning for Aceh's independence and human rights activists are among those held.

"Anyone detained by the police and military in (Aceh) is at risk of torture, ill-treatment and other human rights violations," it said.

Police release eight activists in Aceh

Associated Press - February 28, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesian police have released eight activists detained earlier this month in war-torn Aceh province but plan to charge two others with treason for allegedly helping separatist rebels, officials said on Saturday.

The 10 were detained between February 21 and February 25. Their arrest prompted Amnesty International to issue a statement warning that the activists could be tortured and appealing for their release.

Col. Sayed Husaini said the eight were released on Friday for lack of evidence. But he said the two others -- Herlina of the Acehnese Democratic Women's Organization and Iwan Irama Putra of the Linge Students Network -- will be charged with treason.

"We strongly suspect these two provided refuge for rebels and took part in an ambush by rebels which left three policemen dead," Husaini said.

Indonesia declared martial law in Aceh in May and then launched a large-scale military offensive aimed at defeating the separatist insurgency.

More than 1,500 people -- many of them allegedly rebels and rebel sympathizers -- have been killed since the offensive was launched. Rebels insist most of those killed were civilians and both sides have been accused of murdering and intimidating rights activists.

The Free Aceh Movement has fought for independence of the oil-and gas-rich province on the northern tip of Sumatra since 1976.

Aceh student activists accused of treason

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Nani Farida, Banda Aceh -- Aceh police declared two of 11 student activists arrested recently as treason suspects on Friday, saying that they had supported the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Police said the two students had helped GAM by provoking people in Aceh Tengah regency to take refuge.

"The activists are also strongly suspected of involvement in the ambush of a Mobile Brigade patrol that killed three policemen, including company commander Pvt. Budi in September 2000," Aceh Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Sayed Hoesayni told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

The two activists were identified as Herlina, 23, from the Acehnese Democratic Women's Organization (Orpad) and Iwan Irama Putra, 24, from the Linge Students Network (IMPEL). The two are now being interrogated by Aceh Police.

Sayed added that police had released eight other student activists due to a lack of evidence on which to detain them.

He underlined that the ongoing interrogation of the two students had nothing to do with their activities as human rights activists. "They are in detention because they violated the law," the spokesman said.

It was reported earlier that Aceh authorities had gone after activists for their alleged involvement as GAM accomplices. Despite strong condemnation from human rights groups in the country, the authorities underlined that their activities were a threat to the national interest and they were therefore arrested.

Sayed denied that police had also detained two other students -- Nursida and Nova Rahayu, also from Orpad -- who are still missing.

Separately, Dewi Meutia, the wife of Aceh Referendum Information Center (SIRA) chairman Muhammad Nazar, was subject to six hours of questioning at Aceh Police Headquarters on Friday on her campaign to release her husband.

"I was questioned for six hours regarding my campaign to release Nazar and my relations with Amnesty International," Dewi said.

She said that the London-based human rights organization had frequently contacted her for information on Nazar, who is in police detention.

She was not accompanied by her lawyer, Imam Syafiie Saragih, during the interrogation. Dewi also complained that the police had rejected her request to meet Nazar.

Kontras condemns arrests of activists in Aceh

Tempo Interactive - February 24, 2004

Sunariyah, Jakarta -- The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has condemned the arbitrary arrest and detention of activists in Aceh. Speaking on Tuesday February 24, the coordinator of Kontras' working division, Mukti Makaram, said that this action clearly threatens civil freedoms, in particular those who have a critical position towards the government's policies.

Kontras suspects that the arrests which were made on February 23 are linked with a criticism which was made by Acehnese student organisations against the performance of the Aceh emergency military command. Those arrested by law enforcement officers are Herlina (23), Safruddin (20) and Mursida (21). The three are students from the Arraniry State Institute of Islamic Studies. The other activist who has been arrested is Nova Rahayu (20), a student at Syah Kuala Aceh.

According to Mukti, they still do not yet know the actual reason for the arrests. They also do not yet know the whereabouts of the activists, because although those responsible have confirmed the arrests they have refused to provide any information whatsoever. "They're throwing the ball around but don't want to admit it", said Makaram.

Kontras views this incident as an effective method to stifle the political freedoms of the Acehnese people with a pattern of arrests starting to be carried out again. Kontras also sees this as the start of attempts to control public life in the lead up to the general elections. "With these kind of methods the security forces are not only creating an increasingly undemocratic situation in Aceh, but are also creating an atmosphere of terror amongst the public", he said.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

100 demand end to marshal law in Aceh

Tempo Interactive - February 26, 2004

Yogyakarta -- Around 100 activists from the group People's Solidarity for Aceh (Solidaritas Rakyat untuk Aceh) held a street action in Yogyakarta, Central Java, on Thursday February 26. As well as demanding an end to marshal law in Aceh they also called for the release of a number of activists who are currently being held by the Aceh emergency military command (PDMD).

The action began at the Yogyakarta Monument at around 10am. They then marched through Jalan P. Mangkubumi entering Jalan Malioboro ending up at the intersection in front of the Yogyakarta central post offices. As they passed the Yogyakarta regional parliament building, they stopped for a moment to hold speeches in front of the parliamentary building's gates. They intentionally did not to enter the parliament building grounds choosing to continue the rally to the central post office via Jalan Malioboro.

They said that marshal law had cause the people of Aceh to feel unsafe because they have been forced to abandon their homes. They also demanded the release of a number of pro-democracy activist who are currently being held by PDMD in Aceh. The demonstrators said that their collages, including those from the Peace Crisis Centre, are still being detained and had yet to be released.

There was no special escort or security by the police although the street action did disrupt traffic along the route.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Three Aceh activists to be charged with subversion

Tempo Interactive - February 27, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Police have admitted to arresting and detaining a number of student activists in Aceh. Of the eleven activists which were arrested, three of them are still being held under charges of being involved with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

The three activists, who have been declared as suspects in acts of subversion, are Masrizal (30), Iwan Irama Putra (24), an activist from the Linge University and High-school Students Association (Ikatan Mahasiswa dan Pelajar Linge, IMPEL) and Herlina (23), an activist from IMPEL and the Women's Organisation for Aceh Democracy (Organisasi Perempuan Demokratik Aceh, Orpad). The three are currently being held by the Aceh police.

The head of the Rencong I Law Enforcement Operational Unit, Superintendent Sayed [Husaeny], denied that the arrests of the three activist were linked with their activities as human rights activists. According to Husaeny, the three were arrested because it is strongly suspected that they were involved in an attack on a Brimob (Mobile Brigade) operational unit which resulted in the death of three Brimob officers including the company commander, Iptu Budi, on September 18, 2000. "The detention of these three people is simply because they have broken the law", Husaeny told journalists in Banda Aceh on Thursday February 26. "They were arrested because they meet the criteria of [having committed] a criminal act of subversion", he said.

The three were arrested at different times and separate locations. Masrzal was arrested by the Aceh police search team on February 18. Police obtained the names of two other people from Masrzal who were also suspected of being involved in the attack, Herlina and Iwan Irama Putra.

Iwan Irama Putra, who is a student of the Tarbiyah Faculty of the Ar-Raniry State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) in Banda Aceh, was arrested on February 22. The day before, police arrested three Acehnese women activists, Harlina, Nova Rahayu and Nursida. All three are Orpad activists. On February 24, Nova Rahayu and Nursida were released for lack of evidence.

On February 25 at around 1am, officers from Brimob arrested eight Ar-Raniry IAIN students, Abdillah (25), a student from the Faculty of Religious Studies, Fahrul Rizal (25), a student from the Faculty of Islamic law, Fahrurrazi, a member of the Ar-Raniry IAIN student Red Cross, Zainal Abidin, also a Red Cross member, Askari (23), a student from the Faculty of Culture, Akmal (26), Imam Juwaini (24), vice-president of the Ar-Raniry IAIN Student Executive Council and T. Riza Fahmi (26), an Alumni from the Faculty of Culture who is also a former vice-president of the Student Executive Council. The eight students were later released because police could find no evidence of their involvement.

One of the victims of the arrests who was contacted by the Tempo News Room on the Ar-Raniry IAIN campus refused to give any additional information. "Enough okay, I don't want anything else to do with the police", they said. They did however admit to being treated harshly during their arrest and interrogation at the Brimob headquarters.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Four activists being questioned by military in Aceh

Kompas - February 25, 2004

Jakarta -- On Monday morning, February 23, four non-government organisation (NGO) activists who have publicly rejected the military operation in Aceh continuing during the 2004 general elections, were arrested by a special unit of the Mobile Brigade (Brimob). As of Tuesday February 24, the whereabouts of the four activists remains unclear.

When contacted by Kompas on Tuesday, the head of the information department of the Aceh emergency military command (PDMD), Colonel Ditya Soedarsono, admitted that the four activists are being questioned by the PDMD in Lhokseumawe because it is believed that they are members of or at least sympathisers of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

In Jakarta, the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Aceh Papua Solidarity (Solidaritas Aceh Papua, SAP), the Mardhika Women's Working Group (Kelompok Kerja Perempuan Mardhika, KKPM) and the Women's Organisation for a Democratic Aceh (Organisasi Perempuan Aceh Demokratik, Orpad) held a press conference at the Kontras office on Tuesday.

The general chairperson of Orpad, Raihana Diani, strongly suspects that the disappearance of her three colleagues - Nova Rahayu (Nova), Nursida (Ida) and Harlina (Lina) - is linked to a recent statement she made which was carried by the print media. On Tuesday February 17, Raihana revealed that on a number of occasions her organisation had witnessed card holders of the Democratic Party getting preferential treatment from security personnel. Raihana's charges had earlier been disputed by Soedarsono. The deputy general secretary of the Democratic Party, Max Sopacua, said at the time that there is no party policy on this matter.

Nova and Ida are both economics graduates from the University of Syah Kuala while Ratna is currently studying at the same university.

The coordinator of Kontras' working body, Mufti Makarim, said that this kind of pattern of arrests which has begun again, should be viewed as an effective method to stifle the political freedoms of the Acehnese people. Representing KKPM, Dita Indah Sari urged the security forces to immediately release the activists.

Sudarsono has admitted that the four NGO activists are currently being questioned by the PDMD in Lhokseumawe. "They are not being questioned because they are NGO activists, but because there are indications that the are involved with GAM or at the very least are GAM sympathisers", said Sudarsono. (WIN)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Six activists arrested by security forces in Aceh

Kompas Cyber Media - February 24, 2004

Heru Margianto, Jakarta -- Six Acehnese activists have been arrested by security forces in Central Aceh. One has already been released but as of Tuesday February 24, the whereabouts of the other five remains unknown. The reason for the arrests is unclear.

This information was conveyed to journalists by the spokesperson of Aceh Papua Solidarity (Solidaritas Aceh Papua, SAP), Thamrin Ananda, at the offices of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) in Jakarta on Tuesday. He was accompanied by Dita Indah Sari from the Mardhika Women's Working Group (Kelompok Kerja Perempuan Mardhika, KKPM).

The five Aceh activists who's whereabouts are still unknown are Iwan Irawan Putra, Harlina and Masrizal (all three are activists from the Lingke Association of University and High-School Students, Mahasiswa dan Pelajar Lingke, IMPEL) and Nursida and Nova Rahayu (both from the Women's Organisation for a Democratic Aceh, Organisasi Perempuan Aceh Demokratik, Orpad). Meanwhile, Syaffruddin, an activist from Student Solidarity for the People (Solidaritas Mahasiswa untuk Rakyat, SMUR) has been released.

"The arrests of the IMPEL, SMUR and Orpad activists occurred between February 19 to 23. The arrests were conducted without the correct legal procedures, without warrants or explicate charges", said Ananda.

Hunted down

Ananda added that as well as these six activists, three other IMPEL activists, Muhsin, Munzir and Ratna are currently being hunted down by security forces. Ratna was able to escape when security personal from the Lingke Mobile Brigade raided Nursida's house.

At the time, Nursida, Nova Rahayu and Ratna were at the house when security forces arrived in three vehicles, two Kijangs and a Reo. Ratna escaped by climbing a wall while the raid was in progress.

Ananda called on security forces to explain the whereabouts of their friends and for their immediate release. Efforts to provide legal defence though a lawyer have been difficult because security forces have denied making the arrests. (prim)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

TNI asked to admit responsibility for disappeared activists

Detik.com - February 25, 2004

M. Rizal Maslan, Jakarta -- As many as five student, youth and women's activists in Aceh have disappeared since February 16. Aceh Papua Solidarity (Solidaritas Aceh Papua, SAP) suspects that they have been arrested by the TNI (armed forces) or police. They are demanding that the TNI admit responsibly for the disappearance of the five activists.

The demand was made by SAP spokesperson, Thamrin Ananda and the coordinator of the Mardhika Women's Working Group (Kelompok Kerja Perempuan Mardhika, KKPM), Dita Indah Sari, at the offices of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) in Jakarta on Tuesday February 24.

The five activists who have disappeared included three activists from the Lingke Association of University and High-School Students (Mahasiswa dan Pelajar Lingke, IMPEL) from Central Aceh and two activists from the Women's Organisation for a Democratic Aceh (Organisasi Perempuan Aceh Demokratik, Orpad).

The three IMPEL activists are Iwan Irama Putra, Harlina and Mas Rizal while the Orpad activists have been identified as Nursida and Nova Rahayu.

According to Ananda, they were abducted by officers from the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) headquarters in Lingke during a series of arrests between February 16 and 23 in violation of correct legal procedures. "[They were arrested] without an arrest warrant or specific charges", said Ananda.

The security forces explained Ananda, have denied arresting the five activist so SAP has not been able to provide advocacy for them. "So up until now their whereabouts are still unknown. We therefore call on the law enforcement agencies in question to inform [us] of their whereabouts", said Ananda. (iy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

West Papua

Tribal leaders demand UN probe into Theys' murder

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- Papuan tribal leaders rejected what they called an unsatisfactory investigation into the murder of proindependence Papuan leader Dortheys "Theys" Hiyo Eluway, and called for the United Nations to set up an independent team to conduct an objective and thorough inquiry into the case.

Secretary-general of the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP) Tom Beanal told The Jakarta Post on Thursday that more than 1,000 tribal leaders who attended the four-day PDP meeting in Biak agreed to reject the military's investigation into the case due to its disappointing results.

"The trial of the elite personnel who killed Theys was not fair because it was conducted by the military itself and, therefore, the defendants were given light sentences," he said.

Beanal also said that the investigation into the murder was not carried out thoroughly because Aristoteles Masoka who drove for Theys when they were abducted was still missing.

"The military should bring back Masoka to his home or let us know his whereabouts if he is still alive, or let us know the place where his remains are buried if he has been killed," he said.

Seven personnel of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) who were found guilty of murdering Theys were given light sentences as no military officials were asked to take responsibility for issuing an order for his assassination.

All the seven Kopassus soldiers were convicted and sent to prison but received extremely light sentences, however, of between 24 and 42 months in prison.

Theys, a Papuan tribal leader who spoke for the province's independence during the 32-year New Order era, was murdered by a number of soldiers from the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) in the Entrop area, after attending a Heroes' Day celebration at Kopassus headquarters in the Hamadi area on Nov. 10, 2001. Theys' body was found a day later in Entrop near the border of Papua New Guinea, but Aristoteles, his driver, is still missing and believed dead.

Beanal underlined that according to participants of the meeting that ended early on Friday, Theys' case was still not over and, therefore, PDP would send a letter to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to reopen the case.

He regretted that Jakarta and the Indonesian Military (TNI) had shown no commitment to try human rights abuse cases, saying this had sown hatred among the Papuan people and had obstructed the region's integration into Indonesia.

Beanal said further that the meeting also recommended the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights send a special rapporteur to inquire into the arbitrary arrest last month of Rev. Obed Komba, a Protestant minister in Lembah Baliem, Wamena, and 13 other civilians.

"They have been arrested in Abepura after the police failed to bring them to Jakarta. The confusing thing is that the police could not explain the reason for their arrest and we have received reports from the field that the arrests had been conducted systematically," he said, adding that the Indonesian government should release the detainees, pending a thorough and independent investigation into the case.

Beanal also said that the tribal leaders also expressed their great concern over the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS in the province, saying it was a serious threat to Papuan tribes' existence.

He called on all components in society, including the government, NGOs and churches, to show their commitment to fighting the disease, or at least slowing its spread.

Labour issues

Court rules in favor of fired workers

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung -- Hundreds of fired workers from state-owned aircraft manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PT DI) welcomed the Jakarta State Administrative High Court's (PTTUN) verdict, which requires the Bandung-based company to reinstate its employees and pay their salaries for the dispute period.

The panel of judges who presided over the case overturned the decision made by the Central Committee for Labor Dispute Settlement (P4P) last month, which accepted the management's decision to fire the workers.

Gathering near the company's factory gates on Wednesday, the workers agreed that they would travel to Jakarta to press the government to comply with the verdict.

Deputy chairman of PT DI's trade union Hadio Pramono said the employees had gathered together to thank God for the favorable verdict. "We have been waiting for justice for eight months. It looks like [the law] is on our side," he said, adding that the dismissed workers would fight to uphold justice.

Chairman of P4P Sabar Sianturi declined to comment on the court verdict, saying that P4P, which was being sued by the labor union, had not been asked to attend the trial. "I won't comment at present because P4P has yet to receive a copy of the verdict," he said.

The management of PT DI, with the support of the government had fired 6,650 of 9,350 workers due to financial problems, which had plagued the company since 1997. The government had agreed to disburse US$5 million for severance pay for the dismissed workers.

The fired workers opposed the management's decision, saying that the government should reshuffle the management as the company's financial woes had resulted from mismanagement, inefficiency and past corruption. They said the management should be accountable for the misappropriation of between Rp 2 billion and Rp 3 trillion over the last seven years.

Meanwhile, PT DI management said that it would appeal the court verdict with the Supreme Court.

General affairs director of PT DI Muhammad Nuril Fuad said that the management was still consulting with its team of lawyers.

He insisted that his company could not comply with the verdict as it was only able to pay around 3,000 workers at present, albeit, that the government had committed to helping the company pay the remaining 6,000.

He also said that the court had never invited the management to attend the trial.

PT DI president Edwin Soedarmo said in Jakarta that PT DI was seeking credit worth $39 million from banks, both at home and overseas, to resume its contracts with many sides, including British Aerospace. According to him, many banks were committed to providing PT DI with loans.

Ex-PTDI employees clash with police

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung -- Thousands of former employees at aircraft manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia clashed with some 400 police on Tuesday as they demanded to be allowed to resume work.

No injuries were reported in the clash, which occurred in front of the company's factory gates in Bandung.

The incident began at 7.30 a.m when the workers descended on the factory at the Husein Satranegara Air Force base on Jl. Padjajaran. As they arrived they were stopped by police.

Intent on entering the compound, the workers tried to force police aside, shoving and pushing them. The police fought back. One worker bared his bottom to police to express his anger.

The employees went to the factory after the Bandung District Court last week ruled in favor of their union's lawsuit, which said the firing of the 6,000 employees by the firm was illegal. It ordered the company to allow the employees to resume work.

Union secretary general A.M. Bone met with Air Force base deputy chief Lt. Col. Firdaus Syarief and West Bandung Police deputy chief Adj. Comr. Tomax Kurniawan but both refused to allow the employees to enter the compound.

The workers could not enter unless they had a letter from the court saying the ruling had been executed, they said. The workers went home peacefully at midday.

The three defendants in the suit were the management of the ailing company, the office of the State Minister for State Enterprises and the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA).

The court ruled an extraordinary shareholders meeting held by the three defendants in August was illegal. At the meeting they decided to dismiss the employees.

'War on terrorism'

Marriott bomber Sardona gets 10 years in prison

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2004

Jakarta -- A panel of judges at Bengkulu district court sentenced on Thursday defendant Sardona Siliwangi, 23, to 10 years in jail for his role in the Marriott bombing last year.

In his verdict, presiding judge Aljaman Sutopo said that Sardona was proven guilty of accepting and storing explosives to perpetrate an act of terrorism, which was a violation of the Law on Terrorism 2003. The verdict was five years less than that demanded by the prosecutor.

The judge said that the defendant was known to have stored the explosives in Bengkulu for three months in his house, before they were taken by Asmar Latin Sani to Jakarta for the bombing. Asmar, the executor of the Marriott bombing, died in the incident, which took the lives of at least 14 people.

In the trial, the judge also rejected an argument by the defendant's lawyer that Sardona had no idea what was inside six cartons entrusted to him in Bengkulu by Asmar, a few months before the bombing in August.

The defendant must have known that the cartons contained explosive materials, the judge asserted.

The judge said that the defendant had seen black powder when Dr. Azhari and Noordin Mohd. Top opened the boxes, and the defendant should have been suspicious of that.

Azhari and Noordin, the main suspects in the bombing, are still at large.

Warnings by Asmar and Noordin that Sardona should keep the cartons well away from heat sources should also have raised his suspicions. "Based on our findings, we concluded that the defendant Sardona should have known that the boxes contained explosive materials," the judge said, as quoted by Antara news agency.

The JW Marriott blast was the first major bombing to have hit the country after bombs ripped through Sari Club and Paddy's bar in the packed tourist resort of Kuta, Bali, in October 2002, killing 202 people, mostly foreign tourists, and injuring 300 others.

Separately, Medan district court opened a trial on bombings four years ago on three churches in Medan, the capital of North Sumatra. The first hearing on Thursday presented defendant Awaluddin Sitorus.

In his indictment, prosecutor Usman said that the bombing began when the defendant was called by Hambali, a regional terror suspect, in 1999.

Hambali told defendant Awaluddin that his two friends, Faiz Abu Bakar Bafana and Nasrullah, would meet the latter in a restaurant in Tanjung Balai regency, North Sumatra. In the meeting, Faiz, who is now in detention in Malaysia, asked the defendant to mobilize Afghanistan and Moro alumni to perpetrate church bombings in Medan. The defendant OK'd the request, and he and Nasrullah then met Toni Togar in Medan to prepare for the bombing.

Imam Samudra, the main perpetrator in the Bali bombing and already sentenced to death, once met with these people in Medan.

On May 28, 2000, Imam ordered Awaluddin to place a bomb in the HKBP church on Jl. Sudirman, Toni to place a bomb in the GKPI church on Jl. Padang Bulan and Nasrullah to place a bomb in Kristus Raja church on Jl. M.T. Haryono. Only the GKPI bomb exploded, leaving 23 people injured.

The trial was adjourned until next week to hear the case for the defense.

New JI on the rise, warns general

Melbourne Age - February 26, 2004

Matthew Moor, Jakarta -- Indonesia's most senior intelligence official has warned of a threat posed by a "new Jemaah Islamiah" -- the Asian terror group blamed for the Bali bombings -- which he said was now gathering support because of the continuing conflict in the Middle East.

General Hendropriyono, head of the National Intelligence Agency called BIN, said despite success in catching and prosecuting JI members, there was no end in sight to the war against terror in Indonesia.

In a sombre assessment of Indonesia's terrorism problems made during and after a seminar on intelligence in the Asia-Pacific region yesterday, General Hendropriyono said international developments, especially those in the Middle East, were fuelling support for terrorist groups, particularly in Indonesia.

He said it was vital that Indonesia create networks with other governments in places such as Turkey and Iran, which he had just visited. "Now we have to be united, we have to establish networks, we have to be hand-in-hand, especially with those in Middle East countries."

While questioning JI members, General Hendropriyono said BIN had become aware of a "new JI", whose members were preparing to take control of the organisation believed to be linked to al-Qaeda. "BIN has put special attention towards tracking the younger generation of extremists who could take the leadership ... in the coming year," he said.

General Made Pastika, the Indonesian police officer who led the investigation that caught the Bali bombers, also warned of attacks by a "new generation" of terrorists, saying Bali remained a possible target. "Bali is still of interest for these people ... Bali is still a soft target," he told the conference.

General Pastika said Indonesians were still not united in fighting terrorism, referring to the hero's reception given to convicted terrorist Fathur Rahman al Ghozi after his body was returned to his East Java village from the Philippines last year.

Indonesia's Wiranto vows to crush terrorism

Reuters - February 25, 2004

Tomi Soetjipto and Jerry Norton, Jakarta -- A former top Indonesian general indicted for alleged human rights violations in East Timor said on Wednesday he would improve law and order and crush terrorism if he became president in this year's elections.

In an interview, ex-general Wiranto, the last armed forces chief under former president Suharto, said he would use all his skills as a military leader to tackle Indonesia's endemic corruption and cut terrorism off at its source.

"I will not make any compromise whatsoever with terrorism and will not give any chance for terrorism to live in Indonesia," he said, wearing a coat and tie and still looking as physically fit as in his military days.

"My background as a military leader who is quite an expert in implementing laws would distinguish me," he said in his campaign offices, donated space on the 21st floor of a Jakarta high-rise office building.

Wiranto, 55, is a colourful and suave figure renowned in Indonesia for his karaoke crooning and CDs.

He is credited with trying to hold down violence during riots during Suharto's last days and for expediting Suharto's resignation in May 1998.

But his image was tarnished when, as Indonesia's defence minister and military commander in 1999, more than 1,000 people were killed in the period surrounding a vote for independence in the then Indonesia-controlled East Timor.

Asked about an indictment brought against him in East Timor last year, Wiranto said he had been investigated and cleared by a separate tribunal in Indonesia of any human rights transgressions. He said he has met East Timor's top leaders as recently as last month to discuss advancing relations.

"I have met them quite often. I have met Mr Xanana a number of times and we share some common ground," he said, referring to East Timor President Xanana Gusmao. "We will build a stronger brotherhood between the two countries because we both have the same interest in security and welfare."

Wiranto has also been blamed by human rights groups for not doing enough to stop sectarian and ethnic clashes after Suharto's fall.

Popular

While his past may be a problem with foreign governments, political analysts say many Indonesian voters don't seem to care. He consistently ranks in the top five in popularity polls and has been garnering more media attention than many other candidates who include President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

The man himself has been focusing full-time on his campaign for the July 5 presidential ballot, saying he has already visited all of the country's 32 provinces, giving speeches and shaking hands.

His key aim is to win the nomination of the Golkar Party, the former political vehicle for Suharto. His popularity has taken some in Golkar by surprise.

Articulate and telegenic, he was a top contender for Golkar's nomination until its chairman, Akbar Tandjung, won an appeal this month over a graft conviction, clearing the way for the chairman to seek the nomination.

Many say Tandjung's ability as a political insider and organiser may count for more in determining who gets Golkar's nod than Wiranto's possible greater power to win votes in July.

Asked if he might switch to another party to be their nominee, if Golkar rejects him, Wiranto said no other party had approached him.

Megawati seeks re-election and is expected to be one of the two candidates in a September run-off if no one wins a majority in July. Unlike Tandjung, Wiranto ruled out the option of a coalition with her or others where he would be the vice presidential candidate. "Only a president has the authority to solve the problems," he said.

His message to voters is clear: a harder line on terrorism and corruption problems including harsher sentences.

Megawati was criticised after the September 11, 2001, attack for a lax approach to Islamic militants in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation.

Jakarta stiffened its policies after bombing attacks in Bali in October 2002 that killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists. But some analysts and foreign officials say Indonesia still needs to be more aggressive in its rhetoric and actions.

Wiranto said he would try to achieve a mix of toughness while still maintaining and building on the country's fledgling democracy.

Government & politics

The power behind Megawati

Straits Times - February 25, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- The power behind the throne smiles. Mr Taufik Kiemas, the garrulous husband of President Megawati Sukarnoputri, sips hot Javanese tea and munches kueh lapis as he talks animatedly about his wife's impending re-election.

He should know. The 59-year-old Sumatran-born business tycoon is the dalang or puppet master in the courts of power, working quietly behind the scenes to build alliances and destroy her foes.

Behind every successful man is a woman, or so runs an old saying. In the corridors of the presidential palace in Indonesia, the roles have been reversed. Today, he is primus inter pares in national politics, even if he is not one of the presidential contenders.

And the nicknames he has earned these past few years speak volumes about his role. During national tragedies, he is Pak Taufik, the avuncular and comforting figure standing by his wife. He is T.K., the ultimate wheeler and dealer in politics. He is also Mr One-and-a-Half, a man who is not quite the president, but rather more than the No. 2. For palace detractors, however, he is none other than President Taufik.

He responds to this with guffaws of laughter that punctuate the regal silence in his plush office surrounded by huge portraits of husband and wife together. "I am not the king," he says. "I am only here to protect Ibu Mega who I feel is the best person to run this country."

He is not to be mistaken as a eunuch, because he certainly wields considerable power and influence -- way before his wife's ascendancy to the throne. It was he who crafted her entry into politics and put her back into the Merdeka palace where she spent much of her childhood.

He first met Megawati in 1964. He was the poor boy from South Sumatra who sold kerosene door-to-door to make a living. She was raised in the lap of luxury as the daughter of Indonesia's first president Sukarno.

Political circumstances brought them together. Both were student activists for the Sukarno-led Indonesian National Party (PNI). He recounts that meeting arranged by her eldest brother, with a tinge of nostalgia: "She was dressed in batik and had such a beautiful smile. She was like a princess. She was Sukarno's daughter."

Love only blossomed much later -- after years of much personal misfortune for both. Ms Megawati lost her husband, an air force pilot, in an air crash. Her second marriage to an Egyptian diplomat was annulled after two weeks following her family's objections.

The young Taufik was behind bars during this period for supporting Sukarno. After he got out of jail, he allied himself with the former first family just after Sukarno's death under house arrest. The closer he got to the family, the more enamoured he became of Ms Megawati.

He wooed his hero's daughter and, in 1973, the pauper married the princess. After marriage, he showed far more ambition than she did. In the mid-80s, he managed to get her to enter the political fray. Circumstances were favourable then.

Backed by the Suharto regime, the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a lineal descent of the PNI, sought to involve the Sukarno clan in the 1987 poll. Military elements were also warming up to them, especially to Mr Taufik.

"I remember the night she said yes," he says. "She put the children in bed and sat down and talked with me for hours. She was reluctant to enter politics because she said her only desire in life was to be a housewife.

"I told her that she is Sukarno's daughter. Her only destiny in life is to be Indonesia's leader. I managed to persuade her. Ask her today, and she will tell you it was the best decision of her life. It was a turning point for both of us."

It marked their entry into the rough and tumble of Indonesian politics. Ms Megawati turned out to be a big draw at party rallies. Mr Taufik, who was standing for election in his Palembang hometown, saw the chance to sow the seeds of opposition to the Suharto regime.

He used the cash -- about US$200,000 a month -- from a chain of petrol stations given to them by Mr Suharto to keep them out of politics, to fund underground resistance.

A close friend says: "T.K. was hard-headed. He kept telling us then that it was a point of no return for him and his wife. Without him, Ibu Mega would never have got this far."

They cleared many hurdles along the way, the most painful being the government backing of a breakaway PDI faction to forcibly take over the party's headquarters in July 1996.

But each blow only raised her political stature and strengthened Mr Taufik's resolve. During these years, he mastered the art of politics and developed a ruthless streak.

His ambition also knew no bounds with Mr Suharto out of the way. In 1999, when Ms Megawati was robbed of the throne despite winning the legislative poll, he was one of the main figures who persuaded her to accept the vice-presidency with the prophetic advice that her "time will come soon".

Two years later, he engineered his wife's rise to the top through backroom dealings and funding a concerted campaign in parliament to topple then president Abdurrahman Wahid.

Mr Taufik is a very powerful, although unconventional, player in government. Holding no official position, except as a legislator, he does not work by the official channels. But his networking and ability to navigate the subterranean levels of politics are second to none.

T.K. is a dyed-in-the-wool politician who has done wonders for the reticent and media-shy President by being her chief negotiator and public defender. He also whittles down her opponents.

At times, he has been criticised for overstepping the boundaries -- especially abroad where he has insisted on joining official delegations.

A government official reveals that during an economic ministers meeting in Tokyo, he insisted on sitting in on bilateral talks with Japan. After all, he is Mr One-and-a-Half.

"He was upset that the Japanese did not consider him part of the official delegation," the source says. "The Japanese decided eventually to let him in on one of the meetings and he let all them know who was the boss by barking orders to the Indonesian ministers."

His influence, however, is most pervasive at home. Within the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), he and his allies hold most of the key positions. He has purged several members opposed to his vision for the party.

The most prominent was Ms Megawati's chief strategist, Mr Eros Djarot. A publisher and filmmaker, he had largely crafted her image as both martyr and mother figure, helping the PDI-P capture 33.8 per cent of the votes in 1999.

Mr Taufik sacked him a year later after learning that he was planning to replace Ms Megawati as party chief. More heads rolled in the following years, including the likes of party stalwarts Dimyati Hartono and Sophan Sophiaan.

PDI-P senior Meilono Soewondo, one of his strongest critics, says: "Only one man wields power in the party: Taufik Kiemas. You are either with him or against him."

By emasculating his enemies, Mr Taufik has now surrounded himself with a close circle of friends from the party. They include Messrs Tjahyo Kumolo, Suparlan, Nazarudin Kiemas and Cornelius Lay.

Some even talk of him as PDI-P's next chairman, speculation Mr Taufik rebuffs with another loud burst of laughter.

But he has not had his way all the time. He could do little, for example, to restrain the unbridled bureaucratic power of his nemesis Bambang Kesowo, the Cabinet Secretary. In a rare show of defiance, Ms Megawati refused to give in to his demands.

Despite this setback, he has worked assiduously to get his men into key positions. One is them is Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso. Increasingly, many of them hail from Palembang. They include army chief Ryamizard Ryacudu and the head of the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency, Mr Syafruddin Temenggung.

Mr Syafruddin is the key man in redistributing tens of billions of dollars of assets inherited from banks that failed in the economic crisis.

The most high profile of them in Cabinet now is the Minister for State Enterprises, Mr Laksamana Sukardi, a one-time ally of Mr Eros. Through Mr Laksamana, he has managed to control cash cows such as Pertamina, Indosat and Telkom.

In 1999, the party generated millions of dollars even though it was not in power. Today, the amount has grown considerably amid accusations it acquired the funds from Indonesian conglomerates such as Sreenivasan Marimuthu and Nursalim.

Mr Taufik's critics say his shady dealings with them have made him a liability. But in the broad scheme of things, he has turned out to be an asset for Ms Megawati and the PDI-P.

Building a huge war chest has helped the party spread the patronage network far and wide. A lot of that money has gone to East Java, Nadhlatul Ulama's (NU) home base.

A consummate political strategist, Mr Taufik has been plotting his wife's re-election for the past two years. For him, there are no eternal enemies across political lines -- just alliances yet to be made.

A year after bringing him down, Mr Taufik bowed and kissed the hand of Mr Abdurrahman, who still remains an influential NU figure. As Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation, the NU is an important electoral constituency for the president.

He spread his wings wide in the NU and was instrumental in prodding his wife to make the trip to Malang in East Java two weeks ago to meet chairman Hasyim Muzadi.

He believes that any coalition has to factor the Muslim ground. "Being a nationalist Muslim, she needs to ally herself with a Muslim nationalist. That is the formula for political stability in Indonesia."

Clearly, Mr Hasyim is one of the candidates for the vice presidency. More significantly, another man on the list is Coordinating Minister for Welfare Jusuf Kalla. Mr Jusuf is a Golkar man from South Sulawesi with strong ties to Islamic groups.

Mr Taufik concedes with a wry grin: "Golkar is simply our best choice." His aides say that if the PDI-P and Golkar combine forces, they would clinch the presidential election in the first round because others like NU, PKB and the military would also throw their weight behind such a coalition.

This could be one reason the palace might have acquiesced with the Supreme Court decision two weeks ago to exonerate Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung on corruption charges. The Taufik camp believes that Mr Akbar would be more receptive to an alliance with PDI-P, compared with other Golkar contenders like Mr Wiranto, who was seen "as a greater threat".

It is still an open question whether the two juggernauts will coalesce. But the acquittal has weakened Mr Wiranto's position by allowing Mr Akbar to strengthen his grip on Golkar.

Mr Taufik says things are looking bright for Ms Megawati and the PDI-P, which he believes will win 40 per cent of the votes in the general election.

He notes: "Ibu Mega has brought back political and economic stability to the country. Indonesia needs a traditional and feudal leader. Megawati is that person. She also has a beautiful smile that can win the hearts and minds of the poor. Don't believe all the surveys that run us down. We will win."

As the puppet master working behind the screen, he has it all worked out.

But will the power behind the throne make a bid for the presidency himself one day? Or would he be content to remain just as Pak Taufik, T.K. and Mr One-and-a-Half? He smiles.

2004 elections

Ex-president Wahid to run for top post again

Agence France Presse - February 24, 2004

The man who was sacked as Indonesia's president in 2001 said Tuesday he is seeking a second chance to lead the country.

"I want to show that I'm capable of governing," Abdurrahman Wahid told reporters on the sidelines of an international conference of Islamic scholars.

Wahid has been nominated by the National Awakening Party, which he helped found, for the July 5 presidential election.

"I have faith in the election," said Wahid, who headed Indonesia's largest Islamic organization, the Nahdlatul Ulama, before being elected president in 1999.

Wahid said legislators had accused him of incompetence and dismissed him in July 2001 because they could not prove their accusations that he was engaged in corruption.

Wahid's erratic style of leadership and his penchant for controversy while he was president irked legislators.

MPs censured Wahid after a parliamentary commission accused him of complicity in the loss of funds from the state food agency Bulog but the case never went to court.

The practically-blind Wahid was sacked and replaced by his deputy Megawati Sukarnoputri. His attempts to hold on to power by declaring a state of emergency and dissolving parliament were ignored.

Golkar holds sway in Sulawesi

Straits Times - February 26, 2004

Devi Asmarani -- The coming Indonesia elections will not be fought and won in Jakarta or in Java alone. The mood of the people living elsewhere in this sprawling country will be critical. Starting today, correspondents of The Straits Times bring you a series of special reports from around the nation. Today, we travel to far-off South Sulawesi, at the eastern end of Indonesia, a world apart from the hustle and bustle of the country's capital.

Makassar (South Sulawesi) -- The fiercely proud people of this historic coastal city remember former President B.J. Habibie, who hailed from the area.

Their other claim to fame is that another one of their own, Cabinet minister Jusuf Kalla, is among the top contenders in the coming polls.

Local political analyst Marwan Mas said: "South Sulawesi will never forget what Jakarta did to Habibie. It serves as a reminder that we can never trust them." The man who had been vice- president in former president Suharto's last, brief Cabinet came from Pare-Pare, a fishing town about 200km north of here.

A year after he replaced the disgraced president, his accountability speech was rejected by the National Assembly.

Then his Golkar party, which won the second-largest number of votes in the general election, joined a coalition of Muslim parties in parliament and voted for cleric Abdurrahman Wahid in the presidential election. But the people in these parts never turned against Golkar.

Thanks to Mr Habibie, the party maintained its dominance in this stronghold even in the June 1999 election when the backlash against Golkar was at its strongest. Being the most developed province in the far-flung islands of eastern Indonesia, South Sulawesi and its eight million people are a barometer for politics in the region.

Golkar won more than 90 per cent of the votes here for three decades. The party had been linked to its rapid development.

In fact, Mr Suharto used South Sulawesi as a model of development in eastern Indonesia. The province is one of the country's major commercial hubs, strong in agribusiness and the marine industry.

Although the vote for Golkar fell to 66.5 per cent by 1999, South Sulawesi still contributed 20 per cent of Golkar's seats in parliament. The party won overwhelmingly in nearly all of its 24 regencies and municipalities, trailed by the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP).

The only serious competition it faced was in the Christian enclave of Tana Toraja from the Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle.

But the fall of the Suharto regime in May 1998 led to a major leadership change in Golkar. Former minister Akbar Tandjung rose to the party's helm. Under him, the region was gradually stripped of its influence.

Some of the province's MPs have clashed head-on with him. One of them, Makassar native Marwah Daud Ibrahim, was suspended for a while for her constant criticism of the Golkar leadership.

The hostility towards Jakarta grew under Mr Abdurrahman's presidency when he sacked Mr Kalla from his Cabinet. The move was seen by the people here, reputed for their fiery temper, as an assault on their pride.

Nevertheless, it is hard to imagine a South Sulawesi without Golkar. The party has maintained its grip on local politics in a province that has been dominated by the same political dynasties for years.

Governor Amien Syam, for example, heads the Golkar provincial chapter. His deputy in the chapter, Mr Eddy Baramuli from the influential Baramuli family, is the provincial legislature speaker.

The day The Straits Times arrived here, the 45-strong Makassar city council was electing its mayor. All three candidates, although endorsed by different parties, were Golkar cadres. All but two regencies in the province are led by Golkar party officials.

And the New Order-era practice of ordering their district and sub-district heads to secure Golkar victories in their areas is reportedly on the rise.

Nearly half of the residents of the 62,482 sq km province do not finish their primary education. Thus, politicians can influence them easily. In fact, in many fishing and farming villages, Golkar's ubiquitous symbol of a banyan tree against a yellow background has become so deeply associated with the election that voting for it is almost like a second nature for some.

"I'll go with the usual," said fisherman Fadjar, referring to Golkar as his choice again this year. Party deputy Baramuli said: "People have been voting for our symbol for decades, other parties stand no chance outside of the cities and towns."

Then there is Mr Kalla, one of the six presidential hopefuls on Golkar's ticket. Long before he turned to politics, he was well known as a successful and respected businessman. However, now that Mr Akbar's corruption conviction has been overturned, people here concede that he stands little chance of winning the presidency.

Although Mr Akbar is expected to campaign for the presidency to boost votes for Golkar in the April election, experts believe he will eventually accept the vice-presidency. But whichever presidential candidate he runs with, South Sulawesi is certain to back him.

Mr Jalaludin Rahman, the head of the provincial chapter of PPP, said: "Managing a party needs money and human infrastructure, that is why we never dream of defeating Golkar." As for the PPP, it has been rocked by internal strife. Many of its constituents here have moved to a new party founded by its splinter group, the Star Reforms Party.

But the PPP's biggest rival will likely be the PDK, a new party founded by regional autonomy policy champions Ryaas Rasyid and Andi Malaranggeng.

Mr Ryaas started his career as a district chief in Makassar. He was head of the prestigious Institute of Public Administration (IIP) in Jakarta from which most of the promising government officials graduate.

"Most of the district and village chiefs were Ryaas students in IIP, they have confidence and admiration for Ryaas," he said.

Finally, religion is an issue in this predominantly Muslim province. There has been a concerted effort since 2000 to introduce syariah law in the province. The movement has been supported by most of the local elites -- most likely for political gain -- but not in Jakarta.

Some regencies, however, have started to impose their own regulations with Islamic undertones. The Prosperous Justice Party, which appeals to staunchly devout young Muslims, is also gaining a foothold in the province.

Despite this, support for the syariah cause has dwindled since some people linked to the movement were arrested for involvement in last year's bombing of a McDonald's outlet and a car dealership.

Referring to the association of the colour green with Islam, businessman Irfan Helmi said: "They want to make this place green, but I think it will be yellow for a long, long time."

Golkar, PDI-P coalition possible: Taufik

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Surabaya/Jakarta -- Influential Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) member Taufik Kiemas expressed interest in a formal coalition with the Golkar Party in the presidential elections, although this idea was quickly dismissed by his colleagues.

During his visit to Surabaya on Wednesday, Taufik said his wife, PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, deserved a running mate of Golkar Party leader Akbar Tandjung or Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) head Hasyim Muzadi's quality in the direct presidential election on July 5.

"Megawati fits figures like Hasyim Muzadi or Akbar Tandjung, as they share a similar platform," Taufik said. He asserted such a coalition could materialize with the approval of the PDI-P's central executive board.

PDI-P secretary general Soetjipto quickly brushed aside the statement, saying the party had yet to decide on Megawati's running mate.

"PDI-P is not even looking into the possibility [of naming Akbar as vice presidential candidate]. If Akbar said he wanted to be Megawati's vice president then it was his personal statement. We PDI-P have not yet begun any discussion on vice presidential candidates," Soetjipto said.

Taufik and Soetjipto were briefing the party's legislative candidates about who would contest the provincial and regental legislature elections in April.

This month, Akbar said he and other Golkar members were willing to form a coalition with the PDI-P. His statement came days after he was acquitted by the Supreme Court for corruption charges.

A coalition between the two nationalist-oriented parties may avoid a run-off, which is scheduled for September 20. A presidential candidate needs a simple majority vote to win the top post.

In the 1999 election, the PDI-P won 33.8 percent of the vote, while Golkar Party around 20 percent.

Akbar has come under fire for his statement as Golkar has yet to conclude its national convention to select the party's presidential candidate. In Jakarta, Golkar deputy leader Fahmi Idris said Akbar should retract his statement as it violated the objective of the convention.

"The convention is aimed at selecting the Golkar presidential candidate, not other posts. The party supporters are very sure we will win 33 percent of the vote and win the presidential election, Akbar should not have made such a statement," Fahmi said on Wednesday.

"It is not right to expect Golkar to finish second after PDI-P." He said a meeting between Akbar and Taufik last December resulted in no agreement on a coalition between the two parties.

"The meeting could not be considered anything important because there was no detailed discussion of a possible coalition. There were no certain talks whatsoever on the coalition," Fahmi said.

Akbar said Golkar was ready to join forces with PDI-P and he was prepared to be nominated as a vice presidential aspirant. "Yes, we could form a coalition with PDI-P because we have many similarities," said Akbar.

Both PDI-P and Golkar share similar platforms, had the same responses to current issues, and both were willing to share power, he said. He said the coalition would much depend on the results of the legislative election.

BIN predicts smooth and peaceful general elections

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Chief of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) Lt. Gen. (ret.) A.M. Hendropriyono foresees no (major) security disturbances that could obstruct the upcoming general election, saying several minor conflicts may occur but they could be kept under control.

"Security authorities, mainly the police, the military and BIN have been monitoring all areas across the country to make sure that the elections go smoothly.

"Of course, there might be minor disturbances, but I'm sure that it won't disrupt the political events," Hendropriyono said in a seminar on intelligence at the University of Indonesia here on Wednesday.

He said BIN has detected several groups who were trying to foil the elections but they could not do so as authorities were already aware of their operative method. He declined to identify the groups. "We have given the green light to the government to go ahead with the elections," he said.

More than 145 million voters will go to polling stations to vote in the legislative and presidential elections. Twenty-four political parties will be contesting the legislative election on April 5.

Fear of widespread confusion in remote areas looms as the General Elections Commission (KPU) has been behind schedule in making the necessary preparations for the legislative elections. KPU has not yet finished distributing ballot boxes and ballot papers to remote areas in Sulawesi, Maluku and Papua.

Many political observers and rights campaigners have expressed their concern that the elections could not run democratically in conflict-ridden Aceh due to the ongoing martial law and the military operation to quell the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Meanwhile, National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said that the police planned to deploy around 180,000 personnel to maintain security and order nationwide during the elections. He called on political parties to deploy their paramilitary personnel to coordinate with security authorities to maintain security during the election campaign period and the election days.

Da'i also said that the police had provided protection for all KPU members and staff in the regions to assist them in preparations for the elections.

House Commission II chairman Teras Narang said the House would monitor the usage of Rp 10.6 trillion allocated to finance the election, including Rp 1.2 trillion for security expenditure.

TNI to remain neutral in elections

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

A. Junaidi, Jakarta -- The Indonesian Military (TNI) has pledged to maintain its neutrality in the upcoming general election, its chief said on Wednesday.

In a hearing with the House of Representatives's Commission I on defense, TNI Commander Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said this would represent a small break with tradition.

"We will remain neutral. We will keep the same distance from all political parties," Endriartono said. The TNI wouldn't use the elections for its political ends because free and fair elections put the nation on the right track in what was a transitional era, he said.

The military's image has been badly tarnished because of the role it played under former president Soeharto's authoritarian regime during the 32-year New Order era. It has also been much criticized for its political support for the Soeharto's Golkar Party.

Entering the reform era in 1998, the military conducted an internal reform to stay out of politics and to gradually pull out of the legislature. Unlike many other democratic countries, military servicemen are still not able to vote in general and presidential elections.

Endriartono assured the public the military would respect whatever the results of the elections and be loyal to the government formed from the polls. To help maintain order during the elections, the TNI was waiting to be coordinated by the National Police, who were in charge of home security, he said.

Concerning Aceh, Endriartono said Military personnel would not be deployed to maintain security in polling stations there. This would allay fears the Military was intimidating Acehnese people to go to polling stations or to cast their votes for certain parties. However, servicemen "...could be stationed one kilometer or 100 meters from the sites [polling stations]," he said.

Both the government and the Military have been criticized for rejecting calls to demilitarize regions in the area considered relatively secure. They are also under fire for establishing pro-Jakarta militia groups who, it is feared, will drive voters to polling stations during the legislative and presidential elections.

In hearing with a House commission on home and legal affairs, National Police Chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar said police were prepared to handle possible disruptions to the elections. Police were cooperating with the Military to provide protection for the General Election Commission (KPU) and its regional offices, he said.

State Intelligence Agency head A.M. Hendropriyono was also sure the elections would be safe. "There are small waves, but we will run things smoothly," Hendropriyono said in a seminar at the University of Indonesia on Wednesday.

Court hands down fine to early campaigners

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- In the first trial for election violations at the Central Jakarta District Court, a businessman and his four employees were found guilty, but given light slaps on the wrist, for early campaigning that violated the law on general elections.

The panel of judges ordered PT Citra Bunda director Adi Hartono and his four employees of Hartati, Nunik Wulandari, Sugiharti and Romlah to pay fines of Rp 200,000 (US$23) for the director and Rp 100,000 for each of the employees.

Presiding judge Effendi Murod said in his verdict that the defendants were guilty of violating Article 138 of Law No. 12/2003 on the general elections, by campaigning for the National Awakening Party (PKB) ahead of the official campaign season.

"We found the defendants guilty of distributing the party's flyers, symbols, pictures and other items in support of PKB legislative candidate Abi Susanto before the scheduled campaign time," the verdict said.

Adi, who was not accompanied by legal counsel in the course of the court proceedings, immediately paid the fine ordered against him and his four employees.

"Although I am not satisfied with the ruling, I am willing to pay the fine as I don't want to be involved in this legal issue any longer," he said.

The defendants stated that they did not know about the campaign regulation, but added that a similar verdict should also be handed down to other violators.

In the indictment, prosecutors -- who sought 15 days in jail for the offense -- said that Adi received an order last year from Abi to make 10,000 brochures, 50 banners, 20,000 stickers and 50,000 T-shirts bearing the party's symbol and Abi's face.

After finishing the order, Adi, on his own initiative, told his four employees to distribute the brochures in some churches.

On December 24, the four began giving them to churchgoers at the Jakarta Cathedral. The police saw them and told them to stop. But then the four went to the Batak Protestant church in Kemayoran, Central Jakarta and distributed the brochures there. That is when the police arrested them.

The four told police investigators that they received Rp 10,000 each from their boss for transportation.

The General Elections Commission (KPU) announced March 11 as the starting date for a 21-day campaign period for the 24 parties eligible for the legislative elections.

Article 133 of Law No. 12/2003 stipulates that a trial to hear a violation of the election law must be completed in less than 21 days.

Tutut's planned visit irks NU, PKB

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Indra Harsaputra and Abdul Kholik, Surabaya/Jakarta -- The National Awakening Party (PKB) and Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) expressed skepticism on Tuesday over the planned visit by Siti "Tutut" Hardijanti Rukmana, the eldest daughter of former president Soeharto, to Islamic boarding schools in East Java.

PKB East Java chapter deputy chairman Fatorrosjid said Tutut's visit had worried several ulemas in the province, who believe the trip would be used for political motives as she had been nominated as presidential candidate by the ultraconservative, New Order-embracing Concern for the Nation Functional Party (PKPB).

"The PKB can't ban Tutut from coming to the province, but we do question her motives," Fatorrosjid told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

He said Tutut was planning to visit several boarding schools in East Java, including the influential Salafiyah Syafiiyah Islamic boarding school in Situbondo. He, however, did not say exactly when Tutut would drop in.

He added that the PKB and NU would "prepare" for the visit so that it would not be used to declare support for certain political parties. "It's OK is she comes here personally. But she better not expect to meet with NU leaders or any party members," he said.

The PKPB was created by and now chaired by former Army chief Gen. (ret) R. Hartono, reportedly at the behest of Soeharto himself. East Java is a stronghold of PKB, the political party established by NU leaders.

On Monday, several ulemas from Islamic boarding schools in East Java and loosely connected to NU, visited Soeharto at his residence in Menteng, Central Jakarta, creating speculation that they could be leaning toward support of Tutut and PKPB.

However, NU East Java chapter chairman Ali Maschan Moesa said he thought the ulema's visit could well have been a "political mission", while adding that it was not done on the instructions of the NU leadership.

"Even though they [the Soeharto-visiting ulemas] are not part of the leadership structure, ethically they should not have visited Cendana," Ali said referring to the name of Soeharto's address on Jl. Cendana. "If they wanted to see him, why didn't they go long ago. Why now, just before election campaigning starts?" he wondered.

Separately, former NU chairman Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid said the ulema visit was meaningless, because they were "small peanuts" with very little influence. "They are ulema kacangan (peanuts) who have no followers. Don't bother stressing about it, they just visited (Soeharto)," Gus Dur, who is also a former President, explained after giving a speech at the International Seminar of Islamic Scholars in Jakarta.

Akbar under fire for 'running mate' comment

Straits Times - February 25, 2004

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung has come under fire from within his own party for suggesting that he will accept the vice-presidency after the election for the legislature in April.

Mr Akbar, who is a Golkar presidential contender, made the statement on Sunday. But he played it down yesterday after a barrage of attacks, mostly from other presidential hopefuls in the party.

He had said he was prepared to be incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri's running mate in the July presidential poll, depending on the outcome of the legislative election on April 5.

His strongest competitor in the Golkar convention process to pick presidential contenders, former army chief General Wiranto, said: "It is not appropriate for a chairman of Golkar which is working hard to win the election to make a statement like that."

After three decades of domination, Golkar finished second in the 1999 presidential poll behind Ms Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P).

Golkar is expected to win more votes this year, possibly defeating the PDI-P, amid rising disappointment over the slow progress of reforms.

Gen Wiranto said Mr Akbar's gesture sparked suspicions that he has made deals with the PDI-P elite to become Ms Megawati's running mate if he is endorsed by the Golkar convention in April.

Mr Akbar is seen as a leading contender among the six candidates vying for support in the convention after the Supreme Court cleared him of his conviction for corruption.

But on Sunday night in Solo, Central Java, he told reporters that the PDI-P still had strong grassroots support and could emerge as the winner in the legislative election. If that happens, he is likely to enter into a coalition with the nationalist party because of the similarity in their platforms, he said.

There is also a consensus among other Golkar presidential contenders that they will run for the vice-presidency depending on the outcome of the legislative poll, he said. "In one of our leadership meetings last year, the convention participants agreed that any winner emerging from the convention will agree to run as the vice-president," he said on Sunday.

But another Golkar presidential hopeful, businessman Surya Paloh, claimed he did not know this. He said on Monday: "Akbar's remark is pathetic and irritating. Akbar has started a war in Golkar. If Golkar convention candidates are only aiming for the vice- president's position, then what is the point of holding a convention to pick the best presidential candidate?" he was quoted by The Jakarta Post as saying.

Analysts said that although Golkar could win the legislative poll, Mr Akbar knows he has little chance in a head-on contest against Ms Megawati. She is seen as the "crowd's favourite" because of the corruption charges against him.

There is speculation that his plan to withdraw from the presidential fray is part of a deal with the Megawati camp for his acquittal by the Supreme Court.

He was sentenced to three years by a lower court for misappropriating 40 billion rupiah (S$8.02 million) in state funds for the poor which was used to bankroll Golkar's election campaign. The Supreme Court, however, ruled that he was only following orders from former president B.J. Habibie. The ruling angered many people who suspect that it was influenced by politics.

The chairman of Indonesia's largest Islamic organisation, the 40-million-strong Nahdlatul Ulama, warned that the decision could endanger the country. Mr Hasyim Muzadi told Tempo magazine: "Things like this are really incompatible with the people's sense of justice. This embryo [of discontent] can later snowball into something very dangerous. Legal dysfunction is the start of anarchy."

Little policy differences among elite parties

Green Left Weekly - February 25, 2004

Max Lane -- With only six weeks until the general election, there still seems to be very little popular interest in it. Even professional politicians, who are very interested, are focused on possible cross-party alliances, rather than competitive campaigning for voters support.

Not only are elite parties not offering new or different policies, they are not even trying new sloganeering or packaging of current ones.

It is easy enough to identify the parties, but what are their policies? There has rarely been any opposition to the neoliberal economic policy or conservative social legislation President Megawati Sukarnoputri has put forward.

Megawati heads the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), along with her husband, businessman and long-time political operator, Taufik Kiemas. It is the largest party in the parliament, having won around 34% of the vote in 1999.

The PDIP has a strong base among provincial businesspeople and some aspiring national conglomerates. These figures campaign for the party among workers and peasants in less-Islamicised areas of Indonesia, such as Java. Many of these elite figures trace their political lineage back to the right-wing of the Indonesian National Party (PNI). Most of the left of the PNI was killed or imprisoned in 1965.

The Golkar party, which was former dictator Suharto's party, is the second largest in the parliament. In 1999, most of its 23% was collected in eastern Indonesia and some parts of Sumatra. Its current chairperson, Akbar Tanjung, had his corruption conviction quashed by the High Court.

Golkar's support comes from big business, the bureaucracy and the big layer of technocrats in the private sector. Many of these, especially those loyal to Tanjung, were right-wing Islamic student activists in the 1960s and '70s.

The Golkar faction that was loyal to former president BJ Habibie now seems to be backing General Wiranto as Golkar's presidential candidate.

A new small party on the scene is the Democratic Party. Despite no apparent public support, it has recruited General Bambang Susilo Yudoyono, the coordinating minister for politics and security, and is hoping to get the 3% of the vote necessary to nominate Yudoyono for president. Yodoyono scores high in polls among the professional and business classes in Jakarta. There are several other new small elite pro-business parties standing in the elections. It is impossible to assess their electoral pull.

The United Development Party (PPP), the Star and Crescent Party (PBB), the Justice and Welfare Party (PKS) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) are parties based among the stricter Muslims of the country's towns.

This base descends from the 1970s merchants of the major ports, particularly batik merchants, whose ancestors converted to Islam from Hinduism in the 16th and 17th centuries. Their children dominated the universities after the expulsion of most of the left-wing student population in 1965, and then came to dominate the public service, business and the professions.

Before 1965, they were represented by one major party, the right-wing Masyumi. Today there are at least 10 parties supported by this constituency, those listed above the most prominent.

The PPP was developed as an instrument of the Suharto regime. It scored 11% at the 1999 elections, and its current head Hamzah Haz is the Indonesian vice-president. It is not clear whether it has enough support among Islamic elites in the middle-size towns to maintain its vote.

The PBB is headed by Yusril Mahendra, formerly a Suharto speech writer, and current minister for law and human rights. It pitches at the most conservative Muslim clerics, and got 2% at the last election. Mahendra has championed a new reactionary law on moral codes and sexual mores.

PAN started off as a multi-religious party, attracting some liberal intellectuals. Under Amien Rais's leadership, it has become more identified as an Islamic party. It scored 7% on the last elections.

The PKS is the most active of the four, with influence among Islamic students on many university campuses and mosques in villages around Jakarta. It combines a fundamentalist call for Islamic law with modern forms of organisation. It has organised street protests against corruption, attended by university students and home-working women. It has also been critical of what it sees as excessive military influence in politics. It scored 1.36% in the 1999 elections.

The National Awakening Party (PKB) is led by Abdurrahman Wahid, who was president in 1999-2000. The PDIP, Golkar and the Islamic right parties combined to dismiss him.

In an often uncomfortable combination, the PKB draws its support from socially conservative rural Islamic clerics (who have guru- like influence over some villagers), and the more liberal intellectuals of the Indonesian establishment.

The PKB is associated with the Nahdatul Ulama. However, this 60- year-old organisation of clerics is now trying to assert its own interests. It contains both wealthy landlords and impoverished public servants and farmers.

The PKB, which won 13% of the vote in the last election, is the party closest to having differing policies from the government, in politics if not economics. These include a further reduction in the political role of the army and "reconciliation", including the restoration of rights, with former members of the Indonesian Communist Party and their families.

In addition to these parties, which contested the 1999 election, there are new parties running. Green Left Weekly will report on these in its next edition.

Indonesia needs my leadership, says Wiranto

Straits Times - February 28, 2004

Lee Kim Chew -- In his bid to become Indonesia's next president, former military chief General Wiranto yesterday used Singapore as his launch pad to project himself as the strong leader his country needs.

He banked on his long experience as presidential aide, defence minister, armed forces commander and coordinating minister for security and politics during the Suharto, Habibie and Gus Dur presidencies.

He did not accept the presidency offered by then president Suharto in 1988 because "the timing was wrong". The pro-democracy movement was suspicious of his motives and ties with the Suharto family, he said.

But President Megawati Sukarnoputri and her predecessor Gus Dur had failed to lead Indonesia out of its political and economic crisis, he said.

Little had been done to stamp out corruption and reforms had stalled. Foreign investments had fallen and unemployment was up. He could solve these problems, he said, which was why he was running for president in the election in July.

Speaking to diplomats, businessmen and academics at a talk organised by Ampro Business Club and the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies in the Marina Mandarin Hotel, he pitched his message thus: "What Indonesia needs most is a strong, experienced leader. I'm now ready to run for president because I feel that I'm the only candidate who can provide this leadership." He would institute wide-ranging reforms.

"If Indonesia has a weak leader and democracy fails, the results for the rest of the Muslim world could be disastrous." An unstable Indonesia would also undermine stability in Asean, he added.

"I have zero tolerance for terrorists ... If elected, I'll devote adequate time, funds and resources to exterminate terrorists on our lands and seas. I know how to do it," he said.

"Given the current liability of Indonesia to various internal threats, I would assert strong, capable leadership embodied by an experienced commander. This is not just an attractive option, it is a requirement ... I'm selling hope, not fear here."

Asked if his bid to clinch the Golkar candidacy was in jeopardy because of the court acquittal for party chief Akbar Tandjung's conviction for corruption, he said the voters would judge a candidate by his track record.

Gen Wiranto said he was seeking a one-term presidency because this would focus minds on solving the country's problems rather than thinking of how to win the next election.

He conceded that his past links with Mr Suharto were a disadvantage now. But who was not linked to the former president during his long rule, he asked? "I'm pro-reform and will make changes to advance the democratic cause," he said.

Tens of thousands of voters may lose right to vote

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Muh. Azis Tunny and Yemris Fointuna, Ambon/Kupang -- Tens of thousands of eligible voters in Maluku and East Nusa Tenggara provinces may not be able to vote in the upcoming elections, as they are not registered with the Central Statistics Agency (BPS).

In Maluku province, the BPS has finished registering voters, although 7,000 eligible voters have not been registered.

Matheos George Lailossa, a member of the Maluku Provincial Elections Commission (KPUD), said that geographical factors had impeded the registration process.

"Maluku is made up of thousands of islands, so it takes a long time for the bureau staff to visit eligible voters one by one to register them," he said on Thursday in the Maluku capital of Ambon.

As a result, the bureau was unable to meet the Jan. 29 deadline imposed by the General Elections Commission (KPU).

Chief of the Maluku KPUD Idrus Tatuhey said that he would write to the KPU to request permission to invite the 7,000 eligible voters who had missed out to register.

"The KPU has to make it quick, because the general election is scheduled for April 5," he said.

Similarly in the East Nusa Tenggara's capital of Kupang, some 30,000 prospective voters in the province may not be able to vote in the elections.

Jhon Lalongkoe, a member of the East Nusa Tenggara KPUD, explained on Friday that most of province's 30,000 eligible voters had "not been at home" when BPS staff had stopped by to register them.

The East Nusa Tenggara KPUD would also write to the KPU to request a second chance for eligible voters to register.

"These people should not lose their right to vote," he said. Some 2 million people have registered to vote in the upcoming elections.

PDI-P threatened in Medan

Straits Times - February 28, 2004

Robert Go, Medan -- Motorised-rickshaw driver Iskandar was one of millions who chose the black bull symbol of President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle (PDI-P) in 1999.

But the 37-year-old has had a change of heart, he said, as he steered his smoke-spluttering vehicle through the traffic here in the capital of North Sumatra. "I won't make that mistake again. Once was enough. PDI-P promised us many things, but what have we seen so far? Nothing," Mr Iskandar said angrily. "Many of the poor have felt the same disappointment."

One may think a man who takes home about 20,000 rupiah (S$4) at the end of each 14-hour working day knows little about politics. But analysts and politicians agree with Mr Iskandar. They say the wong-cilik -- the little people in Javanese language -- who put PDI-P in power five years ago might not be there this time around.

Medan, and North Sumatra in general, stand to become key battlegrounds in April. Ms Megawati's party took 44 per cent of the vote in North Sumatra, the country's fourth most populous province and the largest outside of Java Island, in 1999.

Around 22 per cent of the 7.2 million votes went to PDI-P's biggest rival, Golkar. The Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP) of Vice-President Hamzah Haz pulled in 10 per cent for third place.

Analysts here argue that many now perceive PDI-P as having failed to fulfil its 1999 pledge to fight corruption, provide services to and protect the downtrodden, and bring about an economic turnaround.

Prof Henry Sitorus from the North Sumatra University, who is the director of the Electoral and Democratic Research Agency (LipDem), said: "PDI-P won on the back of promises of reforms and on Megawati's personal appeal in 1999. That latter factor may remain with some voters but most people don't buy the reform promises any more."

Worse yet, internal disputes between PDI-P factions in North Sumatra may have reduced the party's vote-getting potential. Mr J. Anto, director of non-governmental electoral reform group Kippas, said local PDI-P leaders have set up competing youth groups which run protection rackets.

"They operate like the mafia," he said. "Each party leader has his own youth wing, and these groups are being used to collect money from local communities both for the party's and the leaders' personal treasure chests. They often clash." Mr Anto said these added to the perception that PDI-P officials were interested mostly in enriching themselves, instead of working on behalf of the people.

A local PDI-P cadre, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told The Straits Times: "Yes, such things have happened. But we think there is still quite a strong level of support for the party, and for Ibu Megawati personally." Mr Rizal Mallarangeng, an American-trained political analyst who wrote some of Ms Megawati's speeches last year, also thinks PDI-P will be fighting an uphill battle in North Sumatra.

"The view of the people, specifically the poor, is that PDI-P has failed to spur reforms," he said. "That's the key, as the party's victory in 1999 was largely based on support from workers, farmers and other low-income groups."

The PDI-P's loss is the other parties' gain. Golkar in particular sees an opportunity to boost its influence in April.

Mr Dharwan Wijaya and Mr Leong Sudarto, its candidates for the Medan city and North Sumatra provincial parliaments respectively, said their party could see a 10-point jump to 32 per cent of the votes.

But analysts said there might still be too much distrust of the party of former strongman Suharto. After all, only six years have passed since he was forced to resign.

Instead, they believe that smaller parties, particularly those that have worked locally and shown their capacity to govern cleanly and transparently in the last five years, might benefit from PDI-P's losses.

Mr Sitorus said Christian communities, which make up about 35 per cent of the province's population and voted mostly for the PDI-P in the last elections, might opt for the Peace and Prosperity Party, a new Christian-based entry.

Nationalist Muslims and university students, particularly in urban centres, may favour the Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS), which has established a reputation for being tough on corruption.

The PKS got fewer than 45,000 votes in 1999 but Mr Sigit Pramono Asri, its only representative in the North Sumatra parliament, said: "We have higher expectations. At least two or three PKS cadres from this province should be able to go to the national parliament in Jakarta. In the province, we should go from one to seven or eight, out of the available 85 seats."

While the PDI-P made promises and sat on them, Mr Sigit, an ethnic Javanese, said the PKS delivered food aid to the poor as well as cash and material donations to formal charities. It also dealt seriously with any cadre who was found to be corrupt.

"We don't play politics. We just do what we think is right, and the people saw and many have decided we deserve more support," said Mr Sigit, 38.

The only bet members of the local political elite are willing to make is that the PDI-P has lost ground, perhaps by as much as 15 percentage points, since 1999.

The real answer to who will benefit from this may lie with people like Mr Iskandar. But getting the poor to go to the polls may be difficult.

"Some of my friends said they wouldn't bother voting as they don't think they can make a difference," said Mr Iskandar. "I'm trying to tell them that they won't make a difference if they don't make a choice."

A fight for hearts - and stomachs

Straits Times - February 28, 2004

Mafoot Simon -- In this Indonesian city of almost 1,000 Islamic religious schools, it comes as no surprise that the Muslim parties will slug it out for votes in April's legislative election.

But their aim is not to win the vote of the man in the street but the hearts of the religious leaders. The reason is obvious: Earn the support of these leaders and you automatically win the support of their legions of students.

Regent Tatang P Hakim revealed just how important the role of these religious leaders is when he spoke of the religious schools, known as pesantren. "Just imagine. One thousand pesantren," he said. "How many ulama and their students there are!"

Official figures are not available but every Muslim here attends a religious school either full or part time -- a link that continues for life -- and Muslims form 99 per cent of the estimated 634,000 voters.

Thus, both the Islamic United Development Party (PPP) and the Justice Party (PKS) are working on building further their relationship with the religious leaders.

Some religious leaders are already actively involved in activities such as running party branches, said PPP secretary Didin Badrudin, 54. In fact, some are even contesting this election on his party's ticket, he added.

But the local leader of the PKS, Mr Ahmad Agus Subagio, said religious leaders have agreed to give the PKS their "moral support".

The party, which believes in leading by example, such as refusing bribes, is confident that students of the religious schools will help it during the campaign period, which begins on March 11, as they did during the 1999 election.

The nationalist Golkar party does not seem overly concerned by the moves of the Islamic parties, however. It has planted its own partisan religious leaders in its main rival, the PPP, who have been feeding back information about PPP strategies.

In fact, nine out of 45 of the candidates nominated to contest the election on the PPP ticket are members of Golkar, revealed Mr Asep Nurjani, 30, the party's secretary.

Both the PPP and Golkar do not consider other political parties to be serious rivals, "not even PAN", Mr Asep said in a rather smug reference to Dr Amien Rais' National Mandate Party. That includes President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (PDI-P).

During a break in their meeting at the City Hall here, a group of its leaders were openly despondent about their party's prospects in the coming election. "We have only one objective now: To make sure Ms Megawati wins the presidential election in July," they said.

They declined to explain the reasons for their pessimism but The Straits Times understands that some new rules introduced for the legislative election this year may pose problems for the PDI-P.

So it should boil down to a fight between the PPP and Golkar, one so fierce that Mr Asep said the two parties might choose to form some kind of a coalition to win the election.

While the political parties mull over strategies for winning the election, voters are agonising over which way to cast their votes.

Trishaw rider Asrof, 67, is one of them. "Yes, I must vote. I want to vote but I'm not sure who deserves my vote," he said.

The energetic old man, who decided to pedal trishaws "to keep fit" after he retired from his job as a driver, said the big question for him and other trishaw riders was: "Who can help me?" "From our past experience, we are not sure who can really help us," he said, adding that to him all political parties are the same.

With a grin, he said he and some fellow trishaw riders might just spoil their votes.

Another concern of ordinary people, not just in Tasikmalaya but elsewhere in the West Java region beyond Jakarta, is the soaring prices of necessities. The cost of rice and kerosene has gone up several times since the last election in 1999.

"I can't cook without kerosene even if I have rice. I can't cook even if I have kerosene but not rice. I need both but often I can't afford either," said Madam Dede, 50, a shopkeeper. What makes it worse, said farmer Safruddin, 37, is that fertiliser is also expensive.

With such immediate pressing concerns, voters might just base their decision on their own immediate needs.

In fact, a survey last December found that the ideology of political parties -- whether they are Islamic or nationalist -- had little impact on how people would vote.

Another survey, conducted last August, found that 58 per cent of those polled did not identify themselves with any party.

Chances are, said some of those interviewed, the key to who will win the election might well be what is known here as "serangan fajar" or attack at dawn.

This is when, they explained, the parties begin distributing basic necessities -- and money -- to voters at dawn, right after the first of five Muslim daily prayers.

Referring to trishaw rider Asrof, a Priangan journalist, Mr Bambang, 40, observed: "Some of the trishaw riders are already saying 'I will vote for whoever gives me the most'."

Interests, not platforms behind coalitions: Experts

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Having seen the current pre-election political maneuverings in the country, nobody would argue the classic adage in politics "There are no perpetual enemies, only interests".

Political experts attending a discussion at the House of Representatives on Friday agreed any coalitions among political parties would be built more on short-term political interests than on the similarity of their political platforms.

"If this phenomenon goes uncontrolled, it will create collusive relations among all the parties involved," Indria Samego, of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, warned.

Iberamsjah of the University of Indonesia said such coalitions would simply determine "who gets what", regardless of their platforms.

Both said coalitions would not benefit the people because the political elite would fight for the interests of their respective parties, providing the public with a bad political example.

Also speaking at the discussion were Ade Komaruddin from the Golkar Party and Samuel Koto from the National Mandate Party (PAN).

Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung recently sparked speculation about a possible coalition with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). He was willing to become President Megawati Soekarnoputri's deputy president, he said.

A coalition is possible because it is likely no candidate will win a majority of votes in the first round of presidential elections in July.

Presidential candidate and PDI-P leader Megawati has not responded to the offer. However, she made it clear that she would like to win the coveted post in the first-round of the presidential elections on July 5. A party or group of parties need to win the majority vote to settle the issue.

PDI-P and Golkar finished first and second respectively in the 1999 election. In the past, to many the PDI-P represented the oppressed while Golkar, the party of the New Order regime, the oppressors.

Despite Akbar's readiness to become Megawati's running mate, Ade Komaruddin said the PDI-P was not the only choice for a coalition.

"We are still learning about the platforms of other parties. Coalitions will depend on the result of the general elections," he said.

Ade, however, said his party hoped a coalition would consist of no more than three parties to make the decision-making process in the House more effective.

Commenting on the possible PDI-P/Golkar coalition, Samego and Iberamsjah expressed doubt it would bring about changes to the country.

"We cannot expect reform from a PDIP-Golkar coalition because both parties will only put the old guys back in power," Iberamsjah said.

He doubted a coalition between PDI-P and Golkar would dominate in the House, saying the likely birth of breakaway parties would reduce their votes.

Samego disagreed and said the PDI-P/Golkar coalition would be an irresistible force in the House.

Both Megawati and Akbar's high public profiles, as incumbent President and House Speaker, would help their parties win most of the votes in the election, he said.

More police personnel sent to conflict area for polls

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Abdul Khalik, Jakarta -- The National Police have deployed over 7,000 reinforcement personnel to three conflict-prone areas to help the existing forces there maintain security and order, prior to and during the elections.

Of the reinforcement troops, 5,000 have been sent to Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD), with 800 personnel sent to Central Sulawesi and the rest to Maluku, the last two were rocked by sectarian conflict between 1999 and 2002.

"We sent the reinforcements in anticipation of incidents that could disrupt the elections," National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Soenarko said.

Currently, Aceh Police have 7,181 personnel, excluding around 15,000 personnel who are now backing the military operation to quell rebellion in the natural resource-rich province. Central Sulawesi, which is still plagued by sporadic violence in Poso, has 4,999 personnel, and Maluku has 3,525. National Police chief Gen. Da'i Bachtiar had said previously that two thirds of the existing police force would devote their time and energy to secure the elections. Indonesia has around 280,000 police personnel.

National Intelligence Body (BIN) chief A.M. Hendropriyono has dismissed fears of chaotic elections, but asked the security authorities to remain on alert.

Soenarko said the police would also upgrade their equipment for the elections period.

"We will add vehicles, such as patrol cars and motorbikes, as well as telecommunications devices, such as walkie-talkies, for each police station," said Soenarko.

To cope with security problems in conflict-prone areas, the police have ordered 37,000 rifles from the Army Industrial Affairs Center (Pindad) in Bandung. The new weapons are expected to be delivered at the end of March.

Only 80,000 police in the country currently carry guns.

Soenarko said each police station had already been equipped with at least one patrol car and four motorbikes, as well as communication devices to enable the station to keep in touch with Jakarta headquarters. Each police precinct has been provided with at least two vans and one truck.

Apart from police personnel, the National Police have trained around 1.2 million civilians to help maintain security in their neighborhoods.

"At least one police personnel and two neighborhood guards will be deployed to each polling station, but in conflict-prone areas the combination could be increased to four police and six neighborhood guards. Regional police chiefs have the discretion to decide," Soenarko said.

Riot squads would also assist each regional police personnel. Squad members would only be armed with sticks and shields.

Soenarko said the Indonesian Military (TNI) would provide back-up troops upon request.

"Each military command will allocate some of its soldiers for the elections. Of course TNI will pay special attention to conflict- prone areas," Soenarko said.

He said 3,622 TNI soldiers would support the police in Aceh, 667 soldiers in Central Sulawesi and 500 in Maluku. Nationwide, TNI has reserved 38,515 personnel for elections security.

Indonesia will hold the legislative election on April 5 and the unprecedented direct presidential election on July 5., with the runoff on September 20.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Supreme Court rules in favor of the status quo

Green Left Internet Version - February 25, 2004

James Balowski, Jakarta -- "There's no justice for the rich in Indonesia, only for the poor", "You steal a chicken 'cos you're hungry and the police shoot you, you steal a billion rupiah and they let you off", "The Megawati government is hopeless, nothing's going to ever change" -- these were the sentiments on the streets of Jakarta on the evening of February 12, after the Supreme Court overturned the conviction of Golkar Party chief Akbar Tanjung on charges of corruption.

But despite this cynicism and anger, which people freely express given the slightest provocation -- no one was in the slightest bit surprised. (With the apparent exception of Tanjung, who put on a fine performance for the television cameras while they "anxiously awaited".) For days, the Jakarta gossip machine had been saying he would get off. The judgement, along with the curious legal reasoning behind it, had been carefully leaked to the media several days before, part of a campaign to prepare a skeptical public for the "bad news".

The facts of the case are not in question. In February 1999, former President B.J. Habibie ordered Tanjung, then state secretary, to draw 40 billion rupiah ($US4.7 million) from the State Logistics Agency (Bulog) for a food distribution program for the poor. Although there was no bidding process or plan submitted, Bulog wrote a series of cheques -- but no food ever reached the hungry.

Tanjung, who initially denied he received the money, later testified that he gave it to an obscure foundation with no experience in food distribution headed by Dadang Ruskandar, who then passed it on to business person Winfried Simatupang to implement. On the eve of his trial in 2002, Simatupang returned 32.5 billion rupiah. Both were sentenced to three years jail, and Tanjung was later sentenced to four years by the Central Jakarta's District Court. In 2003, the Jakarta High Court reaffirmed the verdict but reduced the sentence to three years. Since then Tanjung has remained free pending the Supreme Court's decision.

In their decision -- which was televised nationally and took some eight hours to read -- the judges said that there was no proof Tanjung had enriched himself, and that he wasn't responsible because he had acted on Habibie's orders, and, under Article 51 of the Criminal Code, he could not be punished for obeying his instructions. "The defendant, Akbar Tanjung, is not guilty of committing criminal acts and therefore must be freed and his name and reputation rehabilitated", Lotulong said in summary.

The judges ruled 4-1 in his favour. For reasons which were unclear, this didn't seem to apply to Ruskandar and Simatupang whose sentences were reduced but upheld.

In an unprecedented move, while Tanjung was still busy kissing the floor of his living room, one of the judges read a dissenting decision. Abdurrahman Saleh said Tanjung had engaged in "corrupt practices", was guilty of "shameful conduct because he failed to show minimal appropriate efforts to protect state money ... which the president had entrusted to him" and that "at a time when the country was sinking in crisis, the actions of the defendant truly violated one's sense of justice". He then went on to detail a series of irregularities on Tanjung's part that he said proved the findings of the two lower courts were correct.

Even before they finished, thousands of angry protesters from some 30 student groups in greater Jakarta and Bandung had gathered in front of the Supreme Court building. As it became increasingly clear that Tanjung would go free, at around 3pm a clash broke out with riot police as students tried to get closer to the court compound.

Police -- who later claimed they were provoked -- could be seen on television charging demonstrators, indiscriminately hitting them with batons and bamboo flag pools they have seized from protesters. Others were seen hurling drink bottles which they had just snatched away from nearby street vendors. At least 60 people were seriously injured, with many needing hospital treatment. The police later publicly apologised for their actions.

Demonstrations were also held in Surabaya, East Java, where hundreds of demonstrators from the Poor People's Struggle Front (FPRM) which includes the People's Democratic Party (PRD), the National Peasants Union, the National Student League for Democracy and the Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggle, burned an effigy of Tanjung, called for the Supreme Court to reject his appeal and demanding that the Golkar party to be disbanded. Students form the Indonesian Muslim Student Action Committee (KAMMI) also joined the action.

Although some members of the political elite were quick to congratulate Tanjung, the national media, students, anti- corruption campaigners and prominent lawyers unanimously slammed the decision.

Prominent lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis was quoted by the February 13 Jakarta Post as describing the finding as "a sad day for this country". Ombudsman Commission chairperson Antonius Sujata branded it "a miscarriage of justice" saying: "With this decision the public will have no more confidence in the judicial system and the government's efforts to stop corruption." Muhammad Asrun, executive director of Judicial Watch, said "This is a huge scandal ... this country's legal system is bankrupt and getting worse every day. I think the international community will no longer have confidence in the Indonesia courts".

Legal practitioner Frans Hendra Winarta said that he feared the case could be taken as a reference for other corruption cases. "If this were to happen, the defendants in other corruption cases could be exonerated. The fate of corruption cases will be the same as that in human rights abuse cases, in which only low- ranking officials or common people are sent to jail", he told the Jakarta Post.

Writing in the February 14 Jakarta Post, political commentator and former presidential adviser Wimar Witoelar said: "The main message conveyed by the Supreme Court's decision on Akbar Tandjung is that crime pays in today's Indonesia ... as long as you have common interests with those who hold political power. The verdict, in effect, legitimises corruption as an accessory of power."

Indonesia's outspoken media also roundly condemned the decision. On February 13, the popular Jakarta daily Rakyat Merdeka featured a prominent photograph of Saleh with a commentary on its front page saying "A child's question to his father: 'How much for justice in this country?'". The daily Koran Tempo called the ruling "a bitter decision" and a Jakarta Post editorial said "Plain common sense would dictate that Akbar, being the person entrusted with the disbursement of the money, should bear the responsibility for its proper allocation".

The following day, demonstrations against Tanjung and police brutality erupted throughout the country.

In Yogyakarta, Central Java, several students were injured in a clash with police when they tried to enter the Sheraton Hotel, where a number of high profile politicians were scheduled to meet. Separately, the Yogyakarta Student Communication Forum held a rally outside the office of the provincial election commission, urging them to disqualify Golkar from the up-coming elections.

Demonstrations were also held by hundreds of students from KAMMI, FPRM and the Yogyakarta Student Executive Council. Carrying posters which read "The Supreme Court is powerless, it has no guts", "Akbar is free, the people are oppressed" and "Disband the Golkar party", they held a long march through the city and ended the demonstration by symbolically sending a letter of protest to the attorney general from the central post office.

In Bandung, West Java, hundreds of angry students swarmed into the streets, distributing pamphlets and calling on the people to rise up and reject the court's verdict. In Semarang, Central Java, demonstrators held a long march through the city. In Kendari, Sulawesi, students called for Tanjung to be imprisoned. In Surabaya, students from KAMMI and the Association of Muslim Students burnt an effigy of Tanjung and took over the local radio station to broadcast their demands.

But despite the angry reaction, the fact is that over the last two years Indonesian courts have been letting off a whole slew of corrupt politicians and business people (or letting them out on bail so they can flee the country), exonerating military officers involved in gross human-rights violations and allowing the judicial and law enforcement system to degenerate into little more than a Mafia-run circus.

So although the case is symbolic -- it represents yet another step in the process of rehailitating Golkar and the political forces that backed the 32-year Suharto dictatorship -- in real terms it is largely meaningless.

Certainly for Tanjung, there was a great deal at stake. Had the conviction been upheld he would have had to abandon and his goal of becoming Golkar's candidate for the September presidential elections and his political career would have been over.

But it is unclear how much this would have weakened Golkar's chances in the elections, because although Tanjung was a major force in rebuilding and rehabilitating the party following Suharto's fall in 1998, it's strong organisational base (especially outside Java), unlimited funds and growing public nostalgia (known as SARS -- the Really Missing Suharto Syndrome) for the "good old days" of stability and economic prosperity would have worked in its favour. A number of right-wing political parties are already campaigning specifically around this theme.

The assertion that this will further undermine business confidence and foreign investment is probably exaggerated. While legal reform and corruption are of concern to investors, other factors such as bureaucratic red tape, the lack of infrastructure, low productivity and profit returns as well has having to pay the military for protection are also a major deterrent. It is noteworthy that the stock market hardly seemed to notice and the rupiah was unaffected.

Other commentators such as Witoelar have called it a "wake up call" to the country. As the February 14 Asia Times put it, "[it is] another indication that Indonesia's political elite couldn't care less" about reformasi or the fate of ordinary Indonesians. This lack of concern is bolstered by weakness and division of the opposition movement, the co-option of the student movement and the fact that, while pubic opposition to government policies is widespread and often militant, it is sporadic and locally based.

It may, however, give further impetus to the National Movement Against Electing Rotten Politicians which was formed in December in the lead-up to the April general elections. Although founded by liberal groups, the movement has been able to politically tap into the anti-elite sentiment and has been taken up enthusiastically by students and radical democratic opposition groups. Some of the more conservative founders of the group have said that it needs to go further and become a broad, grassroots- based national movement. Other more radical supporters of the campaign, such as the Trade Union Alliance Against Rotten Politicians and the PRD are also widening the campaign demands to include the rotten political parties and rotten government policies.

If nothing else, the Supreme Court just sent a very simple message to the Indonesian people: it's not just a question of not voting for rotten politicians, the whole rotten political system is bankrupt and needs be replaced.

Media/press freedom

Tycoon loses suit against Tempo

Agence France Presse - February 25, 2004

Jakarta -- Judges yesterday rejected a 20 billion rupiah (S$3.9- million) defamation lawsuit brought by a businessman against Indonesia's leading weekly news magazine, Tempo.

The Central Jakarta district court rejected the lawsuit by prominent businessman Tomy Winata because he failed to name enough plaintiffs in it, the Detikcom online news service reported.

Mr Winata sued Tempo and Ahmad Taufik, one of the magazine's editors, after Detikcom published a chronology of how Mr Winata's supporters allegedly assaulted Mr Taufik and several of his colleagues at a Jakarta police station last year.

The assault came after Tempo published an article allegedly suggesting that Mr Winata stood to profit from a fire in a Jakarta textile market last February.

The judges said the tycoon should have also named Detikcom and Didik Supriyanto, a member of the Alliance of Independent Journalists, as plaintiffs.

Koran Tempo newspaper, from the same group as the magazine, has been ordered to pay Winata US$1 million (S$1.6 million) following a separate lawsuit. The newspaper has appealed against the judgment.

Local & community issues

Verdict is not final: Minister

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- The decision by Kampar Regency Council to dismiss Kampar regent Jefri Noer and his deputy A. Zakir is not final, according to Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno.

The decision can only take effect when President Megawati Soekarnoputri endorses it, he said on Wednesday. "The President has the sole authority to decide whether the decision is lawful. But surely, she will listen to my advice and that of the Riau governor," Hari told reporters after meeting the President at the State Palace.

Hari was commenting on Saturday's plenary meeting at the Kampar Regency Council, which decided to dismiss Kampar regent Jefri Noer and his deputy A. Zakir. Both leaders were dismissed by the council, following massive teacher and student protests in the regency, which paralyzed classes for almost two weeks in Kampar, some 60 kilometers west of Pekanbaru, the capital of Riau province.

The massive protest came after Regent Jefri Noer ordered teacher Abdul Latif Hasyim out of a meeting room. The teacher was told to leave the meeting after he questioned the regent on the low budget allocation for education in the regency.

Teachers and students later accused the regent of insulting the teaching profession and staged almost two weeks of massive protests that led to the dismissal of the regent by the regency council.

The deputy regent was also dismissed on the grounds that both Zakir and the regent were responsible for a crisis of confidence among the people for the government of Kampar regency.

The popularity of the regent has been declining over the last two years. In 2002, he was accused of using a fake senior high school diploma to gain eligibility to take the post of regent. The regency council voted for his dismissal, but the decision was annulled by the Minister of Home Affairs.

Hari said that he had reported the problems in Kampar to the President, while at the same time, the Ministry of Home Affairs has assigned an investigating team. The outcome of the investigation will be forwarded to the President for consideration.

While awaiting for the President's decision, Hari said that the regent and deputy regent should continue their duties to keep the wheels of bureaucracy running in Kampar, in order to avoid a power vacuum. But, the minister ordered them not to take any strategic decisions, pending the decision of the President.

Tension continues in Kampar, nine arrested

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Haidir Anwar Tanjung, Pekanbaru -- Hundreds of civil servants staged a rally in the town of Bangkinang in Kampar regency on Tuesday to express their lack of confidence in regent Jefri Noer and his deputy A. Zakir. The regency council had recommended that the central government dismiss the two over the weekend.

Meanwhile, school activities in the province have returned to normal after thousands of teachers and students took to the streets for two weeks to demand the dismissal of the regent.

Many government offices were also closed on Tuesday due to the protest.

Chief of the local education office Basrun confirmed that all teachers and students who had participated in the rally last week had resumed regular classes.

He explained that civil servant participating in the rally were demanding that the council's decision be upheld and urged President Megawati Soekarnoputri to dismiss the regency's top officials. He added that no teachers had participated in the rally.

After two weeks with no classes, teachers and students returned to schools in the regency on Tuesday. "All schools that deployed their students and teachers to the recent rally will be asked to supplement teaching hours to reach the target set in the curriculum," he said.

The council had dismissed Jefri and Zakir in a plenary session on Saturday due to what students and teachers had called an insult to the teaching profession.

The tension emerged two weeks ago when the regent held a meeting with representatives of teachers in the regency. A school principal had been asked to leave the meeting after he questioned the regent on the low budget for education in the regency.

So far, Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno has not yet responded to the council's recommendation but said recently that he would send a team to Riau to investigate the case.

According to Law No. 22/1999 on regional autonomy, a regency council lacks the authority to dismiss a regent. The authority rests in the hands of the home minister representing the President.

Meanwhile, Kampar Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Abdul Hasyim Gani said that the nine demonstrators detained by the police had violated Law No. 9/1999, on the freedom to express an opinion that required them to inform the police at least one day before the rally.

He asked civil servants not to strike in the future over the case as the council had met their demand for the regent's ouster. "We have called on civil servants not to go down to the streets anymore and to resume their service to the public," he said.

The 12 councillors who opposed Jefri's dismissal have asked the National Commission of Human Rights in Jakarta for protection. They claimed they had been threatened by unidentified people on Sunday and Monday.

Zapri Harun, along with several other councillors, said he had left for Jakarta after receiving threats over the telephone and via short-messaging system (SMS) that his relatives would be killed. The group of councillors had been accused of supporting Jefri and Zakir who "oppressed the people".

Of 45 members of the council, 33 supported Jefri's dismissal while 12 others opposed it.

Human rights/law

New Order rights abuses probed

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2004

Jakarta -- The National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has agreed in a plenary meeting to start a thorough inquiry into alleged human rights violations by former president Soeharto during his 32 years of iron-fisted leadership.

M.M. Billah, who is leading a Komnas HAM team investigating Soeharto, said on Thursday that government rights watchdog had decided to establish several teams for the inquiry.

"At present, we are only able to interview victims and witnesses. We are now trying to get confirmation from the authorities who were in charge then," he said without mentioning any of them by name.

Last month, the commission said it had found preliminary evidence of human rights violations perpetrated by officials and leaders of the New Order regime over a period of 32 years.

The investigations will focus on five major cases recognized as the most egregious of the rights violations that occurred during that time.

The five chosen consist of the detention without trial of suspected members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on Buru island following the 1965 coup d'etat that brought Soeharto to power but was officially blamed on the PKI, the extrajudicial murders of suspected criminals known as the Petrus operation in the early 1980s, the Tanjung Priok massacre in early 1984, the military crackdown in Aceh from 1989 through 1998 and the July 27 attack on the Indonesia Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in 1996.

Indonesia responds to US claims of human rights abuses

Radio Australia - February 26, 2004

Indonesia has hit back at an American State Department report which criticised its human rights record.

A Foreign Ministry spokesman, Marty Natalegawa, retaliated by saying the report had set a new standard in its ignorance and its failure to understand the actual conditions in Indonesia.

Mr Natalegawa claimed tremendous progress has been made in human rights conditions.

The report said the Indonesian government's rights record remained poor last year and it continued to commit serious abuses, especially in Aceh province.

It said security force members murdered, tortured, raped, beat and arbitrarily detained civilians and members of separatist movements.

The US report said the government also often failed to adequately protect the rights of children and women.

Government curtails human rights, activists says

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The human rights condition in the country has been deteriorating since the government announced wars on separatism and terrorism last year, rights watchdogs said.

The Human Rights Watch Group (HRW) said the government's policies on the two issues had sparked new humanitarian and human rights crises in the country, worsening its human rights record.

The group, which consists of 28 non-governmental organizations (NGOs), is expected to present its 2003 evaluation of Indonesia's human rights condition during the 60th session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva next month.

The HRW highlighted policies that were imposed last year on Aceh and Papua provinces, both of which are still struggling to settle separatist conflicts. The government imposed martial law on Aceh on May 19, 2003 after talks to maintain a cease-fire between the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), brokered by the Henry Dunant Centre, faltered.

Despite protests from rights groups and regret expressed by international donors, President Megawati Soekarnoputri decided to extend the martial law another six months.

Martial law allows the military to restrict civilian rights, including freedom of expression, and the imposition of the law has been fraught with rights abuses.

"Both warring sides are responsible for the atrocity. Indeed, the extension of the law means an extended gross violation of human rights," the HRW said in a report released on Tuesday.

The group recorded 166 cases of physical abuse and torture, 200 arbitrary arrests and detention, 43 abductions, 54 involuntary disappearances and 145 extrajudicial killings, as well as 22 attacks against journalists between May and October.

"While being aware of the fact that GAM, too, has committed serious human rights violations, it is the government of Indonesia that holds the key to any political solution to the conflict," the group said.

Fahrul Syahmega, a rights activist, deplored the government, GAM and civil society for lacking the will to promote peace in the province. "Indonesia has many laws that support peacebuilding in Aceh instead of martial law," he said.

In Papua, the government's issuance of a 2003 Presidential Decree to implement Law No. 49/1999 on the division of Papua into three provinces and the revision of the decree on the Papuan People's Council (MRP) has contributed to a series of bloody incidents there late last year, the group said.

"Neither the law nor the decree reflect the needs of locals, while the bill has blocked Papua's involvement in politics through the MRP," it said.

The revised decree on the MRP establishes the council as a body dealing with tribal and cultural affairs, and not a Papuan representative council to the government.

Separately, Ifdhal Kasim of the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM), a member of the HRW, said the government's campaign on war against terror had opened more loopholes for rights violations.

Since the terrorist attack on Bali two years ago, the government has enacted a legislation most rights watchdogs have slammed for justifying rights abuses.

Antiterrorism Law No. 15/2003 is "a legislation of an authoritarian character" that ignores basic rights, Ifdhal said. He feared that the law would only empower intelligence agencies, the military and police to further curtail people's freedoms.

The law enables the detention of terror suspects for seven days upon the basis of intelligence reports, without the knowledge of their families or lawyers. The government has completed the amended law, which increases the detention period to 30 days. Under the Criminal Code, preliminary evidence is required to arrest an individual.

Human rights record remains poor in 2003: US report

Agence France Presse - February 26, 2004

Washington -- The Indonesian government's human rights record remained poor last year and it continued to commit serious abuses especially in war-torn Aceh province, the US State Department said Wednesday.

"Security force members murdered, tortured, raped, beat and arbitrarily detained civilians and members of separatist movements," the department said in its annual worldwide rights survey.

The government also often failed adequately to protect the rights of children, women, peaceful protesters, journalists, disabled persons, religious minorities and indigenous people, it said.

Jakarta last May imposed martial law in Aceh and launched a major military offensive to crush the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

"Despite some evidence that military commanders [in Aceh] wished to improve the behaviour of their troops in the field, numerous human rights violations occurred. Unlawful killings, beatings, and torture by soldiers, police, and rebels were common," the report said. "In many cases, the victims were not combatants but civilians." The State Department also reports killings, widespread torture and arson attacks by security forces in Papua province, where separatist sentiment has been strong for decades.

KPU, court, asked to discuss rules

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- A constitutional law expert has called on the General Election Commission (KPU) and the Constitutional Court to have a look into two contradictory rules about the presidential elections to avoid possible chaos in the upcoming poll.

Saldi Isra, a lecturer at the state Andalas University in Padang, West Sumatra, said the rules could open a worm's nest of litigation, allowing parties contending the presidential election to demand the KPU suspend it until the Constitutional Court settled the matter.

He was responding to contradictory rules on the presidential candidacy. Article 6A (2) of the amended 1945 Constitution law stipulates that presidential candidates and their running-mates are nominated by political parties or a coalition of parties before the presidential election scheduled for July 5.

But, according to Article 5 of the 2003 presidential election law, presidential candidates can be nominated and registered with the KPU only by parties winning 3 percent of seats in the House of Representatives, or after the legislative election scheduled for April 5.

Isra said both the KPU and the courts should have the same stance on the conflicting laws to avoid any chaos before and during the presidential election.

A common stance between the KPU and the courts would "... make it easier for the offices to anticipate any request by political parties for a judicial review," he told The Jakarta Post here on Friday.

The Constitutional Court is the only institution with the authority to examine the Constitution and its laws.

So far, only the New Indonesia Party (PIB) has officially announced Sjahrir as its presidential candidate and registered him with the KPU "and no parties have requested the Constitutional Court examine the two contradictory rulings since they have yet to be affected," Isra said.

Constitutional Court head Jimly Asshiddiqie said the KPU had to refer to existing laws to make preparations for the legislative and presidential elections.

"The KPU must not be confused by these conflicting laws, otherwise the preparations for elections will stop," he told the Post.

Jimly said the Constitutional Court would not comment or issue any new rulings until individuals or parties filed requests for a judicial review.

Meanwhile, Baharuddin Aritonang, a legislator of the Golkar Party, said according to his party's view, presidential candidates and their running-mates should be officially nominated before the presidential election. There was no certainty on the dates set out in the Constitution, he said.

Baharuddin Aritonang, a member of the People's Consultative Assembly ad hoc committee that amended the Constitution, said the presidential election law gave detailed explanations which were not found in the Constitution.

He believed most political parties already had a common view on the issue.

"The KPU also has the same stance. It set out in its literature on the timeline of presidential elections that presidential candidates and their running mates should be officially nominated on May 1 through 7," Aritonang said.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri's husband Taufik Kiemas has hinted of a possible coalition between the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Golkar, which could nominate the duo of Megawati and Akbar in the presidential election.

Reconciliation & justice

Suspected commies want to be allowed in April's election

Jakarta Post - February 27, 2004

Suherdjoko and Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Semarang/Jakarta -- Former suspected members of the Indonesia Communist Party (PKI) are urging the government they be allowed to contest the legislative election after a court this week ruled part of a law banning them was invalid.

Sutarko Hadi Wacono, who was previously detained for alleged involvement in the outlawed party, called on the Purworejo Provincial Elections Office (KPUD) to restore his name to the list of candidates for the Central Java legislature.

"The KPUD Purworejo removed my name from the list ... because it accused me of being involved in the PKI movement in 1965," Sutarko said in Semarang, Central Java on Thursday.

The newly established Constitutional Court declared as void on Tuesday an article in the legislative election law, which banned former PKI members from contesting the legislative election.

The verdict paves the way for former communist members and their families to become legislative members and has sparked calls for their reinstatement as candidates for this year's elections.

However, the court said on Tuesday the ruling would not be applied until the 2009 elections, as the deadline for submitting legislative candidates for this year's election had passed.

Freedom Bull Nationalist Party candidate Sutarko accused the Purworejo KPUD of arbitrarily banning him from contesting in the election despite the lack of evidence of his involvement in the abortive coup d'etat blamed on the PKI in 1965.

"I was acquitted of involvement in the PKI by the Purworejo military district command in 1967. I have the document [of acquittal], so why did the KPUD accuse me of involvement in the outlawed party?" he said.

Another alleged PKI member, Utomo, said he wanted his good name restored along with his political rights. "The New Order regime was so cruel to me for years -- I deserve rehabilitation" said Utomo, who is also a legislative candidate.

In Jakarta, Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung said he supported a court ruling former PKI members could contest legislative elections -- in 2009. "By 2009 it's possible there will be no more former PKI members who could contest the elections as they would already be too old," Akbar said. Golkar, he said, still believed former communist members should not participate in any form of political activities in the country.

PNBK leader Eros Djarot, meanwhile, said his party supported the court's decision. "Political rights belong to every citizen and are guaranteed by the Constitution," he said.

Despite the historical ruling by the Constitutional Court, the state still bans the participation of former PKI members in the election of president and vice president. This ruling is set out in Law No. 23/2003 on the election.

Also still in force is a Provisional People's Consultative Assembly decree, which outlaws the PKI as a political party and criminalizes any attempt to disseminate or teach Communist, Leninist or Marxist philosophies in the country.

The decree was enacted following an abortive national coup blamed on the PKI, which ended with the extrajudicial killing of hundreds of thousands of alleged PKI members. It is believed PKI members also killed many people arbitrarily.

Historians and human rights activists have called on the government to scrap dozens of existing laws that discriminate against former PKI members. The country will hold the legislative elections on April 5 in which 24 political parties will participate.

Ex-PKI members regain rights

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The Constitutional Court moved closer to restoring the political rights of the former members and relatives of former members of the outlawed Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on Tuesday by taking a historic decision to annul an article in Law No. 12/2003 which would bar them from running in the legislative election in April.

The amendment to the law could be seen as more progressive than Election Law No. 3/1999, which only restored their right to vote.

However the door to the presidential race in July is still closed to them, as Law No. 23/2003 on the election of president and vice president still prohibits them from joining the presidential election.

Reading the court's ruling, Constitutional Court Chief Jimly Asshidiqie pointed out that Article 60 g of Law No. 12/2003 on legislative elections was in contradiction with the amended Constitution and declared that the article was not longer legally binding.

"The right to vote and the right to be elected are guaranteed by the Constitution, the law and international conventions. Therefore, any restriction, violation, resistance or elimination of these rights is a violation of citizens' rights," Judge Jimly said.

Eight of the nine-member panel of judges ruled in favor of the request of 13 former PKI members. They dismissed a similar request from another 15 plaintiffs because they had no link at all with PKI. Judge Lt. Gen. (ret) Achmad Rustandi, who was the sole member of the panel who rejected the request, argued that the article was not "a permanent restriction, but only a temporary one".

Article 60 g of the law stipulates that former members of the PKI are barred from becoming members of the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD) and the regional legislative councils. In addition, members of its affiliated organizations, or people who were directly or indirectly involved in the alleged PKI coup attempt on September 30, 1965 (G30S/PKI), and other prohibited organizations are also prohibited from becoming members of legislative bodies.

Hundreds of thousands of people were believed to have been killed after the 1965 alleged coup. Millions of people were accused of being PKI members at that time and many were sent to prison without trial. It was believed that PKI members had killed a huge number of people before their fall.

The ruling, obviously, generated mixed reactions. Several former PKI members, their relatives and friends who attended the hearing lauded the ruling.

"I am very, very happy. But our fight is not over yet because we also want an end to the decrees of the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly [MPRS]," said Margono Hardono, a former PKI member who was exiled for years on Buru Island by the New Order regime.

Jakob Tobing, a senior executive of the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P), welcomed the ruling. The party opposed article 60 g during the legislative proceedings last year, he said. "That's the way it should be. It is a very positive thing to step ahead," he told The Jakarta Post.

Jakob called on people to accept and respect the ruling, which is final and binding. The ruling of the Constitutional Court is not subject to appeal.

Hamdan Zoelfa from the Crescent Star Party (PBB) faction, also said that people should not oppose the ruling. "It must be respected, but I think it could spark debate among people," he said.

Golkar's Rambe Kamaruzzaman, insisted that the ruling must be "sanctioned by the legislative body, which is the House of Representatives". "This is a legislative review, it must conducted in consultation with the House because there will be reactions from the public," he said.

If Ex-tapols become candidates, don't repeat past: Haz

Detik.com - February 25, 2004

Fedhly Averouss Bey, Jakarta -- Allowing ex-political prisoners, in particular ex-members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), to become legislative candidates brings with it consequences for the security forces. The security forces must work hard to ensure that the bad things which happened in the past are not repeated.

This was related to journalists by Vice-president Hamzah Haz after closing the International Scholars Conference at the Jakarta Convention Centre on Wednesday February 25.

"In order to prevent the reemergence of the PKI, the consequence is that work in our defence and security areas must strengthened", said Haz.

Nevertheless said Haz, the decision taken by the Constitutional Court must be respected. "If the Constitutional Court has taken the decision that ex-PKI members can become legislative candidates, what else can we do. We have to accept it", said Haz.

What about the position of the United Development Party (PPP) itself? PPP continues to hope that ex-political prisoners will change and not make the same mistakes they made in the past.

"Let Ex-PKI show that they are able to integrate themselves into the Indonesian nation which adheres to Maha Esa [the Great Unity, God]. And we must be on guard so that this thing does not boomerang", said Haz.

NU not worried

At the same opportunity, the chairperson of [the Islamic mass organisation] Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Hasyim Muzadi, said that NU was not worried that this decision will result in the reemergence of the PKI. NU itself said Muzadi, has already forgiven the past "sins" of the PKI.

"That was in the past, now that they have been forgiven we must accept them. We are not worried about the reemergence of the PKI. We shouldn't be suspicious of this thing", explained Muzadi. (djo)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Communists must still be watched: Akbar Tanjung

Detik.com - February 26, 2004

Anton Aliabbas, Jakarta -- The chairperson of the People's Representative Assembly (DPR), Akbar Tanjung, has said that there is no need to be concerned about the decision by the Constitutional Court which allows ex-members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) to become legislative candidates. However he also said that communism must be guarded against.

According to Tanjung, there is no need for people to worry about the Constitutional Court's decision because ex-PKI members will only be able to become legislative candidates in the next 2009 general elections.

"I think that in the coming 2009 general elections, there won't be any PKI members [left]. What there will only be their offspring's. They are not PKI anymore", Tanjung told journalists at the DPR building on Thursday February 26.

Tanjung went on to explain however, that indeed as an ideology, communism is currently working to reemerge on the national political stage. "Therefore it is important for use to remember to be on guard against communism", he said.

According to Tanjung, the Golkar Party, of which he is the head, is still of the view that communists should still not be allowed to participate in political life. "The MPR decree(1) outlaws communist ideology. And so far, I consider that the [adverse] reactions to the Constitutional Court's decision are [quite] natural", he said. (asy)

Notes:

1. Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) Decree Number 25/1966 on the Dissolution of the Indonesian Communist Party and prohibitions on Marxist, Leninist and Communist Teachings. In August 2003, the annual session of the People's Representative Assembly debated a motion to annul the decree. All of the major political parties rejected the proposal.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

No plan to revive rights of ex-PKI cadres

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Indra Harsaputra and Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta/Surabaya -- The historic verdict by the Constitutional Court to scrap a ruling which prohibits former members of the outlawed Indonesia Communist Party (PKI), or their relatives, from contesting in April's legislative election has not moved the government to dismantle decades-long discriminatory rulings against them, a minister pointed out on Friday.

Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra said the government had no plan to scrap discriminatory laws, or governmental regulations imposed against PKI members. "I don't know. There's never been discussion about it [within the government]," Yusril said in his office on Friday.

He explained that the Constitutional Court on Tuesday only annulled Article 60 (g) of Law 12/2003 on legislative elections, which bans former PKI members from being elected as legislators. The ruling was effective from February 24.

"Other legislations related to the issue remain effective. We've never had any talks [about its possible retraction]," the professor of constitutional law explained. The legislations, Yusril defended, were still relevant. He rejected accusations that they were discriminatory. "Discriminative is not the right word," he insisted.

Yusril refused to answer a question about the government's position on the possible rehabilitation of former PKI members. Most of them were imprisoned or exiled to Buru Island in Maluku without trial following the alleged abortive coup by PKI in 1965, which brought former president Soeharto to power replacing Sukarno.

The Supreme Court issued a letter last year, asking the government to decide whether it would rehabilitate former PKI members. The letter was made following requests from PKI members to the court.

Asked whether the Cabinet had ever talked about the issue, Yusril answered:"I don't know. Don't ask me. There's never been any such talk." Yusril is also the chairman of the Crescent Star Party (PBB), which opposed the Constitutional Court's ruling.

Historians, rights activists and former PKI members have called on the government to scrap dozens of existing legislations, which discriminate against former PKI members and their offspring.

In Surabaya, former PKI members Adam Supardjan and Haryono Soemedi also expressed expectations that the authority would end discriminatory legislations against them. "Other legislations that limit our rights as citizens must also be scrapped," Adam, 77, said.

Haryono agreed, saying that former PKI members should have the same political and social rights as other citizens in the country. "We are also Indonesia citizens. We demand the same political and social obligations just like other citizens. If the government requires us to pay taxes than they must allow us to become civil servants," he said.

The state still bans the participation of former PKI cadres in the presidential election as stated by Law No. 23/2003.

The Provisional People's Consultative Assembly's (MRPR) Decree No 25/1966 outlawing PKI as a political party and any activities disseminating or developing Communist, Leninist and Marxist teachings in the country, remains intact.

Governmental regulation No. 6/1976, which bans members of PKI and affiliate organizations from civil and military services, is also still effective.

Government told to change policy on ex-PKI cadres

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Jakarta -- The Constitutional Court's decision to reinstate the constitutional rights of former communist members and their families members has sparked calls for an end to all discrimination against them.

"It is high time for us to eliminate all forms of discrimination against former members of the Indonesian Communist Party [PKI] and their family members," historian Aswi Marwan Adam of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) said on Wednesday.

Aswi was particularly referring to the right to work in government institutions and the Indonesian military (TNI).

Payung Salenda, a former communist member who was exiled for 10 years on Buru Island, welcomed the court decision but called for an end to all forms of discrimination.

"I welcome the ruling but the government must put an end to all discrimination we experience in our life. Only then will our country be able to reconcile," Payung said.

Payung, 79, complained that his identification (ID) card still bore mark E.T., which stands for ex tapol, meaning a former political detainee implicated in the 1965 abortive coup.

The government had in fact scrapped the code from ID cards in 1995 but, according to Payung, a father of four, district officers refused to remove the E.T. code from his ID card.

"I am also denied a lifetime ID card although I am already 79," he said, referring to the ID card granted to citizens above 60 years of age. The former staff member of the office of the prime minister's office was dismissed in 1969 and exiled for 10 years without trial.

Until 1995, ID cards of his wife and his four children also bore certain codes indicating their relationship with a former PKI member.

"I could not get a job after I served time. My children had no guts to dream of becoming civil servants or military members," said Payung, who opened a kiosk to make ends meet.

Ribka Tjiptaning Proletariyati, a daughter of a former PKI member, said the government still discriminated against her.

"I couldn't set up a clinic of my own simply because I am a daughter of a PKI member," said Ribka, known for her controversial book titled Aku Bangga Sebagai Anak PKI (I'm proud to be a daughter of PKI).

The newly established Constitutional Court issued a historic verdict allowing former PKI members to contest in the legislative election on Tuesday, more than three decades after their constitutional rights were removed.

Historian Aswi said on Wednesday the government must be able to follow up the "symbolic message" from the Constitutional Court. "This is the right time for the government to eliminate all discriminatory rulings against former PKI members and their families," he said.

Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto also acknowledged the decision, but expressed the hope that former PKI members would no longer spread communism in the country.

"I'm also surprised [by the ruling] but it's already done. So let's hope that they will not spread [communism]," Endriartono told a hearing with the House of Representatives Commission I for foreign, security and political affairs on Wednesday.

Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama Hasyim Muzadi expressed a similar view, saying every citizen should have equal rights. "The September 30, 1965 incident is already a part of history, and it's time for us to forgive one another. The restoration of former PKI members' rights will not be a threat to our country," said Hasyim.

Focus on Jakarta

Canal construction still hampered by land clearance

Jakarta Post - February 26, 2004

Urip Hudiono, Jakarta -- Recent floods in Jakarta that claimed six lives should serve as a warning for the city administration to build the East Flood Canal as quickly as possible. Unfortunately, the planned project has been delayed as the administration lacks the funds for land clearance for the canal.

Urban planning expert Ahmad "Puput" Safrudin said on Wednesday that if the canal construction was not possible in the near future, then the city administration must look for alternative solutions.

"If the administration wants a total or even radical solution, it must rehabilitate all mangrove forests on Jakarta's northern coast. Upmarket residences have been constructed in the area. The administration must also be stern when it clears the city's riverbanks from squatters," he said.

Puput was referring to Pantai Indah Kapuk luxury housing complex in North Jakarta, the construction of which was blamed for the floods that hit the capital in early 2002, as much of the mangrove forest in the area was cleared.

The 2002 floods claimed at least 30 lives and forced 300,000 to flee their homes. The floods also obstructed the nearby toll road connecting the city with Soekarno-Hatta International Airport, causing many airlines to cancel their flights.

The administration has planned to build the East Flood Canal to help the existing West Flood Canal control overflowing water from 13 rivers in Jakarta.

However, the project was hampered by the city's inability to pay for the clearance of 400 hectares of land for the 23.5-kilometer-long, 100-meter-wide and five-meter-deep canal stretching from Cipinang in East Jakarta to Marunda in North Jakarta.

"Until now, we have only managed to clear 5 percent of the land required for the project," said Jakarta Public Works Agency head Fodly Misbach. "That land is in Marunda, Rorotan and Cakung Timur subdistricts in North Jakarta," he added.

The canal, which was designed by the Netherlands Engineering Consultants (Nedeco) in 1973, and the West Flood Canal, built by the Dutch in 1924, are planned to form a half-circle around the city.

Fodly said the administration refers to the taxable value of property (NJOP) for land prices but residents have been demanding higher prices.

"Residents in Duren Sawit subdistrict, East Jakarta, demanded Rp 2 million (US$238) per square meter but the price according to the NJOP is only half of this," he said. The administration has allocated Rp 150 billion this year for the land clearance, which requires RP 2.47 trillion in total. Last year, it allocated Rp 100 billion. The government will provide Rp 2.527 trillion, including a loan from the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), for the construction of the project.

The Agency for the Assessment and Application of Technology's (BPPT) hydrologist, Sutopo Purwo Nugroho, suggested the administration build "absorption dams" in water catchment areas to support the flood canal.

"Both canals would only be able to absorb up to 80 percent of the overflowing water from rivers," he said, adding that the dams would also function to preserve the city's underground water resources. The agency will work with the Office of the State Minister of Research and Technology, the University of Indonesia (UI) and the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) to build an absorption dam in Depok this year. If successful, the project would be acknowledged by the Ministry of Settlement and Infrastructure as a preventive measure and proposed to the administration as a possible solution to flooding as well.

In Jakarta, even the dead can't rest in peace

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- In funeral services, preachers often say, "May he rest in peace". But you can't take that on face value if you are a Jakarta resident.

Indonesia has been regularly categorized by international rating's agencies as one of world's most corrupt nations. Many people say that as long as you're still breathing in this country, no one can free himself from being a victim of extortion by the government's notorious bureaucracy.

The facts are actually even more alarming. When a person dies there is no guarantee he or she can rest in peace.

Nothing is free in Jakarta from the moment of birth until death. The family or friends of the deceased often have to bribe hospital officials to obtain a death certificate on top of the official fee. Without the certificate the body cannot be buried.

To secure a small plot of land measuring one meter in width and two meters in length for the grave there is another obstacle ahead. Rates also depend the location of the cemetery and the distance of the plot's location from the street. Jakarta has a total of 95 public cemeteries.

After that the families also have to pay an annual maintenance fee. Late payment means the grave site can be used by another occupant.

Geoffrey Gunawan, 50, a resident of Tomang, West Jakarta, grumbled that he had to dig deeper into his pocket to pay for the burial of his mother two years ago in Petamburan public cemetery in Central Jakarta.

"I had to bargain first with the cemetery official over the fee to dig the grave and eventually I had to pay Rp 2.5 million [US$300]" he told The Jakarta Post on Friday.

City councilor, Syamsidar Siregar, of Commission E on welfare affairs, revealed that from this year's city budget, the Jakarta Administration has allocated at least Rp 27.3 billion to cover the burial fee of its residents.

"Every Jakartan is entitled to between Rp 100,000 and Rp 150,000 to finance their burial," Syamsidar told reporters at the City Council.

According to City Bylaw No. 3/1999, Jakartan residents are only subject to a fee of between Rp 4,000 and Rp 100,000 for a three- year period based on the location of the grave. The actual fee is much higher.

Syamsidar deplored the fact that officers made it difficult for residents to acquire a cemetery plot. "Many people have been complaining that they find it difficult to get vacant plot so they resort to bribing the officers on the field to get it," she said.

Jakarta Cemetery Agency's funeral services division head, Taat Sutisna, refuted the corruption allegations. "There are no such illegal fees. If you encounter this, please report it to me and I will take stern action against them," he asserted.

However, Mathilda, 45, a resident of Duren Sawit, East Jakarta questioned such assurances. "That's only on paper. In reality, we must pay much more," she said.

She said that besides the unscrupulous officers, she must also pay a "sanitation fee" to locals who work there to clean her mother's grave in Karet, Central Jakarta.

SMPN 56 students, teachers seek rights protection

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Urip Hudiono, Jakarta -- Students, parents and teachers of the SMPN 56 state junior high school opposing a controversial property deal sought protection from the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) on Friday, the day they were supposed to be evicted.

"The Commission has urged all parties to respect the legal processes of the case and the [District] Court ruling of status quo," said Lambok Gultom, head of the parents and teachers' legal team. The team had received similar backing and advice from legislators at the House of Representatives on Tuesday, he said.

Gultom said the status quo meant the school must be returned to its previous state before the transfer.

The South Jakarta District Court threw out a civil suit by parents and teachers fighting a property transfer between the Ministry of National Education and private firm PT Tata Disantara in December.

It said the grounds for the suit were obscure and did not represent the interests of teachers and students.

The parents and teachers then appealed the decision at the Jakarta High Court.

According to the lower court's decision, should one of the disputing parties filed an appeal over the ruling, the transfer deal could not be executed until a final verdict was issued. The status quo ruling then took effect.

The appeal is the latest step in a dispute that began in 2000, when the Ministry of Education and private firm Tata Disantara signed a controversial property transfer deal. The deal swapped the school's property on Jl. Melawai Raya, South Jakarta, with the firm's property in Jeruk Purut, South Jakarta, without consent from the parents and teachers.

The firm is owned by former manpower minister, businessman Abdul Latief.

Parents and teachers have opposed the plan because they say the new premises is far from their homes and in a tough area.

"The transfer deal is suspicious, as the value of the compensation for the school's property is way below its real value," Gultom added.

In the deal, the school property of 4,580-square-meters is valued at Rp 5 million (US$595) per square meter -- but average sales of property after tax in the area are between Rp 10 to 15 million per square meter.

Gultom said the transfer also violated Presidential Decrees No.16/1994 and No.24/1995, which stated any transfer of state assets higher than Rp 10 billion must have the President's approval.

Nurlaila, a teacher at the school, said with the support and recommendations from the House and the commission, she would keep on teaching her students at the school.

"We will also continue to fight for our school and ask the administration to restore the academic rights of the remaining students," she said.

Sixty-five first year students have been denied student registration numbers and report cards by the Jakarta Elementary and Intermediate Education Agency until they moved to the new school building in Jeruk Purut.

All second and third-year students have already been relocated to Jeruk Purut.

News & issues

Susilo highly praises TNI's reform moves, gives civilians 'F'

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono hailed on Tuesday the Indonesian Military (TNI) for consistently upholding the reform agenda, which civilian leaders had not done.

In a speech that he penned but was read by his secretary before participants of a conference entitled "Lessons from the Indonesian Transition: Setting a Future Reform Agenda", it went on to say that seven years since the reform movement began in 1998, TNI has "played a significant role in creating a situation that enabled a transitional period to democracy."

Susilo's statement asserted that civilian leaders had failed to play their part. "Despite the military's achievement, democratization will still face difficulties if the other groups, such as political parties, the bureaucracy and civil society, fail to reform themselves," Susilo's statement said.

The speech was read by Susilo's secretary Sudi Silalahi. The minister skipped the seminar organized by the United Nations Support Facility for Indonesian Recovery (UNSFIR) as he was on an overseas trip.

Susilo characterized TNI's all-out support for reform in its acceptance to withdraw from practical politics, which was marked by its exit from the House of Representatives and People's Consultative Assembly, starting this year.

TNI has also abolished its socio-political doctrine, known as dual-function, and has distanced itself from political parties in a bid to improve its professionalism, Susilo claimed.

During the 32 years of Soeharto's New Order rule, the TNI (or ABRI as it was called then) was a loyal supporter of the authoritarian regime and took up key government and business jobs at the expense of professional standards.

Soon after Soeharto stepped down in 1998, Susilo, who was then the Armed Forces' chief for social and political affairs, introduced the military's new paradigm in a show of support for the reform movement.

The new paradigm stipulated the military's recognition of civilian supremacy and readiness to share power with them.

However, the paradigm appeared to lose its relevance when the Ministry of Defense revealed last year the White Paper on National Defense Policy that recommends that the military's much-criticized territorial function be maintained for defense purposes.

Territorial function allows the military to maintain its old power as territorial commanders pledge allegiance to the TNI leadership over local governments. Think tank group ProPatria has suggested that TNI fall under the auspices of a minister to make the civilian supremacy over the military work in an effective way.

Hasnan Habib, military analyst and former Armed Forces' chief on social and political affairs, doubted the TNI's commitment to reform. "We have to examine whether or not the military is willing to recognize the civilian supremacy and I say no. TNI is still reluctant to do it because of a lack of trust in civilians," Hasnan told the seminar.

But Hasnan admitted no civilian leaders after Soeharto were able to bring the country out of the crises, which include serious security problems. "Under Megawati's administration, TNI realizes that civilians may not be able to deal with security problems countrywide, particularly separatist movements. Civilians have also split and fought for their own interests as proven in the emergence of dozens of political parties," Hasnan said.

City of contrasts

Straits Times - February 27, 2004

Mafoot Simon, Tasikmalaya -- The singer gyrated on stage in a red, body-hugging outfit with a plunging neckline as she belted out an upbeat version of Killing Me Softly. It was Valentine's Night at a hotel coffee house and singers like her would have been a common sight at clubs in Indonesian cities that night.

But this was Tasikmalaya, also known as the City of a Thousand Pesantren (religious schools), an eight-hour drive from the country's capital. Most see it as becoming West Java's pre- eminent Islamic city and progressive agricultural-based regency by 2010.

Its biggest landmark is a grand mosque called Masjid Agung. The Straits Times understands it is also a city that rejected an application for a performance by hot dangdut singer Inul Daratista, who is famous for her antics on stage.

Regent Tatang P Hakim lauded that decision during a recent speech at a Quran-reading competition. Mr Tatang, who is the leader of the Islamic United Development Party (PPP), had singled out the singer as a negative influence on Indonesia's Muslim community.

Still, the Valentine Night show revealed one of the glaring contradictions in this city -- it was packed.

More than 200 guests, including members of local parliament, senior officials and members, had come from as far as Central Java, said organiser Ella Renzie. Two women wearing tudung were among the guests and there were also young children present.

A group which simply called itself Red organised the event. And not only did the sexy singer in red wiggle her hips but the drinks which flowed freely included one of Indonesia's most popular beers.

Indonesian ulama (religious leaders) discourage such celebrations because of their religious connotations alone -- Saint Valentine, for example, was a Catholic. That did not stop Ms Ella, who is in her 40s.

Elsewhere in the city are karaoke lounges and night clubs with live bands which stay open until 10pm or so. The Valentine Night at the hotel ended at midnight. Perhaps, as Ms Ella put it, people need entertainment and she was merely fulfilling that need.

The city's leadership apparently has no problem with that. Mr Didin Badrudin, secretary of the PPP, said: "We merely want to preserve the Islamic culture, not to introduce Islamic laws. And there will be no force. We will let the people decide." As such, the Red group got the green light.

Environment

Greenpeace offers proof of illegal logging

Melbourne Age - February 27, 2004

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Conservation group Greenpeace is blockading two rivers in Kalimantan on the island of Borneo, hoping a mounting pile of illegally cut trees will embarrass the Indonesian Government into prosecuting offenders.

Early this month Greenpeace took its Rainbow Warrior to the southern shores of Central Kalimantan province to highlight the extent of illegal logging in the 400,000-hectare Tanjung Puting National Park, home to a large population of endangered orang- utans.

For the past fortnight, the vessel has been working at the mouths of the Kumai and Lamandau rivers, stopping foreign ships from loading illegally cut logs and finished product including plywood.

Greenpeace says the rivers are in an area where there are no operational logging concessions, so they are certain all logs in the river have been illegally felled.

Greenpeace campaigner Stephen Campbell, who is on board the Rainbow Warrior, said there were vast amounts of timber in the rivers including kilometres of log rafts, stacks of logs and flitches (squared logs), and the constant movement of loaded log barges up and down the river.

Greenpeace has called on Indonesian President Megawati Soekarnoputri to direct Jakarta-based members of the National Police force to go to Kalimantan and prosecute those behind the illegal logging.

Mr Campbell said the blockade had succeeded three days ago in prompting Indonesian security forces to remove a Vietnamese vessel, the Ha Tinh 06, from the area before it had loaded its cargo.

"The Indonesian Navy, under instructions from the Ministry of Forestry, has acted in good faith on the issue of the Ha Tinh 06," he said. "It is time for the law enforcement agencies with the jurisdiction to act to take control of the situation. The Indonesian police force must take steps now while there is so much evidence on the ground, and it is the responsibility of the Government to compel them to act."

But a spokesman for the national police, Brigadier-General Sunarko, said police had no information about the problem Greenpeace was seeking to highlight. "Our commitment is to combat illegal logging because is it considered a transnational crime, but we have not received any information on this issue so please ask Greenpeace to send us all the details and we will react," he said.

Although the Indonesian Government, including President Megawati, has repeatedly promised to curb the illegal logging of tropical forests, the widespread corruption in the business involving members of the police, military and Government officials makes concerted action extremely difficult.

Mr Campbell said national police from Jakarta were needed to make any significant difference, as "we do not believe the local police have the authority to do much".

He would not say how long Greenpeace could continue the blockade but said the activities were dangerous and those on board the boat had placed themselves at considerable risk.

"We can wait for a while, but not for too long," he said. "If the Government wants the opportunity to do something important about the problem, now is their opportunity."

Officials benefit from logging

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Semarang -- State Minister of the Environment Nabiel Makarim says it is very difficult to end illegal logging across the country as local government officials and people benefit from the practice.

"Local government officials gain financial benefits from the crime and help local people with money collected from illegal loggers," Nabiel said in Semarang, Central Java, on Friday.

The minister said that of 48 environmental issues, illegal logging was the most difficult to deal with. Others included forest fires and river contamination.

He also said that the central government had allocated some Rp 1.5 trillion in funds for reforestation programs.

Nabiel urged relevant authorities to take tough action against illegal loggers. The country loses millions of dollars every year to illegal logging activities.

Proof of Malaysia receiving illegal wood

Tempo Interactive - February 28, 2004

Taufik Kamil, Jakarta -- Indonesian State Minister of Environment Nabiel Makarim has said that indications of Malaysia's involvement in receiving illegal wood from Indonesia are stronger, as proven by a video recording made by Greenpeace, the international environment protection organization.

The Greenpeace video proves that Malaysia's wood industry has received wood coming from illegal logging activities in Indonesia.

At the time of the recording, the Greenpeace activists came to a wood company in Malaysia bringing with them a hidden video camera. They were disguised as potential buyers from developed countries.

"When those activists asked about the origin of the wood logs, the company said that the wood came from Indonesia. The company admitted that some wood was obtained by legal means. However, some of the wood was obtained illegally," Makarim told Koran Tempo in Jakarta on Thursday (26/2).

According to the wood company, the illegal logs are stamped as legal by the Malaysian authorities.

This video recording was then played to Malaysian officials, NGO activists and journalists in Malaysia about a fortnight ago.

Makarim said he believed the wood to be illegal as the Indonesian Government has a policy banning the export of log.

"The Malaysian state officials who watched the recording were furious. But, they could say nothing as the video is real proof," said Makarim.

The Indonesian and Malaysian governments are to meet next month to discuss this illegal log case. But as yet, the place of the meeting has not been decided.

"To decrease the number of illegal logging cases in Indonesia, we continue pushing buyer countries such as those in Europe and USA not to buy wood products from Malaysia and other countries that are suspected of obtaining illegal logs from Indonesia," stated Makarim.

Previously, the Indonesian Minister of Forestry estimated that wood supplies for Malaysia's wood industries total some 21 million cubic meters per year.

These are assumed to be smuggled from Indonesia as the log allotment in Malaysia is not much while Malaysia's wood exports exceed those of Indonesia.

Health & education

Schools remain out-of-reach for the poor

Jakarta Post - February 28, 2004

Dewi Santoso, Jakarta -- The start of the academic year is four months away, but schools in Jakarta -- including kindergartens, high schools, state and private schools -- are already advertising in the media.

The BPK Penabur Christian High School 1 in Tanjung Duren, West Jakarta, opened its early admissions program in January. Students from qualified schools were accepted without entrance tests on the condition that they had scored a minimum average of eight.

"Starting this year, we will accept students from 25 schools, including Santa Ursula, Kanisius, Bunda Hati Kudus and IPEKA, without tests as long as they meet our requirements," principal Dian Hutahahean told The Jakarta Post recently.

Graduates from schools outside the 25 listed must pass a series of tests. Even with the tests, the number of applicants remained high, said Dian, adding that parents were usually attracted by the school's reputation and its well-planned curriculum.

"We use the 1994 standard curriculum from the Ministry of National Education. We just enrich some subjects, particularly mathematics and science, so that the courses are better and more structured," she said.

According to Dian, the school has produced alumni who perform well at universities both nationwide and abroad.

Tiffany, a second year student, said the school had a good reputation. She claimed that it was easier to be accepted by a university after graduating from the high school, adding that, "My mom also told me to choose this school." With an admission fee of Rp 11 million (US$1,309) and a monthly tuition fee of Rp 450,000, Tiffany's mother, Kumala, said the school was well worth the price.

Classes at Sekolah Global Jaya, a national plus school in Bintaro, Tangerang, are taught in English. The school offers a more condensed curriculum, allowing the children time to play.

Principal Kenneth J. Cock said that his school also implemented the 1994 standard curriculum. "The only difference lies in the teaching methods whereby children are challenged to promote themselves, to develop their critical thinking and their problem-solving skills," he said.

Cock believes that although education is important "playing [for the children] is important too." This principle convinced Novita, the mother of a six-year-old boy, to enroll her son in the school. "I want my son to speak English fluently but still have time to play so that he can be happy," she enthused.

With an annual building-maintenance fee of Rp 12 million (US$1,429) for all students, except those in the kindergarten, and monthly tuition fees between Rp 2.9 million and Rp 3.3 million (depending on the level), Cock said "for what the students get, the fees are not expensive." But for Jeffry, an eight-year-old student of Hati Suci School in Kebon Sirih, Central Jakarta, the privilege to choose the best school does not apply. "My education is funded by other people's donations," he said.

Education expert Mochtar Buchori,emphasized that parents should study a school's curriculum before enrolling their children.

"As long as the curriculum provides students with the opportunity to develop their ability to think and solve problems -- instead of rote learning -- then it's fine," he said.

As many people don't have the advantage of choosing where their children are educated, the poor condition of state elementary schools in Jakarta has concerned the City Council.

"There are 68 state elementary schools that need total renovation, but this year's city budget only allocates funds for 21 schools," said councillor Syamsidar Siregar.

She regretted that the Jakarta administration only allocated a total of Rp 65 billion for renovations, although it had reserved funds of Rp 700 billion.

"If the administration has not allocated enough money for education, it could have used the reserved funds with approval from the council," said Syamsidar.

Indonesia's dengue disaster

Straits Times - February 28, 2004

Jakarta -- Two months and more than 300 deaths after a deadly outbreak of dengue fever across the country, Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri has declared the epidemic a problem. She urged hospitals and officials to help all patients, even if they are unable to pay for treatment.

She also advised Indonesians to take steps to prevent the virus from spreading further.

"I want to convey my deepest condolence. I pray and hope the victims will be given patience and strength to overcome this trial," Ms Megawati said in a rare nationwide television broadcast on Thursday.

"I ask all hospitals to accept dengue fever patients and deal with them quickly and properly, without taking into consideration their backgrounds or economic abilities."

As of yesterday, the outbreak had killed 312 people in 24 of Indonesia's 32 provinces and sickened more than 17,289 others since the mosquito-borne disease was first detected last month, said the Health Ministry.

Presidential palace official Garibaldi Sudjatmiko said: "President Megawati was shocked over the high number of victims. Its rate of increase is shocking and she wanted to convey her concern."

The President's speech came after a station aired footage on Tuesday and Wednesday of her responding only with nervous giggles when reporters asked her to comment on the outbreak. Both Ms Megawati and the government have been criticised before for not responding quickly enough to emergencies and disasters and for promising, but not delivering on, aid to victims.

Most Indonesians do not have health insurance and the poor have limited access to quality medical care. Long lines of patients and their families have crowded hospitals in Jakarta, which has the most dengue cases. Babies are among the many sufferers who cannot get proper beds, and lie on mattresses in packed corridors.

Health Ministry official Dr Rita Kusriastuti said her office on Thursday delivered all available intravenous-drip bags to treat patients at state and private hospitals.

Health officials are checking whether a new strain of virus was to blame for the unusually high death rate this year from dengue, which is an annual affliction here.

"We are conducting a series of tests but even if we discover a new strain of virus, it will not be of much help," Dr Kusriastuti said. "The main focus now is on how we can prevent the deaths from rising. The patients at hospitals must be helped and the doctors must be able to provide quick and precise aid for them."

Health Minister Ahmad Sujudi said his office was trying to halt the outbreak, in which "the number of infected people is three times higher than the average number a year before". "But the efforts from the government will not be enough," he said.

Islam/religion

Thousands rally for Islamic law

Associated Press - February 29, 2004

Jakarta -- Thousands of white-clad, religious conservatives rallied and prayed in cities across Indonesia on Sunday, demanding the imposition of traditional Islamic law in the world's most populous Muslim nation.

Organisers said 20,000 supporters gathered in several cities, but police and witnesses said only about 2,000 marched in the capital, Jakarta, and a few hundred in Surabaya, Indonesia's second-largest city.

The rallies were part of a largely unsuccessful campaign to convince the country's Muslim majority to embrace Syariah or Islamic law. Although more than 80 per cent of the country's 210 million people are Muslim, only the war-torn province of Aceh has implemented the system on a small scale.

Syariah law is derived from the sayings of the Prophet Muhammed, Islamic tradition and the the Quran. It is a wide-ranging system that regulates many aspects of public and personal life.

Women wearing headscarves and men dressed in long, white robes were among the demonstrators who marched through central Jakarta on Sunday. They carried banners reading, "Uphold Syariah" and chanted "Allahu akbar" or "God Is Great".

Some speakers urged supporters to vote only for candidates who support Syariah in the April 5 parliamentary elections. Others turned the event into a religious gathering, leading the crowd in chanting passages from the Quran.

"If you are Muslim, you have to struggle to establish Syariah law," said Harimoekti, an activist with the conservative non- governmental organisation Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, or Indonesian Liberation, which helped to organise the rallies.

"Under Syariah law, we can prevent corruption and improve the daily lives of people," he said. "The world would be a beautiful place with Syariah."

In Surabaya, the crowd marched to local government offices calling for the removal of anyone without sufficient Islamic credentials.

Indonesia's founding fathers wrote a constitution in 1945 for a secular government and religious tolerance between the Muslim majority and Christian, Buddhist, Hindu and other minorities. Successive governments have fended off calls for Indonesia to become an Islamic state. In 2002, lawmakers rejected calls to amend the constitution to include Syariah law and the country's largest Muslim groups have repeatedly opposed making it state policy.

Armed forces/police

DPR plans to probe Mi-17 purchase

Jakarta Post - February 25, 2004

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- The House of Representatives Commission I has planned to set up a working committee of inquiry into alleged irregularities in the procurement of four Russian- made Mi-17 helicopters worth US$21.6 million by the Army.

Commission member Effendy Choirie said on Monday he had been informed that the helicopters, which were intended to carry personnel, should have been valued at $17.6 million.

"There might be $4 million in state losses but senior officials of the Ministry of Defense claim they do not know anything about the report. We need a working committee to probe this," Choirie told a hearing with the defense ministry's senior officials.

He said the Ministry of Defense should be taught a lesson that it could not arbitrarily conduct a tender.

The contract to buy the helicopters was signed in December 2002 by Army chief of staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, representing the defense minister, and Wirjadi Handaja, the director of Swifth Air & Industrial Supply Pte. Ltd., a Singapore partner of PT Putra Pobiagan, the winner of the tender. Putra Pobiagan never signed the contract, Tempo Magazine reported,

To add to the confusion, Swifth Air failed to transfer US$3.2 million as a down payment to Russian firm Rosoboronexport Rusia, although it had received the money from the Ministry of Finance.

The helicopters are scheduled to arrive here by the end of this month, but Rosoboronexport has reportedly stopped assembling the helicopters following the payment problem.

Meanwhile, the ministry's director general for budgetary affairs Mas Widjaja said the contract to procure the helicopters should not be signed as the winner did not provide a bank guarantee from a state-owned bank.

According to him, the winner instead submitted a bank guarantee worth 5 percent of the total amount of the procurement from Bank Yudha Bakti, which is a private bank.

The Mi-17 helicopters, which have been used by some 50 countries, have a maximum capacity of 30 personnel, while Bell helicopters currently operated by the Army can only carry eight personnel.

The Mi-17 helicopter has a maximum speed of 250 kilometers per hour with a maximum distance of 1,065 kilometers per flight.

It can be loaded with 13 tons of goods and can fly even if one of its two engines does not work. The Indonesian Military (TNI) has reportedly planned to buy 24 Mi-17 helicopters in stages, with four in 2003, six in 2004, and six in 2005.

International relations

Indonesian aid group claims denied

Australian Financial Review - February 27, 2004

Andrew Burrell, Jakarta -- Indonesia's Foreign Minister, Hassan Wirajuda, has claimed that lobbying by his government led Australia to slash funding to an ACTU-backed aid group that campaigns for independence in Papua.

However, Dr Wirajuda's claim has been denied by the Australian government and the Australian People for Health, Education and Development Abroad (APHEDA), the overseas aid arm of the ACTU.

Australian Embassy officials in Jakarta say the Indonesian government has been told repeatedly the group's funding has not been cut.

Dr Wirajuda's comments highlight the extreme sensitivity in Jakarta about the perceived role of Australian government-funded NGOs in allegedly fomenting the separatist movement in Papua.

With a series of national elections to begin within weeks, the Indonesian government is eager to be seen to be taking action against foreigners who meddle in separatist hot spots such as Papua and Aceh.

Jakarta has waged a brutal battle for the past nine months to crush rebels in Aceh, and some fear a further military crackdown in Papua, where separatist sentiment has been strong for decades. APHEDA, which receives most of its funding through the Australian government's aid agency, AusAid, has been a target for claims it channels some of those funds to support separatists in Papua.

The agency operates in several countries, including Indonesia, where it is helping to establish a workers' rights centre in Bandung. However, it is not active in Papua.

Dr Wirajuda made the claim that APHEDA's funding had been cut while appearing last month before a parliamentary commission on security and defence in Jakarta.

However, neither a spokesman for Dr Wirajuda in Jakarta nor a spokeswoman from the Indonesian embassy in Canberra could confirm whether the claim was correct.

Dr Wirajuda also told the commission that in response to Jakarta's lobbying, Australia had issued a code of conduct for NGOs in Indonesia that would prevent them funding separatist groups. He said that Prime Minister John Howard had assured him the Australian government would not fund NGOs that supported independence for Papua.

APHEDA's executive officer, Peter Jennings, denied claims the group channelled funds to separatists in Papua. He cited the Institute of Public Affairs, a conservative Melbourne-based think tank, as the original source of the claims.

Mr Jennings said that APHEDA supported a United Nations-backed referendum on independence in Papua, as had occurred in East Timor in 1999.

Feelings among the people of Papua are considered to be volatile at present.

Military ties

Oxfam accuses UK of hidden arms trade

The Guardian - February 25, 2004

Richard Norton-Taylor -- Arms companies and the government are evading export controls by supplying countries with components rather than complete weapons systems whose sale would be banned, according to a report published today by leading aid and human rights groups.

They accuse the government of double standards by exploiting loopholes enabling it to get round international embargoes and its own human rights guidelines.

There has been an eleven-fold increase in the number of weapons components licensed for export in recent years, says the report by Oxfam, Amnesty International, and the International Action Network on Small Arms.

The loophole has enabled British arms components to be sold to countries including Zimbabwe, Israel, Indonesia, Uganda, Colombia, Nepal, and the Philippines.

A shift in policy was discreetly announced by Jack Straw, the foreign secretary, in 2002. He added new criteria including the "importance of the UK's defence and security relationship with the incorporating country".

His move was prompted by the sale of British components for American F-16 fighter aircraft destined for Israel and used in raids on the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Published official figures on arms exports refer to components but do not give the total value or amount. However, the report Lock, Stock, and Barrel: how British arms components add up to deadly weapons, includes many examples where British weapons components are sold to countries directly covered by arms embargoes.

Often, the British parts are re-exported, or incorporated in complete weapons systems, ending up in countries covered by embargoes or which do not meet Britain's guidelines on human rights and regional conflicts.

British weapons components sold to Uganda, Namibia or Angol, could well end up in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which is covered by an EU arms embargo.

Mr Straw will appear before the Commons Quadripartite committee on arms exports today and l come under strong pressure to close the loophole covering the components for weapons systems. Roger Berry, chairman of the committee, described the issue yesterday as "incredibly important and particularly timely". Small arms, which include many British components, were "weapons of mass destruction", he said.

He said the government's reasoning behind the sale of parts for American F-16 aircraft was unacceptable.

Justin Forsyth, Oxfam director of policy, said: "The government has put lives at risk by setting up false and dangerous double standards. Whether a machinegun comes in pieces or ready made the suffering it can cause in the wrong hands is just the same."

Business & investment

Government to divest stakes in 28 companies this year

Agence France Presse - February 26, 2004

Jakarta -- The Indonesian government plans to sell its controlling stake in 19 state firms this year as part of its continuing privatisation programme, an official said Thursday.

The government will also sell its minority holding in nine other firms, said Parikesit Suprapto, an assistant deputy for privatisation in the state enterprises ministry.

"The plan is to sell government shares in 28 companies this year but this is still subject to approval from parliament," he told AFP. He declined to say how much the government expects to raise or to name the companies.

The ministry's budget target is Rp 5 trillion (US$590 million) in privatisation proceeds this year to help reduce the state budget deficit.

Bail-out agency leaves behind $94 billion bill

Straits Times - February 28, 2004

Robert Go, Jakarta -- The Indonesian public received a huge shock yesterday when restructuring agency Ibra closed its books for good and handed over a bill for the economic crisis that began in 1997: around 477 trillion rupiah, or S$94 billion.

For some, this is the final chapter in a five-year reform effort; others say the process is not yet over.

Many Indonesians who can barely feed, clothe and house themselves now have to swallow the bitter pill and pay the multibillion- dollar bill.

Here is a synopsis of Ibra's five-year saga: