Aceh

Army kills six rebels in Aceh

Agence France Presse - February 6, 2004

Banda Aceh -- Government troops mounting an offensive against Aceh separatist rebels have killed six more guerrillas, the military said Friday.

Soldiers shot dead the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) members in separate clashes in four districts on Thursday, said Lieutenant Colonel Asep Sapari, a military spokesman in the province on Sumatra island. Troops seized a handgun, a Kalashnikov rifle and ammunition.

He said rebels shot three civilians in South Aceh, also on Thursday. Residents in East Aceh found a male corpse bearing gunshot wounds on Wednesday, the spokesman said.

More than 1,300 guerrillas have been killed since the army launched its operation to crush GAM last May, according to the military. It says more than 2,000 others have been arrested or have surrendered. GAM has been fighting for an independent state since 1976.

Martial law to continue ahead of polls

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2004

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- The government claimed on Tuesday that in the ninth month of the military operation, the situation in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam was relatively safe and stable ahead of the general election, however, it had no plan to lift martial law.

Coordinating Minister for Security and Political Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said here on Tuesday that the situation in the country's westernmost province was under control as the number of villages that were formerly rebel strongholds had decreased from 1,093 to 169.

He said the legislative and presidential elections would run smoothly and the presence of thousands of security personnel tasked to quell the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) would not be hindrance for the Acehnese to exercise their basic rights to vote in the election.

"We [the government] are glad that security has gradually been restored in Aceh as the integrated operation enters the ninth month. But, we do not want to lose the momentum. The government will only lift martial law that was imposed on May 19, 2003, if the time is deemed right," Susilo told a press conference after a coordinating meeting on political and security affairs at his office. "And we will not withdraw our troops from the province," he said.

Also attending the coordinating meeting were, among others, Aceh martial law administrator Maj. Gen. Endang Suwarya, home affairs minister Hari Sabarno, Army Deputy Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Djoko Santoso, social affairs minister Bachtiar Chamsyah and foreign minister Hassan Wirayudha.

Endang said after the meeting that the military had gained control in almost 90 percent of 1,093 areas which were formerly rebel strongholds. Many of the rebels have been killed or arrested while others have fled to forest areas.

So far, military authorities claimed to have killed 1,300 rebels and arrested around 2,000 others.

Susilo insisted that the government had no plan to withdraw any military personnel although the number of rebels in the field is only around 1,700.

The Acehnese people have expressed pessimism about the general elections because besides having no confidence in the government, they feel they cannot cast their votes freely under present conditions. Even, certain political parties have enhanced cooperation with the martial law administration by mobilizing militia groups to drive the people to election booths during the election period.

The military operation has been extended for another six months in efforts to maintain security in the province during the elections.

Experts and community leaders in Aceh have proposed that the government demilitarize regions that are relatively safe to help ensure a democratic process in the legislative and presidential elections that would start on April 5.

Endang said it was difficult to arrest GAM leaders because they have been moving from one area to another one in jungles in the province.

He added that the military would continue to hunt the remaining rebels and cut their logistical supplies to weaken their movement.

With regard the civilians currently held hostage by the rebels, Endang said that the military had freed 10 people, including RCTI driver Rachmatsyah early in December and two wives of the Air Force officers, Cut Safrida and Cut Soraya, last week.

RCTI journalist Sori Ersa Siregar, nevertheless, was killed on December 29 in what the military claimed to be crossfire between troops and GAM fighters. The private TV station's cameraman Fery Santoro, is still being held somewhere in East Aceh and his fate remains unclear.

"Based on our data, GAM is currently holding around 68 civilians, and around 380 others are still missing," Endang said. He, nevertheless, failed to clarify whether he considered the missing people alive or dead.

Acehnese hold little hope for elections

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2004

Nani Farida and Ridwan Max Sijabat, Banda Aceh/Jakarta -- While the provincial government has predicted Aceh's elections will run successfully, many Acehnese are pessimistic they will be democratic or deliver a desired outcome.

Authorities have given assurances of free and fair elections, which begin in the province on April 5. However, many Acehnese say it will be impossible for the military, which has never practised democracy, to run democratic elections under martial law.

Iskandar, 45, resident of Kuta Alam in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh, said he was uninterested in the general elections. Previous elections had not improved day-to-day life in the troubled province, he said.

Forty-year-old Muhammad Jamal, a resident of Banda Aceh's Lamlagang, agreed. Many Acehnese greeted the elections unenthusiastically because they had long been forced to stay quiet, he said.

"Long before the launch of the military operations [against the Free Aceh Movement, or GAM] last June, we were prohibited to express our aspirations. The more people make a noise, the more they are killed or arrested," Muhammad said.

"Like others, I will probably go to the ballot booth to cast my vote -- but I am not doing it of my own free will. If I don't vote, I am considered a supporter of GAM," he said.

People had no chance to exercise their political rights since the recent exodus of observers, who were accused by the authorities of conspiring with the separatists and their supporters.

"Many people have been frightened by a recent incident where a North Aceh resident was killed after speaking to a private TV station. We have no [political] parties to share our grievances with and, therefore, it is better to remain silent," he said.

Tuti, a 25-year-old student of Syiah Kuala University, said, if they had the choice, most Acehnese wouldn't participate in the elections. It did not matter which party won the elections as none could solve the deep-seated troubles in the province.

Refugees who occupy mosques and Islamic boarding schools in Bireuen and Lhokseumawe said they were not confident they could safely return home and vote as they did in the previous elections.

"We are taking refuge here to avoid arrest from the security authorities and because we are longer confident in the government," said a refugee, who asked for anonymity.

The number of refugees has decreased drastically to 5,300 from about 35,000 at the beginning of the military operation.

GAM's strong influence in the province meant only a half of all voters participated in the 1999 elections. At least 30 percent of the province's legislators were appointed by the province's General Election Commission (KPU) on the basis of the 1997 election results.

A human rights activist who has monitored conditions in Aceh from Jakarta, said observers were skeptical of democratic and fair elections under the existing state of emergency.

"The General Election Commission will not be able to maintain their independence in organizing the elections ... because the military emergency administration has complete authority in line with the 1959 emergency law 'to engineer a successful election'," the activist, who asked to remain nameless, said. "And like previous elections, these are certain to install illegitimate and corrupt legislators and governments."

As in elections during the New Order era, several political parties, including Golkar and the United Development Party (PPP), were cooperating with the military to ensure they won as many votes as possible, he said. The KPU has divided the province into eight electoral districts for provincial and legislative seats and two districts for House of Representative seats. It has depended on the Army to organize the elections.

Oto Syamsuddin, a sociologist at the Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh, observed that Golkar, the PPP and the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) were forming alliances in the region -- along with other smaller military- linked parties.

"Both the military and political parties will defend their common interests to maintain a unified Indonesia. The military has security business that has cost the state more than Rp 1.3 trillion while Golkar, the PPP and the PDI-P are eyeing the province's rich resources," Oto said.

The military and police had formed militia groups that would be mobilized during the election campaign to support political parties and to drive people to ballot booths. "Even in East Aceh locals feel safer holding the membership cards of military-linked parties than the holding red-and-white identity cards," he said.

Locals would feel threatened by the increased military presence and vote for the establishment, whatever their views. Those who refused to vote would be considered supporters of the separatists, he said.

Oto said Golkar could harness the military emergency to have a good chance of winning the provincial elections. Incumbent governor Abdulla Puteh was a Golkar member and the party had strong support among members of the bureaucracy and employees of mining and fertilizer companies. However, some religious leaders and voters in rural areas were fanatic supporters of the PPP, he said.

Oto was pessimistic the military regime was ready to demilitarize secure electoral districts. "If the military is committed to a democratic process, it should agree to a cease-fire with GAM during the elections and respect the people's right to cast their votes -- or not vote.

"It should also let voters reject problematic candidates in their efforts to form a democratic government -- as is stipulated in the last agreement [on Aceh] mediated by the Henri Dunant Center," he said.

West Papua

Four Papuan university students released

Antara - February 2, 2004

Semarang -- Four university students of Papuan origin, detained by Central Java police for having raised the separatist "morning star" flag on December 3, 2003, have been set free.

Their release had to do with the expiry of their detention term, namely 60 days. But they were still required to report to the police periodically.

Information from the detective unit of the Central Java police headquarters on Monday said they had to be released as they had been in jail for 60 days.

Labour issues

Labor body sides with PTDI in mass dismissal

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2004

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- The Central Committee for Labor Dispute Settlements (P4P) has decided to accept the decision by ailing state-owned aircraft manufacturer PT Dirgantara Indonesia (PTDI) to dismiss a total of 6,650 workers, meaning that the process of settling the case is sure to drag on.

In a letter explaining the decision, which was dated January 29 and signed by P4P Chairman Sabar Sianturi, but only handed to the dismissed workers on Tuesday, the committee explained that it was siding with PTDI management's decision to fire 6,650 of 9,350 workers due to its ailing financial straits, but then ordered PTDI to hand over a number of payments that go well above and beyond the stipulations in the labor law.

According to the letter, a copy of which was made available for media outlets, "First of all, PTDI management must pay the severance and service payments, but twice as much as the amount required by Chapter 156 of Law No. 13/2003. The management is also required to pay the dismissed workers allowances for their 2003 annual leave, housing and bonuses.

Besides receiving pension funds under social security programs, the dismissed workers will also receive their monthly salaries which have been withheld since the dismissal in July 2003." The management has also been ordered to submit the personal data of dismissed workers to the manpower and transmigration office in Bandung so that the agency can better monitor the whole process.

The letter did not go into much detail as to why P4P accepted the mass dismissal and turned down the workers' demand to reemploy them, except to allude to economic realities, while Sabar and other members of P4P were not available for comment.

The workers are enraged by their dismissal, because they say it is an open secret that the company's financial problems were all caused by mismanagement, corruption and inefficiency, not by overstaffing.

The government has put its weight behind the management's decision to close down several units deemed unprofitable in the holding company to let it concentrate on its core business.

It has also injected funds to allow the company to resume operating, and provided US$5 million to help with severance and service payments.

Thousands of dismissed workers, demonstrating at the manpower ministry criticized the P4P decision and said they would take their case all the way to the Supreme Court if need be.

"With the decision, we've been betrayed by P4P and we will file a lawsuit at the State Administrative Court. And, as a last resort, we will appeal to the Supreme Court if we are defeated at the State Administrative Court," Chairman of PTDI Trade Union Arief Winardi said.

The workers won a case at the State Administrative Court in Bandung in December when they sued the management over the latter's July 2003 decision to give them their pink slips.

They said they would not even bother asking the manpower minister to veto the P4P decision since they considered him of the same ilk as the others in government who had supported management.

Manpower and Transmigration Minister Jacob Nuwa Wea called on PTDI's management and dismissed workers to accept the P4P decision because the massive labor dismissal was inevitable.

"What reasons the workers have raised to oppose the decision are no longer relevant because the government is not able to pay them. The important thing is that the management must respect workers' rights and pay severance and service payments in accordance with the law," he said.

He added that the management could not breach the law, otherwise the management would now be taken to court.

President of state-owned PT Jamsostek Achmad Djunaidi said his company was ready to pay a total of Rp 56 billion (US$6.6 million) in pension funds for the dismissed workers, but may now have to pay out well over Rp 300 billion due to the extra payments ordered by P4P.

The 6,650 workers are now set to receive a minimum of Rp 50 million each in severance and service payments and pension funds as the lowest-ranking workers at the company were paid between Rp 1.5 and Rp 2 million per month.

Neo-liberal globalisation

NGOs file lawsuit against government's pro-IMF policies

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

Urip Hudiono, Jakarta -- Three non-governmental organizations filed a lawsuit against President Megawati Soekarnoputri on Thursday at the Central Jakarta District Court for issuing Presidential Instruction No. 5/2003 on an economic policy package with International Monetary Fund (IMF) monitoring.

In their suit, the plaintiffs -- the Indonesian Debt Watch Foundation (DWI), the Indonesian Independent Network of Civil Society for Development Transparency and Accountability (JARI) and the Jakarta Citizens Forum (Fakta) -- argued that by issuing the presidential instruction, Megawati had violated the People's Consultative Assembly Decree No. VI/2002, which mandates the government to end all agreements with the IMF by the end of 2003.

"The instruction can also be considered deception of the public as it is essentially another agreement with the IMF without consent from the House of Representatives," said head of DWI, Arimbi Heroepoetri.

She said their main concern was that because of the presidential instruction, providing the legal basis for Indonesia's post-IMF monitoring program with the Fund, the government had neglected the people's welfare and handed over the country's economy to "neoliberal forces" by continuing its relationship with the IMF.

According to the plaintiffs, the IMF's structural adjustment programs, which include strict budgeting policies, good governance, anticorruption measures, liberalization of the monetary and trade sector and privatization of several ailing, inefficient state companies had worsened the country's economic condition and social welfare, as evidenced by the increase in state debt, the increased unemployment and further destitution of farmers and other workers.

The plaintiffs also said the economic recovery programs hurt the general public. They said the people have seen their subsidies cut in order to pay off the country's debts to foreign governments and agencies. "Is it fair to the public when the debts of mismanaged private companies become state debts?" Arimbi added.

In their primary plea for the case, the plaintiffs requested the court to declare Megawati guilty of violating the law by issuing the presidential instruction.

They also demanded the court to annul the instruction and order her to comply with the Assembly's decree in drafting economic policies favoring public social welfare in accordance with the Constitution without the involvement of the IMF. Megawati must also publicly apologize to the Indonesian people and pay compensation of Rp 166.75 million (US$19,851) for the plaintiffs' expenses in filing the suit as well as the court's administrative fees, if found guilty.

In their subsidiary plea, the plaintiffs said that if the court had a different legal opinion about the case, it should still consider the public's sense of justice, known by the Latin legal terms ex aequo et bono.

A member of the plaintiffs' legal counsel team, Tubagus Haryo Karbyanto, said that after filing the lawsuit, it usually took three to four weeks before the court finally announced whether the case would go to trial or not. "The court has to legally verify the suit and appoint a panel of judges for the case first," he said.

Is another power possible?

Green Left Weekly - February 4, 2004

[Indonesian trade unionist Dita Indah Sari, chairperson of the Indonesian National Front for Labour struggle, addressed 6000 people at the World Social Forum on January 17. On returning, she wrote the following comment on the conference.]

Like at previous world social forums, the main themes which emerged centred around issues of neoliberal globalisation, war, peace (or the lack of it), women, racism, health, education and the environment.

Anger against the United States and US President George W. Bush was expressed in nearly every single forum -- and often expressed by the delegation from the US itself. Posters and banners condemning the numerous injustices of the world adorned every corner of the venue. The WSF was an arena for intellectual debate, cultural festivals and at the same time an opportunity for the opposition movements and activists from the north and south to meet and exchange ideas.

Since the first WSF was organised in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, the WSF has become the largest forum for the meeting and the consolidation of anti-globalisation activists in the world.

The growth of the anti-war and anti-globalisation movements has sent a resounding message to capitalism and its policies of neoliberal globalisation -- that these policies have failed the world's people and an alternative needs to be found. The international financial and trade institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation have also been condemned internationally.

There is a growing awareness that their policies only benefit the interests of a small number of monopolistic corporations.

There are two issues which I think are important here, but which have not been taken up by the WSF forums and its charter of principles. Firstly, what is the position of the anti- globalisation movement with regard to national governments who are acting in the interests of neoliberal globalisation? Secondly, what alternative to such policies will have real meaning and potential for change in Third World countries.

There are a number of countries which have been relatively successful in establishing alternative economic and political systems: Vietnam, Venezuela and even Cuba, and these need to be explored more thoroughly.

This WSF, like the ones that proceeded it, failed to produce any concrete proposals, initiatives or campaigns. There was no resolution or explicit statement put to the delegates by the organising committee to adopt a position on issues such as Palestine, Iraq or Myanmar (Burma). In the end, the WSF has simply become an arena to exchange ideas, for brainstorming and intellectual discussion.

The WSF was clearly dominated by non-government organisations and social movements that tend to distance themselves from the issue of state power.

Criticism of global capitalism was not followed by attempts to examine and oppose the policies of national governments that have become agents of international corporations.

Moreover, in the name of asserting its "independence", the WSF maintains the greatest possible distance from real political struggles. It limits itself to calling for the rejection of the excesses of capitalism and neoliberalism but avoided the question of replacing national governments that have clearly become the tools of global capitalism.

Their dependency on donor organisation makes NGOs choose activities with the minimum political risk. The moderation of the militancy of their demands and social struggle is therefore inevitable, bearing in mind that radicalisation will end in open confrontation with the state.

The obvious consequence is that it is not possible for NGOs to promote the self-confidence of ordinary people to build an alternative government, one which is completely outside of the existing political elite.

The WSF, the anti-globalisation and anti-war movements have made a huge contribution to the broadening of social awareness about the need to struggle against neoliberal globalisation and against dictatorships throughout the world.

What is needed now is the courage and readiness to transform this into an international political movement, based on activists from every single country working together to build an alternative force to counter their national governments.

This transformation from a moral movement to a political movement is now an absolute necessity. As the global economic crisis and the globalisation of neoliberalism impacts, the people of the Third World descend even further into abject poverty and misery. Add to this the hundreds of thousands who are being sacrificed by the economics of global militarism and colonial-style wars by the imperialist countries.

Another world is possible, this is the WSF's slogan, its message to the peoples of the world. But the level of struggle now requires an additional or new slogan of struggle: Another power is also possible.

'War on terrorism'

New report warns of long-term militant threat

Radio Australia - February 4, 2004

The International Crisis Group has warned that Indonesia could face long term threats from militants, not so much from Jemaah Islamiyah ... but from smaller groups with links to the more militant al-Qaeda. One of the groups is the Mujahidin KOMPAK, formed in 1999 by J-I leaders who were unhappy with the group's slow and bureaucratic response to conflicts within Indonesia.

Presenter/Interviewer: Kanaha Sabapathy Speakers: Sidney Jones, Indonesia director of the International Crisis Group

Jones: It's not that Mujahidin KOMPAK has as much expertise as JI, is as well organised as JI or has the length of experience the JI does, but it's just that these people can be more hotheaded, more likely perhaps to be inspired by Fatwa from Osama bin Laden and therefore could under certain circumstances be extremely dangerous.

Sabapathy: To what extent would a group like this work against the greater ideals of the JI, which is to establish perhaps an Islamic nation in Indonesia?

Jones: The difference is one of strategy and tactics. I think Jemaah Islamiah has a very long term strategy, one person told us that they have a 25-year timeframe and want to build up the capacity of the organisation through religious outreach to get to that point where they can establish an Islamic state. The men who join Mujahidin KOMPAK for the most part wanted very quick results, and they weren't prepared to wait 25 years to use the skills that they got, they wanted to go to war immediately, they wanted to use their new skills immediately, and that again can be potentially dangerous.

Sabapathy: Mujahidin KOMPAK is a splinter of the JI. Is it the only splinter group or are there other fissures within the JI?

Jones: Yes there are many different kinds of fissures within Jemaah Islamiah. The two biggest ones being between those who look to Al Qaeda for inspiration and for Fatwa or religious ruling, and what we think is the majority faction, which believes that only Fatwa decreed by people already within JI should serve as the guidelines for that organisation, much more inwardly focussed, much more focussed on establishing an Islamic state in Indonesia. And that faction believes that efforts like Hambali and the Bali bombers actually undermine their long term strategy.

Sabapathy: Given the fact that the pro-Al Qaeda faction within the JI is small, what kind of threat does it pose both to Indonesia and to the region?

Jones: Well we know that there are a handful of top leaders of that faction who are still at large, and they include both the kind of master technicians, such as Dr Adhari from Malaysia, Noordeen Mohammed Taab also a Malaysian, as well as some of the people like Zulkarnain who was the top military leader of Jemaah Islamiah. These people are dangerous, there's no question about that but there are not very many of them who remain at large. If they can be caught then we believe that the immediate threat of another kind of Marriott or Bali bombing could substantially ease. But we think that people do need to pay attention to some of these other smaller groups that are not Jemaah Islamiah, because even if JI were to disappear tomorrow there would be still other groups that had military training in Afghanistan and Mindanao and were also committed to a radical Jihadist vision.

Sabapathy: And do we have names for these groups?

Jones: Yes there are a number of them, there's Wahdah Islamiah in South Sulawesi, there's Bulan Sabit Merah or Red Crescent in West Java, there are several offshoots of the Darul Islam, organisation that was active in the 50s and 60s and so on. I don't think we know how many of these groups exist but there are a number of them.

Sabapathy: And who actually is supporting these groups?

Jones: [It's] Not clear where their funds are coming from but I think it's important to realise that it doesn't take very much money to keep an organisation like this alive, they don't need outside funding. You can raise some funds from local supporters including local business partners.

Mistaken aims toward indonesia

Asia Times - February 3, 2004

Tim Shorrock, Washington -- The United States is committing a major political blunder in Indonesia by focusing solely on terrorism, according to regional experts on Islam, who suggest that the US should concentrate instead on helping Indonesia build its democratic institutions and revitalize its economy and educational system.

"The USA can help the situation by avoiding the impression that terrorism is the only defining factor" in bilateral relations, said Rizal Sukma, director of studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta and an executive board member of Muhammadiyah, the second-largest Islamic organization in Indonesia. "The public face should be much broader."

At the same time, Sukma said the US should not provide financial assistance to what it considers moderate alternatives to Islamic fundamentalists because doing so would undermine those groups in the eyes of most Indonesians.

"Once accused of following the American agenda, they become irrelevant," Sukma told a Washington seminar on Indonesia in January, which was sponsored by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.

For the administration of US President George W Bush, the agenda includes enlisting Indonesia as a close partner in the "war against terrorism" as well as expanding military, police and intelligence ties to improve the ability of the government of Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri to counter the rise of Jemaah Islamiya and other terrorist networks.

As a result, US security experts began training a special squad of Indonesian police in counter-terrorism in November, under a US$8 million program funded by the United States Congress. The US military has also supplied Indonesia with high-tech communications, night-vision gear and other terrorism-prevention equipment.

That program has been complicated, however, by the Indonesian government's refusal to prosecute military officers charged by a United Nations tribunal with committing atrocities in East Timor and continued reports of human-rights abuses by the Indonesian military in the restive provinces of Papua and Aceh.

Last month the US State Department placed six current and former Indonesian officers on a watch list of indicted war criminals who cannot enter the United States. Among them is General Wiranto, the former head of the army who may run for president in this year's elections.

Matters were further complicated in January when Congress passed an amendment that bans the Bush administration from providing military training funds to Indonesia until the State Department determines that Indonesia is cooperating with the Federal Bureau of Investigation's probe of an ambush of eight teachers in Papua in 2002 that left two US nationals dead and several seriously wounded.

That bill passed with strong support from several key Republicans. But many lawmakers are wary of providing military training to Indonesia simply out of fear that the army itself has been influenced by Islamic radicalism.

"There's enough evidence of this complicity, that to give them any sort of military training, even if it's in the name of the 'war on terror', is sort of an odd concept," said an aide to a senior House Republican who voted for the recent restrictions on military aid.

Sukma is concerned that US military assistance could only exacerbate Indonesia's problems. "I don't think the military is the agent" to oppose terrorism, he said. "You don't need tanks, you don't need F-16s. The key is intelligence." With parliamentary elections coming up in April and the first presidential primaries in July, military to military aid "could create new problems in this new context", Sukma said. Already, he noted, the Indonesia military has "expressed unhappiness" about US support for the police.

Osman Bakar, a professor at the Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at Georgetown University and a citizen of Malaysia, said US intervention in domestic struggles against terrorists could also backfire.

Taking note of the recent deployment of US military troops to the Philippines and US intelligence assistance to Indonesia, he said there is a perception in the region "that local governments are exploiting [the terrorist attacks of] September 11 [2001] and the war against terrorism to stifle" democratic movements.

Bakar said US policymakers would be wise to follow Sukma's advice because Indonesia has made important advances in democracy even after experiencing major terrorist attacks in Bali and Jakarta over the past two years. "In terms of winning hearts and minds, Indonesia is doing better than its neighbors," he said.

In Singapore and Malaysia, two other countries where Islamic groups linked to al-Qaeda have been active, the governments have detained hundreds of suspected terrorists under security laws introduced by the British in 1948 to counter the rise of communist groups, Bakar said.

However, Indonesia has avoided such draconian practices. Instead, when it captured the ringleaders of the Bali bombing, it placed them on trial.

Over the long term, such actions strengthen the belief in the public mind that "the rule of law will succeed", Bakar said. Indonesia "can win the war because of the inner dynamics now being seen".

Daniel Benjamin, a senior fellow at the Center for International and Strategic Studies in Washington and a former official with president Bill Clinton's National Security Council, said the United States has a strong interest in "beating back the jihadists" but warned against seeing the conflict in Indonesia in black-and-white terms.

"Too many regimes have used the 'war on terror' to put excessive pressure on groups they view as threatening," he said. "We shouldn't make the same mistake we did during the last ideological struggle," the Cold War. "If so, it will be the blowback phenomenon again."

2004 elections

Election commission introduces eligible candidates

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- The General Elections Commission (KPU) issued on Thursday a list of 7,786 legislative candidates eligible to contest the polls, one week behind the original schedule.

There were some corrections made to the list as the commission had declared 7,756 aspirants qualified for the April general election last week.

KPU member Anas Urbaningrum, chairman of legislative candidates verification, said the difference in the number of eligible aspirants was caused by a miscalculation. "Previously we thought some aspirants deserved a C mark, but it turned out they should have got a B," he said.

There will be 550 House of Representatives seats up for grabs in the general election. According to the list, a number of public figures will compete in the same electoral district.

President Megawati Soekarnoputri's husband Taufik Kiemas, nominated by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) as number one candidate in West Java electoral district 2, will face deputy secretary-general of the Crescent Star Party (PBB) M.S. Kaban and the current House of Representatives legislator Paskah Suzetta from Golkar.

Political analyst Andi Mallarangeng, who is the deputy chairman of the United Democratic Nationhood Party (PDK) and the number one candidate of the party for Jakarta electoral district 1 will take on legislator Suryadarma Ali of the United Development Party (PPP), economist Dradjad Hari Wibowo of the National Mandate Party (PAN), secretary-general of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) Muhammad Anis Matta, business analyst A.B. Susanto of the National Awakening Party (PKB) and Golkar's deputy chairman Agung Laksono.

The Reform Star Party (PBR) chairman Zaenuddin M.Z., whose original name is Zainuddin Hamidy, will lock horns with Hamdan Zoelva of PBB and Golkar's deputy chairman Fahmi Idris.

A number of artists also passed the KPU screening, including Rieke Dyah Pitaloka of PKB in West Java electoral district 4, Nurul Arifin of Golkar in West Java electoral district 3, Marissa Haque of PDI-P in West Java electoral district 2, Slamet Rahardjo Djarot of the Freedom Bull National Party (PNBK) in West Java electoral district 2, and Yusuf Macan Effendi or Dede Yusuf of PAN in West Java electoral district 9.

Anas said five candidates were dropped from the list as one had died, others had pulled out while another was listed as candidates in more than one district. Mohammad Deen Amein of PAN had died.

Margaret Pardede Gauthama of New Indonesia Alliance Party (PPIB), Ernie Supriati of Concern for the Nation Functional Party (PKPB) and Irawady Joenoes of PAN dropped out.

Anak Agung Ngurah Oka Gunawan of the Regional United Party (PPD) was removed from the list of legislative aspirants because he had also been registered as a candidate for Bali provincial legislature.

However, the final list may change because as of 9:05 p.m. KPU had not completed the recheck of list of candidates in six electoral districts.

Goverment makes contingency plan for elections

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- In anticipation of the possible delay of the general election, the government has developed a number of contingency plans, a minister said on Thursday.

Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, said that technical or security problems would be the most likely cause of a change in schedule for the elections. The minister was responding to the National Resilience Institute's (Lemhanas) request on Wednesday for the government to draw up a contingency plan for the elections. Lemhanas had also expressed concern over delays in ballot box procurement and the printing of ballot papers.

"These kind of technical problems could hamper the whole process of elections preparations, although a delay, if any, would not be that drastic," Susilo said.

The legislative election is scheduled for April 5, and will be contested by 24 political parties. The landmark direct presidential election will follow on July 5, with a possible runoff on September 20 -- if no candidate wins the majority of votes and manages to garner 20 percent of the votes in at least 16 provinces.

The General Elections Commission (KPU) has encountered difficulties in the production of the 2.19 million ballot boxes required.

KPU recently appointed 18 companies to print 160 million ballot papers, but the printing has been moved to Sunday, one week behind the original schedule.

He said the government, KPU and the Elections Supervisory Committee (Panwaslu) would hold a meeting next week to identify any existing problems in the elections process.

Printing of ballot papers delayed by another week

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2004

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- The chaotic preparations for the elections continue to amaze one and all, with the General Elections Commission (KPU) officially announcing on Tuesday that the printing of ballot papers would be delayed again to February 8, a week behind the initial schedule.

With some 600 million ballot papers required, KPU will name several companies or consortia, which will print the ballot papers for certain areas to prevent further delays.

KPU deputy chairman Ramlan Surbakti said the commission would focus on the company's financial capability to print the ballot papers so that there would not be another postponement.

There are 20 groups participating in the ballot paper tender, but KPU has refused to announce them publicly until the commission officially announces the winners on Wednesday. Only those who have the capability to print four colors would qualify.

Several firms that could be favored include the State Printing Company (PNRI), the Indonesian Government Security Printing and Minting Corp. (Peruri), PT Temprina and PT Singgalang.

"We will appoint the firms that will print the ballot papers tomorrow [Wednesday] evening and they will start printing the ballot paper on February 8," KPU chairman Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin said.

The delays in printing have added to the ballot boxes controversy. The company which holds the contract to produce 50 percent of the 2.19 million boxes, PT Tjakrindo Mas, has recently threatened to stop production until KPU pays them money from the first term of the contract.

Nazaruddin said KPU would also appoint a firm to produce the film of the ballot papers. Those are known to include PNRI, Peruri, Singgalang and PT Intermasa as well.

Nazaruddin was reluctant to disclose the budget allotted for the printing of ballot papers, but analysts have been worried that the limited time to print would increase the costs.

Regarding the ballot box debacle, Nazaruddin said it would ask the tender winner PT Survindo Indah Prestasi to accept an offer from new investors to finance the firm's remaining production on Wednesday at the latest, or else.

"If Survindo refuses to accept it tomorrow, we will report the firm to the police for failing to fulfill a contract. Everything must be settled tomorrow," he said.

Survindo could face accusations of obstructing the election preparations as well.

Nazaruddin said Survindo might only be able to produce up to 38 percent of the ballot boxes, or around 832,000 ballot boxes. So far, it has produced 365,660 boxes, based on KPU data.

Separately, Monopoly Watch chairman Samuel Nitisaputra said the KPU had to ensure that any firms that would inject funds into Survindo should have at least Rp 80 billion in cash to help the firm produce the remaining ballot boxes.

"KPU must examine the new investors' bank or deposit accounts and keep them as a collateral so they will not misappropriate the accounts. We can't repeat previous mistakes," he said.

Separately, KPU member Rusadi Kantraprawira, chairman of the ink procurement tender, said KPU had allocated Rp 155 billion to procure the special fluorescent ink -- for voter's to dip their fingers after they vote -- from abroad, because much of the locally produced ink was fake.

"Based on the 1999 election experience, one-third of the ink was locally produced, and was fake or easily erased," he told reporters.

He said that KPU would appoint the winner of the ink tender next Monday.

The 2004 elections: Predicting is harder than ever

Jakarta Post Opinion - February 3, 2004

Election fever along with the inevitable campaigning essentially began as soon as the legislation was finalized by the House of Representatives (DPR) in mid-2003.

Efforts are already underway to mobilize funding to establish local committees, and prospective candidates have been selected and proposed from the various political parties. Based on the amended Constitution, there are two very pronounced changes: The direct election of the president in two stages, and the election of a kind of regional/provincial representatives (or the "Senate") council with limited powers to represent the regions.

While the elections of the president and House legislators will involve candidates that are put forward by political parties, the "Senate" or the Regional Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, DPD) will be composed of personal/individual candidates.

Public opinion polls have been undertaken by many media groups or NGO's interested in the general elections. Their results have varied wildly and their accuracy is suspect because this is new phenomenon for Indonesian society and only certain segments of Indonesians can be, or are intentionally, polled, mainly people in large cities, with home telephones, so normally just the elite and middle class. However, such limited surveys are not able to reach an accurate cross-section of the many greatly diverse demographic segments, and that is particularly important because most people in this multifarious archipelago vote based on which group they come from, depending on one -- or a combination of -- factors that include religion, ethnicity or regional identity.

Most domestic institutions, such as political organizations or mass-based organizations are still underdeveloped. Only the Golkar Party has a reasonably organized network nationwide. The other ones are still based on those demographic group identities.

The electronic media, especially radio and TV, will play a certain role, now that freedom of expression is legal. However, most of such media is owned by urban, upper-class groups in society, including the family and/or cronies of former president Soeharto. It should be noted, however, that their influence on people's voting behavior is not very clear, because this is also a relatively new instrument here. But radio and TV certainly have a wider reach than the print media, or so it would seem.

The new political laws are very much in favor of the existing political parties that are well-represented in the DPR. The four or five largest political parties now in the DPR are likely to maintain their dominance. Only their ranking amongst themselves may change.

For instance, based on the performance in regional elections of governors or bupati (regents), the Golkar party seems to be the best organized party and has been able to win a majority of governors and regents (48 percent of governors and 36 percent of regents are Golkar members).

On the other hand, there have been tensions and rifts within PDI-P, where the central board often clashed with the local branches on selecting the candidates for governors or regents. This has caused a major split among party members and supporters. In addition, the disappointing lack of achievement by the Cabinet, led by a PDI-P president, will also hurt the party.

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which is headed by Muslim intellectuals and academics, has shown that it is a well- organized institution, although it is very much based on a strict interpretation of Islamic principles. PKS has, however, shown that it can be a responsible and peaceful group in its reactions to certain events that anger more militant Muslims -- the exceptionally peaceful Iraq War marches are a good example. It is still a very small party and has only seven seats in the DPR, but it could easily double that in the next election.

Another strict Islam-based party, the Crescent Star Party (PBB) -- their symbol and beliefs are akin to the conservative ex- Masyumi Party -- on the other hand, is expected to lose a lot of support although it is now slightly larger than the PKS, among other things because of divisions in the party.

The new rules make it difficult for new parties to have a chance to change the political equation. The rules also severely restrict the role of individuals in the DPR. Anybody interested in becoming a legislator or a Presidential candidate has to depend on the support of political parties.

The legislative elections are as important as the presidential election because according to the new Constitution the president has to get the consent or advice from the DPR on almost every important matter including legislation, budgets, control and the appointment of every important state agency such as the commander of the Armed Forces, the National Police chief, the governor of the central bank, the Supreme Court head and all ambassadors.

Since there is not likely to be a party with an outright majority in the DPR, coalitions and alliances are necessary to get policies through. This will be an important requirement for the next president and his/her Cabinet. For this reason, the person that becomes president will hopefully be an experienced and astute politician in addition to being a capable administrator and a respected leader.

An important factor in the presidential elections is the rule that the whole country is treated as one electoral region in that every vote counts the same in the second round of the election, whether it is from Java or outside Java, the so-called full proportional system. This makes Java, which has 60 percent of the voting populace, a very important area for any presidential candidate.

Thus, the combination of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates, (name recognition), and how they represent parties' demographic/identity groups, will be critical, especially in the first round of elections, because there will be several candidates. In the second round, however, Java will be dominant, and the candidate that can get a majority in Java with over 60 percent of the votes will have a very good chance of winning.

What Indonesia needs, as a President, is someone who is experienced in government and administration, an astute and capable politician and a balanced, moderate leader.

But the situation before the presidential election is still very fluid. Attempts have been made to form alliances and coalitions to weaken Megawati's second term prospects. Some parties still have their options open in choosing their Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates, and with whom they will forge an alliance. At this juncture it is very difficult to predict the outcome.

There are two big influences on the presidential election that need to be watched are: First, name recognition and popularity of the candidate, and second, support from the most number of demographic segments via a greatly organized political machine. Both are needed, but which of those will be more decisive is still an open question, because it will be the first time that voters have experienced a direct presidential election.

But if history is any indication, both in this first round of the presidential election and in the legislative election, name recognition will be important, but more so will be the party machinery and the societal groups that support certain candidates. Adept party members and money are important requirements for the machinery and organization to perform. The groups can be religious, ethnic or region-based and are still very influential at the rural, grass-roots level.

For Java's relatively more educated voters, and in many cities outside Java, the resistance against Golkar during the Soeharto period earlier was such that Golkar could never get more than 50-60 percent in such areas, despite having exercised a great amount of pressure. The other important factors are the people's political awareness and willingness to make their own choice. It should be noted that there has been some resistance against the incumbent PDI-P. It will be important to follow the trends closely because of the fluidity of the situation in order to monitor changes before the elections are held.

Megawati, the incumbent president, has the advantage of the job, high visibility and name recognition as the daughter of former President Sukarno, and wide recognition as an opposition leader against President Soeharto. On top of all these things, she has mobilized a lot of funding for the elections.

However, Megawati's achievements as president have been disappointing: Unemployment is up and the cost of living has increased, especially for ordinary people; she is seen as being too close to the TNI; and her party, the PDI-P, is in a mess. The party is split at the Central Committee level as well as at the local and grass roots levels.

Even in Bali and East Nusa Tenggara, two bulwarks of the PDI-P, the party is split down the middle because many members have been disappointed with her handling of the Bali bombings. She promised to oppose the national education law but did nothing when the PDI-P's legislators supported it. Most probably, the PDI-P will become the second party after Golkar with the loss of at least ten percent of the seats in the legislature.

Nonetheless, Megawati will most likely be a finalist in the first round of the presidential elections and will go through to the second round. No candidate is likely to come out the winner in the first round due to the stringent requirements. In the second round, the two finalists only have to compete for the largest number of votes. In the second round, however, all the other candidates/political parties could rally against her to defeat her.

The legislative elections will be held on April 5, 2004, three months before the presidential election. The results of the legislative elections will definitely have an impact on the presidential election as the results will be announced very near the presidential election. The Golkar candidate is expected to benefit from this effect.

The other finalist in the presidential election might well be the Golkar candidate selected by the party's national convention after the legislative elections. This presupposes that the party will unite to support a credible candidate. In the primaries in October 2003, Golkar decided to let seven persons slog it out to win the party's final nomination.

Among them, Akbar Tandjung has the best credentials as an administrator as well as a politician who is able to form alliances in the legislature. In addition, he is a moderate with balanced views. His main impediment is the corruption case against him, although the money was never meant to him enrich him personally, but rather support Golkar's efforts to have Habibie reelected.

Throughout his political career, he has never been known to be corrupt. If the Supreme Court overturns his conviction, he has a real chance of becoming the final Golkar presidential candidate and winning the election. But he needs to show that he is serious about fighting corruption, and to appoint credible persons to head the law enforcement agencies, such as the chief of police, Attorney General and minister of justice.

General Wiranto has never shown credible leadership, especially during the Jakarta riots of May 1998, and during the process of Soeharto's ouster. He also has been tainted by the East Timor rampage by TNI-supported militia in the wake of the 1999 Referendum and the killing of students during the special session of the MPR in November 1998.

The international community, especially civil society groups and the media everywhere around the world, would be united against him as president, and this would have serious implications for Indonesia's foreign policy and foreign relations. He has been indicted in the Dili District Court in East Timor by the Deputy General Prosecutor for Serious Crimes, a post established by UNTAET, itself a body created by UN Security Council Resolution 1272 of October 25, 1999.

Domestically, an ex-army man is also not going to be a popular choice among NGOs and the elite, although some support from the public might be forthcoming as many people are fed up with the present uncertainty. Wiranto has reportedly received a lot of funding from the Soehartos and their cronies.

These two would appear to be the front runners out of the seven candidates selected during the Golkar primaries. And if Akbar Tandjung is acquitted by the Supreme Court, he has the best chance of becoming the Golkar presidential candidate. Another person that could win in the convention is Jusuf Kalla should Akbar not be acquitted by the Supreme Court.

Jusuf Kalla is a trustworthy businessman and was never a crony of Soeharto. He has some administrative experience as Coordinating Minister for Social Affairs in the Megawati Cabinet, although this has only been over the last two years.

He has stuck his neck out to get the Malino Accord signed to resolve the religious strife in Poso (South Sulawesi) and in the Moluccas, essentially capitalizing on the stature and respect he enjoys among people from Eastern Indonesia.

He is very low key and is considered to be too pragmatic. He also has a limited capacity to reach out to the man on the street and does not have the overwhelming support of Golkar members as he was not a party member. But he could be an important figure to replace Akbar if the latter is precluded from running.

The candidates from the other parties include: Amien Rais from PAN (National Mandate Party) and speaker of the MPR. He has some national recognition as MPR speaker and was an opposition leader against Soeharto. He has gained some credibility by reacting strongly and consistently against global terrorism and for being instrumental in ending Abdurrahman Wahid's presidency constitutionally.

He played a key role as MPR speaker in thwarting the efforts by some Muslim parties to amend the Constitution to include sharia law. However, he has a reputation of being capricious and therefore is considered rather opportunistic. In addition, some people around him are seen as lacking credibility. His party and his own organization have their limitations.

Hamzah Haz, vice president and chairman of the PPP (United Development Party) has resorted to very irresponsible rhetoric on the problem of global terrorism. His party has been split, and therefore the chances of him being elected are not high. He might be happy to get staying on as vice president.

Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs. He has founded the Democratic Party to support him. It is a new and small party. He has some name recognition as a coordinating minister, can speak well and get through to the people, but he is considered to lack resoluteness and courage as a leader.

His chances are limited as he has no strong organizational or institutional support. He might get the support of Gus Dur's PKB (National Awakening Party). He is a more realistic candidate for the PKB as Gus Dur's chances of becoming president are slim, but he has a better chance as a vice presidential candidate.

Nurcholish Madjid, a respected Muslim scholar. He has no political support and will not get very far with his self- proclaimed candidacy. No big party has taken him on as its candidate. His chances are not great.

As a concluding note, it must be said that the conduct of the elections and their results are critical to Indonesia's future as so much depends on them. Only a capable, experienced and respected leader will be able to undertake the reforms that the country needs. Short of that, Indonesia's fate will be very uncertain indeed.

Indonesian military sees red threat

Far Eastern Economic Review - February 5, 2004

So much for Indonesian armed forces chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto's promise that the military will refrain from any attempt at influencing this year's general elections.

Nearly 40 years after the bloody military-led purge of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), the Pamungkas regional command in the central Java city of Jogjakarta has sent a letter to the General Elections Commission with the names of 42 candidates for the provincial legislative council that it says are "environmentally unclean" -- a euphemism for ties to the PKI.

The candidates are from 12 parties, including the former ruling Golkar party and President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle. Most of those named are said to be relatives of former PKI members, an indication of the paranoia that still prevails in the army long after the communists have ceased to be a threat. Indeed, authorities have failed to uncover any evidence that the communists have sought to stage a revival since an estimated 500,000 people died in the orgy of violence against suspected communists that followed the overthrow of President Sukarno in 1965.

Democracy is fine, but where are the ballot boxes?

Straits Times - February 3, 2004

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- A storm is brewing with polls looming. And it has nothing to do with backroom dealings, smear campaigns and the internecine battles between parties at the subterranean levels of politics.

Indonesia's General Elections Commission (KPU) is in deep mire over the most unlikely of problems: ballot boxes or the lack of them.

It may appear mundane but it will have a bearing on whether parliamentary polls will go ahead as scheduled on April 5. The problem stems from controversial tenders KPU awarded to several private companies to produce the boxes.

Survindo Indah Prestasi won the US$37 million (S$63 million) tender last year to produce 2.19 million boxes. In mid-December, however, KPU found that its numbers were far below its promised target. Instead of 600,000 boxes, it had produced only 30,000.

Survindo Indah Prestasi won the US$37 million (S$63 million) tender last year to produce 2.19 million boxes. By mid-December, it had produced only 30,000 of a promised 600,000 boxes.

KPU then turned to another firm, Tjakindro Mas. But as of last month, it produced only 316,000 of 925,000 boxes.

The KPU has turned to yet another company, Almas, to do the job with a March 5 deadline looming.

This forced the elections team to turn to another firm, Tjakrindo Mas, which ranked second in the tender rating system. Technically, they were not qualified to carry out the project. They also bungled.

As of last month, the company could only churn out 316,000 of a targeted 925,000 boxes. But PT Tjakrindo's defence was that the KPU had yet to pay a promised first instalment of US$4.8 million.

So, what did KPU do next? It set its sights on another company, Almas, to do the job.

The clock is ticking. The deadline for the companies is March 5 -- a month before parliamentary elections -- in which all ballot boxes are to have reached the regencies.

But confusion seems to be the order of the day -- and confidence in the KPU to see through two or even three elections this year, is waning.

The Anti-corruption Commission has jumped into the fray, screaming corruption.

Some non-governmental organisations have questioned how Survindo could have won the tender without having the financial muscle to carry out the project. As a result, the State Audit Agency is now looking into whether there were irregularities in the tender process.

Legislators have jumped onto the bandwagon, after wavering initially over how to respond. The eventual response is predictable.

After all, it is fashionable these days in Indonesia to cry foul over corruption. It is all about scoring political points.

A parliamentary commission investigating the matter has called for legal action against Survindo.

Mr Abdurrahman Gafar, who is heading the panel, said: 'KPU must be strict and set a precedent for all firms that fail to provide election materials, particularly the ballot boxes.' And what is the election commission's response in the face of all this flak? Surprisingly, it is upbeat. KPU chairman Nazaruddin Syamsudin said over the weekend that the parliamentary polls would run smoothly as scheduled.

He described the ballot box saga as 'a small problem'. Is it a storm in a teacup? It might be just a glitch. But at a larger level, it points to how messy and complicated it will be to organise the elections.

Observers might now be drawing permutations about the winners and losers and likely coalitions without realising that the administration and logistics of the polls have yet to be put in place two months from D-day.

Indeed, some of the major parties, including the Indonesian Democratic Party -- Struggle, have not even finalised their legislative candidates in several provinces.

At the heart of the problem is the KPU.

With a record 140 million people eligible to vote, the KPU has more voters, more work and a lot more money in the kitty. It predicts that it will spend 3.45 trillion rupiah (S$690 million). In some provinces, some members are fighting for more funds.

In East Kalimantan, five newly elected members of the provincial KPU reportedly sought an operational budget of 13.8 billion rupiah.

The funds were aimed at covering the purchase of five Nissan Terrano jeeps, new suits, monthly stipends of 15 million rupiah for the chairman and 12.5 million rupiah for each of the other four commission members, medical and housing allowances, and telephone bills.

When queried about the budget, East Kalimantan's KPU chairman Noorsyamsu Agang replied: 'Democracy is expensive.' It is. But where are the ballot boxes?

PNBK aiming at discontent with Sukarnoism and bull

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2004

Frans Surdiasis, Jakarta -- When a new party founded by Eros Djarot -- a popular figure in politics, the arts and the media -- was introduced, many were a little surprised that, just like a number of other parties, it also promoted itself as the legacy of founding father Sukarno.

Eros has become associated with novelty and impact -- his first political tabloid, Detak -- circulation of which rocketed in just one year -- was closed down for its boldness in 1994, along with two other publications. People also remember the powerful speech made by Megawati Soekarnoputri when she became the country's first female vice president, when Eros was her speech writer.

So why should the party, PNBK, use the bull as a symbol? We are told that it is a wounded bull. But it's a bull all the same.

The party, established in 2002, was initially named Bung Karno Nationalist Party (PNBK). But the rules of the 2004 elections determined that the name of a person could not be used and it was changed to Freedom Bull National Party, with the same acronym.

The legacy of the country's charismatic and intellectual founding father is indeed a national treasure, however Sukarno and the symbols associated with him have been overused. The end of the New Order regime also meant the end of the monopoly of one party's over-association with Sukarno.

Voters in the 1999 elections were presented with six parties using the logo of the bull, apart from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). Two used the name marhaen, referring to the marhaenisme ideology which the first president introduced.

None of these parties gained significant results -- a number of them merged into the new Indonesian Association Party (PSI) after failing to pass the electoral threshold required to contest this year's polls.

For PNBK, the principle of marhaenisme such as self-reliance, which it relates to nationalism, is its raison d'etre. And indeed a symbol familiar to millions is necessary for a new party. Not everyone is familiar with Eros the musician, film director, media professional and former executive of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

Also, its leadership claims, it is different from other parties which promote an association with Sukarno, because it is not his dynasty that PNBK is striving to preserve -- a clear reference to of three parties led by Sukarno's daughters -- but his teachings.

As this is PNBK's weak point, its party activists say that while there is no familial tie with Sukarno they are his "ideological children." Interpretations of marhaenisme abound. The ideology is thought to have been inspired by a poor but self-reliant farmer who Sukarno met in West Java called Marhaen. PNBK translates its mission as, among other aims, to uphold independence and the struggle toward "Indonesian socialism".

Not many seem to know or care about Eros' track record in upholding Sukarno's teachings. In his early teens he led the Indonesian National Student Movement (GSNI), affiliated with the party co-founded by Sukarno, the Indonesian National Party (PNI).

The establishment of PNBK was perceivably a reflection of the dissatisfaction of Eros and others toward Megawati and her party. They were considered to be among many former Megawati loyalists who were disillusioned by her attitude and her increased insensitivity to issues championed by PDI-P, such as the fate of the "little people".

The date chosen for PNBK's establishment is July 27, in commemoration of the same date in 1996 when the PDI headquarters -- dominated by Megawati's camp -- was taken over violently by the rival preferred by Soeharto's government.

This tragedy became a milestone in public support for Megawati. The president has seemed to forgive the event in which many of her supporters were killed, went missing or were later jailed. One indicator was her approval of Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso's second term. Sutiyoso was in charge of the capital's security, as the city's military commander, at the time of the takeover.

Eros has said, "That was a black day for freedom and democracy. We should not forget and will never forget that day." Yet, will the voters remember? The party will target people disappointed with PDI-P and also other "status quo" parties. According to Eros, 27 percent of PDI-P votes in 1999 came from swing voters, those who were not really "ideologically linked" to the party.

In Surabaya, East Java, PNBK is optimistic that it will secure 50 percent of the votes. One of its local leaders, Mochamad Basuki, was formerly a local leader of PDI-P. He left the party following an internal dispute.

The attraction of marhaenism is however still questionable. In 1955, PNI, the main party riding on Sukarno's personality, teachings and political affiliations, won the first election. But in the second election in 1971, PNI only came in at number three, after the then Golkar and Nahdlatul Ulama parties. Again, none of the parties toting the marhaen passed the threshold in 1999.

All of this plays into the hands of PDI-P, despite complaints against its leader and the party.

Perhaps with this realization in mind, PNBK seems to be playing on the aspirations of young idealists sick of the "old", insensitive politicians. Banyu Biru, Eros' first born child, comes into the picture. As fiery as his father, he addressed an audience with other young, well educated politicians from other parties.

Eyebrows were raised, with allegations of nepotism raised by some. But maybe PNBK had little choice given the difficulty in recruiting enough interested people within the deadline of meeting requirements to contest the elections. And, in part, because apathy, apart from PDI-P, is a major challenge for any new party nowadays.

Wiranto: Watch this man

Far Eastern Economic Review - February 5, 2004

John McBeth/Jakarta and Murray Hiebert/Washington -- Indonesia's elections are about to become interesting. Last year, retired armed-forces chief Wiranto, in the early stages of a presidential candidacy, was placed on America's visa watch list. The decision was taken after Wiranto was indicted by a United Nations special crimes unit for crimes against humanity in East Timor in 1999.

But the move by the United States was kept quiet at the time. News of the decision was only leaked recently, just as Wiranto is emerging as a prime contender for the presidential nomination of the former ruling Golkar party and one of the strongest challengers to incumbent President Megawati Sukarnoputri. The timing of the revelation has left Washington open to charges that it is meddling in domestic Indonesian affairs.

Even if untrue, the perception of US interference was strengthened on January 28 by a subsequent move to pursue an arrest warrant against Wiranto in Dili District Court by the American deputy general prosecutor connected with the UN special crimes unit. In addition, US Ambassador Ralph Boyce and other American diplomats have for many months made no secret of their distaste for Wiranto. They have relayed that feeling in meetings with Golkar chairman Akbar Tanjung, himself a presidential contender (under a different legal cloud), and other party officials.

A senior US official in Washington confirmed that Wiranto was placed on the visa watch list about "four to six" months ago. Inclusion on the list doesn't mean a visa request will be rejected, only that the request will automatically be forwarded to Washington for special scrutiny. It wasn't announced, said the official, "because these decisions usually aren't." He says the administration decided on the move after the conclusion of Indonesia's widely criticized human-rights trials, in which most of 18 soldiers and civilians accused of crimes against humanity in 1999's rampage were acquitted.

US and Indonesians officials agree that the visa issue is unlikely to have much impact on how most Indonesians view Wiranto, a former four-star general. Indeed, it could even improve Wiranto's standing in a Muslim nation that has been critical of unilateral US actions around the world.

Even so, Wiranto's campaign managers aren't happy with what they consider to be US interference in Indonesia's internal affairs. "We have to consider it seriously," Wiranto's legal adviser, Muladi, a former justice minister, said in an interview. Muladi seemed to be more concerned about how domestic political rivals will use the watch-list revelation as grist for "political games" than anything else.

News of the American move against Wiranto was leaked to The Washington Post on January 16. That was a day after Wiranto addressed Jakarta-based foreign correspondents. The leak was apparently not a deliberate move by the administration, but former Ambassador Paul Cleveland, the president of the United States-Indonesia Society, nevertheless described it as "regrettable" and the timing "unfortunate" coming in the run-up to parliamentary elections on April 4.

Western military intelligence officers familiar with what went on in East Timor say there is no conclusive evidence that Wiranto ordered any systematic destruction. But these sources also say that as the armed-forces chief, Wiranto had to be aware of what was happening on the ground. The former adjutant to deposed President Suharto has always refused to accept responsibility just because he had command authority.

Perhaps more damaging to Wiranto's political aspirations than being placed on the US watch list would be a move by East Timor's Dili District Court to issue an arrest warrant through Interpol, the international police network, as the American deputy prosecutor is now pushing for. The UN has filed 81 indictments accusing 37 Indonesian military officers, four senior policemen, 65 East Timorese officers and civilians, and the former East Timor governor, of crimes against humanity. But, so far, Interpol warrants, or "red notices," have been issued in only six cases.

East Timor President Xanana Gusmao and Foreign Minister Jose Ramos Horta oppose pursuing retribution in connection with the 1999 violence, saying it will produce few benefits and only widen the rift with Jakarta. Wiranto adviser Muladi says Gusmao and Wiranto have met twice to discuss reconciliation. At their last meeting six months ago, the East Timor president pointed out that he could not interfere if the Dili District Court, a hybrid judiciary of East Timor and UN-appointed international judges, moved against Wiranto.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Wave of demonstrations at the supreme court

Tempo Interactive - February 3, 2004

Jakarta -- Although deliberation by the panel of judges on the case of Akbar Tanjung only began yesterday, six organisation held a demonstration in front of the supreme court in relation to the case of [the embezzlement of] non-budgetary funds by the general chairperson of the Golkar Party on Tuesday February 3.

The six organisation which demonstrated at the supreme court began with the Golkar Youth Movement, then the Greater Jakarta Student Executive Council, the Indonesia University Student Action Front, the Youth and Student Front for Justice, the Greater Jakarta Student Action Network and finally demonstrators from the Indonesian Muslim Student Action Untied Action Front (KAMMI).

The last five student based organisations were forcefully dispersed by police because they did not have permission to hold an action at the supreme court building. In general they were only given an opportunity to give speeches of no more than 20 minutes then they had to leave. Only the action by the Golkar Youth Movement had permission to demonstrate.

According to the chairperson of KAMMI, Muhammad Hermawan Ibnu Nurdin, who was at the the action, they were demonstrating to remind the supreme court that as the highest institution of justice it must be neutral from intervention by existing political forces."I [can] see that there is a huge amount of political pressure on the supreme court at the moment", he said.

According to Nurdin, the supreme court must reject Akbar Tanjung's case and declare him to be guilty, because two previous courts -- the state court and the high court -- have already been made it very clear that Akbar Tanjung is guilty and sentenced him to jail. "They decided that Akbar Tanjung is guilty based on existing evidence and facts", he said.

Meanwhile, in a statement by the Greater Jakarta Student Action Network, they called on the supreme court to immediately issue a legal decision in relation to the case of Akbar Tanjung in accordance with the public's sense of justice. They also called on the supreme court to enforce the law without being influenced by the intervention by certain interests.

Meanwhile the University of Indonesia Student Action Front demanded that the supreme court had down the heaviest possible sentence on Akbar Tanjung and called on the judges not to hesitate in carrying out their task of sentencing the corrupter.

The demands by the Greater Jakarta Student Executive Council were of the same tone, through their chairperson, Achmad Nur Hidayat, they called on the supreme court to keep the Akbar Tanjung's case free of political intervention, and in the name of morality, that the supreme court convict Akbar Tanjung for what he has done."We will be extremely disappointed if this institution (the supreme court) releases Akbar Tanjung", he said.

According to plans, the participants who are part of these student organisation will return and hold demonstrations in front of the supreme court building on Wednesday January 4. They promised to bring even more demonstrators.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Campaign against rotten politicians

Former minister sues student group

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

Evi Mariani, Jakarta -- Former minister of religious affairs Tarmizi Taher complained to the Jakarta Police on Thursday that he had been defamed by a group of students who included his name on a list of "70 politicians with a bad record".

"I'm an intellectual and a cleric ... how can I be accused of having a bad record? I was never involved in corruption or collusion," he said at the police headquarters.

On January 15, the Jakarta Students Action Network (JSAN) published a list of 70 politicians whose names were submitted by "concerned residents".

Tarmizi, who claimed he is not a legislative candidate, said he had contacted a member of JSAN, Dodi Irawan, and JSAN spokeswoman Yuli Prihatmoko, to ask why he was on the list. "But they could not give me an adequate reason or evidence," Tarmizi added. "So, I reported them to the police. Let the courts decide who is right in this case."

Tarmizi accused JSAN of violating Article 310 of the Criminal Code on defamation. The article stipulates a maximum sentence of 16 months' imprisonment if someone is found guilty of tarnishing a person's reputation through widespread, adverse publicity.

Ahead of the general elections this year, activists, students, academics and political observers launched a nationwide campaign against "crooked" politicians whose names are on the list of legislative aspirants.

The first such campaign was launched on December 23, 2003, urging people not to elect "crooked politicians"

Unscrupulous parties announced

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

Jakarta -- Three non-governmental organizations concerned about labor and poverty announced on Thursday political parties and politicians considered to be unscrupulous, and therefore unworthy of support.

The Indonesian Labor National Front (FNPBI), Indonesian Labor Union (GSBI), Indonesian Transportation Labor Union (SBTI) and the Democratic People's Party (PRD) put all six parties that met the electoral threshold in the 1999 general election on the list of so-termed rotten parties for failing to fight for the interests of workers, democracy and human rights.

"We call on people, especially workers, to boycott these political parties as they have failed to protect workers but maintained links with the New Order regime," FNPBI chairwoman Dita Indah Sari told the media.

The organizations also branded 12 politicians as unscrupulous for failing to prevent the military operation in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam.

Don't be easily provoked, Golkar Party members told

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2004

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Golkar Party co-chairman Agung Laksono told party members on Monday not to be provoked by the ongoing campaign against rotten politicians and by protests against chairman Akbar Tandjung, calling them maneuvers designed to destroy the party.

"Don't get provoked by these two issues," Agung told some 3,000 party faithful from Golkar's Jakarta chapter at the Senayan Indoor Stadium. Akbar, who was also invited to the event, did not attend.

Several non-governmental organizations have embarked on a nationwide campaign against unscrupulous politicians. While the NGOs have refrained from mentioning any names, Golkar has taken much of the heat. Bastion of the New Order regime, it has been associated with corruption, collusion and nepotism.

Former party leaders and their cronies have been questioned for corruption allegations. Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung was sentenced to three years' jail for his role in a Rp 40 billion (US$4.8 million) financial scandal, involving the National Logistics Agency (Bulog). He remains free pending an appeal to the Supreme Court.

Supreme Court judges in charge of deliberating Akbar's appeal have failed to reach an agreement in their first deliberations last Thursday and agreed to meet again this Wednesday.

Anti-corruption activists have staged protests in front of the Supreme Court building, urging the judges to send Akbar to jail.

Last week a number of Akbar supporters held a protest in front of the Supreme Court, raising fears of possible clash with anti- Akbar protesters. In his speech, Agung also urged Golkar members to mark both party logos and the names of legislative candidates of their choice.

"Some have suggested that the people can just mark party logos. That is not wise," he said.

Under current electoral laws, ballot papers are valid if voters mark both party logos and the names of legislative candidates or just the logos of political parties. Should they only mark the names of political candidates, the ballot papers will be declared invalid.

Meanwhile, presidential hopeful Lt. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto told the crowd the country was in need of strong, effective, and clean government. He also called for an intensified campaign to uproot corruption. "Corruption is very rampant. We must change this situation," said Prabowo, one of Golkar's seven possible presidential candidates.

Media/press freedom

Press freedom again under threat, observers avow

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

A. Junaidi, Jakarta -- Observers warned the nation on Thursday that press freedom was back under threat, despite the downfall of authoritarian president Soeharto six years ago.

The media has come increasingly under threat with state officials and businesspeople lodging criminal and civil charges against media enterprises without taking the Press Law into account.

Former chairman of the Press Council Atmakusumah Astraatmadja said charges against journalists of Rakyat Merdeka newspaper and Tempo magazine and a court verdict against Koran Tempo daily constituted intimidation and undermined press freedom.

"All that forces journalists into self-censorship. The media can no longer dare to speak out for public interests," he told a seminar titled: Press Freedom under Threat.

Atmakusumah blamed the government for failing to protect journalists covering the war against separatist rebels in the troubled province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam.

A senior RCTI reporter, Ersa Siregar, was killed last December by soldiers in a gunfight with Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels who abducted him in June last year. His cameraman, Fery Santoro who was also taken hostage along with him, has not been released.

Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Rector Azyumardi Azra concurred, saying that if this trend continued it could endanger press freedom. "The Tempo case is a shock. It has threatened press freedom," he told the same seminar.

Last month, the South Jakarta District Court ruled against Koran Tempo and ordered it to pay a US$1 million fine to businessman Tomy Winata who brought a libel case against the newspaper.

In December, the same court ordered Koran Tempo to publicly apologize to the owner of the ailing Texmaco group, Marimutu Sinivasan, who filed a libel suit over a series of critical articles on his business empire carried by the newspaper.

The same court had also sentenced journalists of Rakyat Merdeka to several months in prison for articles considered defamatory against President Megawati Soekarnoputri and House of Representatives Speaker Akbar Tandjung.

Similarly, senior lawyer Nono Anwar Makarim lashed out at state officials and businesspeople for taking the media to court by brushing aside the Press Law.

They should use the Press Law in handling their disputes with the media instead of criminalizing the press cases by directly bringing journalists or their companies to court, he said.

Nono argued that courts could impose unlimited fines on media enterprises or journalists charged both under the Criminal Code (KUHP) and the Criminal Code Procedures (KUHAP).

"Huge fines could kill media companies, and later press freedom. Fines should not lead to the bankruptcy of the media industry" he added.

But based on the Press Law, print or electronic media can be fined a maximum of Rp 500 million (US$58,823) should they refuse to publish apologies and objections of readers.

Meanwhile, Tomy Winata's lawyer Desmond J. Mahesa urged the public not to question the amount of the fine, but instead the substance of the Koran Tempo case, in which an article linked his client with last year's massive fire in the Tanah Abang market, Central Jakarta.

"Tempo should have provided the facts if there was any such proposal from Tomy to rebuild the market," Desmond told Thursday's seminar.

He said he refused to use the Press Law, claiming that it did not regulate defamation cases as stipulated in the Criminal Code.

Desmond said his client also rejected his right of reply over what he considered to be Tempo's defamatory articles, as recommended by the Press Law.

The lawyer said Tomy also refused to involve the Press Council in a mediation to settle the case because it clearly favored the newspaper.

"Since the beginning, Pak Atmakusumah commented that Tempo's report was in keeping with journalistic code of ethics. How can we trust such a partial press council," he said.

Reconciliation & justice

Witness tells of sexual abuse

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2004

Jakarta -- A witness told the human rights court on Tuesday she experienced sexual abuse during her detention by the military following a shooting incident in the North Jakarta area of Tanjung Priok in 1984.

The woman, Aminatun, 46, recalled the humiliation she suffered during 40 days of detention at the Jakarta Military Police headquarters in Guntur, South Jakarta and the Military Police detention center in Cimanggis, near Bogor in West Java.

"They once undressed me, until I was wearing only my bra and underpants," she said in her testimony during the trial of former Jakarta Military Police chief Maj. Gen. (ret) Pranowo.

She said she was put under severe mental pressure during the detention, during which she also experienced repeated intimidation. Following the detention, she said she received treatment at a mental hospital run by Dadang Hawari and Mu'at.

Aminatun was allowed to testify after three other witnesses failed to turn up. The defense lawyer, Yan Juanda Saputra, objected, but to no avail.

Focus on Jakarta

Activists urge public to fight 3-in-1 policy

Jakarta Post - February 6, 2004

Damar Harsanto and Evi Mariani, Jakarta -- Taxpayers should fight the three-in-one traffic policy if they believed it was disadvantaging them, community activists said on Thursday.

"Although the policy has been implemented [since January 26], the public still have the chance to oppose it through the state administrative court if they find it disadvantageous," Jakarta Legal Aid Institute lawyer Tubagus Haryo Karbyanto said at the Central Jakarta District Court. Haryo referred to Law No. 5/1986 on state administration, which said any policy made by public officials must consider all public interests.

"The law states that the public has 90 days to file a complaint after the implementation of the policy. We must make haste before the time for legal complaint expires," he said.

Haryo offered free legal advocacy for all taxpayers who believed they were adversely affected by the policy and were willing to file a complaint. They should contact the institute's Jakarta office on Jl. Diponegoro 74, Central Jakarta, telephone number (021) 3145518, he said.

Haryo said the three-in-one policy, set out in Gubernatorial Decree No. 4104/2003, was still contestable amid legal confusion over the validity of the decree.

"The three-in-one policy, which carries legal sanctions for offenders, must be regulated by a city bylaw instead of a gubernatorial decree. This means the policy needs approval from city councillors," he said. The administration had gone beyond its authority by implementing the policy, he said.

Jakarta Residents Forum chairman Azas Tigor Nainggolan said the policy was only meant to ensure the success of the controversial busway project. "Instead of designing a comprehensive transportation system for the city, the administration has implemented the busway project at the expense of the public interest," Tigor said.

The administration plan to regulate tinted windows for private cars posed another headache for the city residents, he said.

Meanwhile, Jakartans still had three months before the city police imposed penalties for not fastening vehicle safety belts, transportation officials said. Ministry of Transportation spokesman JA Barata said the ministry had suggested a trial enforcement period of six months for the safety belt rule.

"However, starting May 5, all offenders who do not wear safety belts will be ticketed. Law No. 14/1992 stipulates that the violators will face up to a month's jail or maximum Rp 1 million (US$119) fine," he said. The city police traffic division said while most private cars were equipped with safety belts, many drivers and passengers were reluctant to use them.

"We are still at the public awareness campaign stage [for seat belts]. But we want to first focus on the three-in-one policy and then we can go ahead with the safety belt policy," said Comr. Suzana Saras of the division's traffic violation section.

Dumps stay open amid protests

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2004

M. Taufiqurrahman and Theresia Sufa, Jakarta/Bogor -- Mounting opposition from residents over environmental damage has not deterred the city from going ahead with the Cilincing and Bojong dumps in North Jakarta and Bogor.

At the Cilincing dump, seepage from a huge pile of garbage has killed thousands of fish and shrimps in nearby fish farms. At the dump, excavators continue to move the capital's daily waste which is still being deposited by dump trucks.

"The administration has turned a blind eye to our problem. There is no sign that they will stop operating," Salim, a fish farm owner, told The Jakarta Post on Monday. "Pak [Selamat] Limbong [head of the city sanitation agency] had promised many times to see our ravaged fish farms -- but he's never shown up."

Another fish farmer, Asmawi -- one of 24 farmers demanding the city pay total compensation of Rp 340 million (US$40,476) for polluting their fish ponds -- urged the administration to take more action. Building a concrete wall to separate the dump and the fish and rice farms was not enough, he said.

Workers from the city public works agency are planting concrete blocks in a wall around the Cilincing dump to prevent waste from polluting fish farms. However, Asmawi did not believe the blocks would contain a liquid runoff.

"If it's impossible for the administration to close down the dump, maybe it could construct a water canal that could drain liquid waste into a nearby river," he said.

Governor Sutiyoso had promised to close the Cilincing dump, following the reopening of the Bantar Gebang dump in Bekasi. However, Limbong appeared to contradict him, saying the city was preparing new high-tech waste treatment plants in the city, including Cilincing.

Jakarta also continues to use the Bojong dump despite strong protests from locals, who say the dump is polluting their environment.

"The dump is situated right in the center of our neighborhood. No matter how sophisticated its waste-processing technology is, it will still spread diseases to locals," Isah, a resident, told the Post.

During a trial recently, the bale-press processing machine could only process nonorganic waste, she said.

"As for the organic waste, they just dump it at the site. It causes pollution while the liquid waste seeps through everywhere. I can't imagine what will happen if 100 trucks come here every day," she said.

The dump has been guarded by 15 security guards and Bogor Police officers to anticipate possible protests from locals.

"The residents here understand our explanation about the project but they are often provoked by people from nearby estates," said Umar S, a security guard at the dump.

Dump operator PT Wira Guna Sejahtera director Sofyan Hadi Wijaya said that the dump would be ready for operation by the end of the month.

"Our machine is still working well -- even after a tree branch got stuck in it," he said, referring to the Rp 4 billion bale press. "We should have sorted the waste first."

No-warrant raids disguised extortion, robbery

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2004

Evi Mariani, Jakarta -- A group of bogus police detectives are raiding unwary Jakartans' homes and searching them on the street, in a spate of extortions and robberies, police say.

On January 4, a passenger on a public minivan was forced to take out his wallet and show it to three men who said they were detectives. The three accused him of being a suspect they were looking for and then took all his money.

Last week, two separate raids took place by a group of men in houses where residents were gathering to play cards. In both cases, the men, who also claimed to be detectives, asked for money from the card players as a payoff for letting them off gambling charges.

The victims made complaints to the police, who claimed the culprits were not members of the force.

Jakarta Police spokesman Sr. Comr. Prasetyo warned the public to be watchful of criminals, who often pretended to be police officers.

Not all residents were aware police should be able to produce search warrants and identification when they searched houses, he said. "Don't hesitate to ask them show their police IDs to decide whether they are real policemen or bogus ones," he said.

However, a lack of awareness was not necessarily the reason the public did not ask for search warrants, according to Chandra Sugarda, program director of RCTI's crime program Sergap. Not all police raids took place with warrants, she said.

"There are two kind of police officers: those who get search warrants before raids and those who get warrants after," she told The Jakarta Post on Monday. "It depends on how disciplined the officers are." She said she was preparing a list of tips for the program to raise public awareness on the matter. "We will introduce the tips in our next programs," she said.

However, Satrio, a resident of Pasar Minggu, South Jakarta, said while he was well aware of the need for warrants, he would not question police who searched his car.

"I know police have to carry warrants, but you know, sometimes they just force you to let them search your car," he said. "Should that happen to me, I would comply. What else can I do?"

News & issues

Indonesia's expanding spy network alarms reformers

Christian Science Monitor - February 4, 2004

Kelly McEvers, Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri is poised to authorize the expansion of Indonesia's national intelligence agency, a plan that will post new agents in all of this sprawling country's provinces and municipalities.

The president is expected to approve the expansion by way of presidential decree, an executive power that circumvents the legislature. Megawati employed the decree to enact antiterrorism laws just after the October 2002 bombings on the resort island of Bali that killed more than 200 people, mostly foreign tourists.

Terrorist attacks remain an ongoing concern in the world's most populous Muslim nation. Tuesday, the International Crisis Group released a report warning that Indonesia will probably suffer smaller, but increasingly numerous, attacks in the long term.

The intelligence expansion is reportedly an effort to prevent future attacks. But critics see the plan, which will expand the central government's power in rural areas, as a step backward in the country's hard-fought struggle to democratize.

"After a major terrorist attack, the next thing to do is strengthen intelligence, the police, and the military forces," says Smita Notosusanto, who heads the Center for Electoral Reform. "But those institutions were the main problem in Indonesia's past," when security forces repressed political expression by abducting activists and jailing outspoken literary figures. "Strengthening them again will not help Indonesia become more democratic."

Of the country's three security arms, Indonesia's National Intelligence Agency, known by its acronym BIN, has been the most diligent in working to increase its powers since the Bali attack, arguing that it is better equipped to handle the challenges than the police or the military.

In the past, it was the military that held the power, says Ken Conboy, an American security consultant who recently completed a book about the history of Indonesia's intelligence services. But after Indonesia's 32-year dictator, Suharto, fell in 1998, "things started to change," Mr. Conboy says. "It was the civilian intelligence agency [BIN] that jumped to the front of the pack."

Following the Bali blasts, BIN was tapped to coordinate government efforts to prevent terrorism. The agency secured backing for two intelligence-training centers that will open next year. Western intelligence specialists will train BIN agents on how to use the Internet and how to follow money trails in a less centralized economy.

The modernizing agency has contributed to Indonesia's successes in rounding up militants connected to the Jemaah Islamiyah network, which has been linked to Al Qaeda. But BIN has also been blamed by some officials for failing to work with police and for missing red flags ahead of a deadly car bomb attack at Jakarta's J.W. Marriott Hotel last August.

BIN officials have been fighting for intelligence-gathering powers, seen in less-than-democratic neighbors like Singapore and Malaysia, to detain and question suspects for months, even years, without trial. But such proposals have met some difficulty in Indonesia's parliament, where legislators are resisting a return to a more authoritarian government. This July the country will for the first time elect its president by direct, popular vote.

Ms. Notosusanto says Indonesian pro-democracy groups are looking to newer democracies such as Thailand and South Africa, where demilitarization has been a priority, rather than to the West. She says US actions toward suspected terrorists -- particularly detentions without trial -- is encouraging "police state" activity here that is reminiscent of Suharto's repressive war on communism, when the mere presence of intelligence agents in villages and rural areas held citizens in a state of fear.

But BIN officials have argued that remote regions of the sprawling archipelago pose a risk as terrorist havens. After September 11, 2001, governments have been under pressure to assert their authority over lawless zones within their borders.

The depth of BIN's transformation, however, remains a concern. At least one former BIN official says the agency was more effective during the cold war.

Back then, he says, if the agency wanted to question someone, operatives brought the suspect to the military barracks and sat him down at a desk. "My right hand would drop my pistol on the desk. My left hand would drop my military belt," the former official says, indicating that the belt's heft was sufficient to deliver a beating. "I would say, 'You choose which one you want,' and then he would sing for me."

Environment

Illegal logging in orang utan reserve

Agence France Presse - February 6, 2004

Jakarta -- The environmental group Greenpeace said yesterday that it had documented massive illegal logging in a protected national park that houses orangutans in Kalimantan.

Activists from the Rainbow Warrior had photographed illegally logged trees turned into plywood at a mill located on the west side of Tanjung Puting national park in Central Kalimantan province, the group said in a statement.

The famed park is home to many of Indonesia's orangutans and many other rare and protected species.

It called on the Indonesian authorities to 'mobilise the relevant authorities to investigate the legality of the shipment and to stop the destruction of these ancient forests'.

A 2002 report by the World Resources Institute, Global Forest Watch and Forest Watch Indonesia said Indonesia was losing nearly two million hectares of forest -- which work out to an area half the size of Switzerland -- annually.

Health & education

Dengue fever proliferates despite government efforts

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2004

Dewi Santoso, Jakarta -- Repeated warnings from the government to the public to take preventive measures against dengue fever at the beginning and the end of the rainy season, apparently have not done any good as around 300 Jakartans still suffered from the disease this year alone.

Director of Communicable Diseases at the Ministry of Health Umar Fahmi Achmadi said on Tuesday that he had repeatedly called on the public to fight the disease by removing standing water where mosquitoes may breed.

"I don't understand why we have to go over the same ground again and again. I've said many times that fogging alone will not be effective as it can only kill the mosquitoes and not their larvae. The most effective way [to combat the disease] is for the community to inspect and clean areas in and around their homes that may be breeding places for mosquitoes," he said.

He did not deny that actions from the government such as fogging and epidemiological investigation were essential, "but public participation in cleaning the area around their homes is very important in preventing the spread of the disease".

According to Jakarta Health Agency head A. Choliq Masulili, as of February 3 the city recorded approximately 300 cases of dengue fever. This number reflects a decrease in dengue cases as compared to the same month last year, which reached 505 cases in January and 443 in February. The agency data also showed that dengue fever peaked in 1998 with 15,360 cases, and again in 2003 with 14,071 cases due to the five-year cycle of the disease.

Choliq claimed that the agency had taken preventative actions by monitoring the cases through hospitals and public health centers in each subdistrict.

He said that the agency would follow up on every report of dengue fever with epidemiological investigation to confirm that the disease was genuine in that area. "If it's confirmed then the agency will send officers to fumigate the whole area," he told The Jakarta Post.

Masulili asserted that the most effective way to prevent the disease from spreading was to have the public participate in cutting the metamorphosis cycle of the mosquitoes, the carrier of the dengue fever virus, by changing the water in bathroom water storage tanks and by disposing of empty cans where rainwater may accumulate.

Dengue virus is transmitted by the aedes aegypti mosquito, which lays its eggs on the surface of clean, still water.

The symptoms of Dengue include a fever of more than 38 Celsius degrees for between two and seven days, headaches, nausea and a red rash on the skin. The incubation period after a person is bitten by the mosquito is between eight and 10 days for adults and four to six days for children.

It is recommended that those bitten by the mosquito drink water mixed with salt and sugar to increase the body's electrolytes.

Incidence of dengue in Jakarta

1995 - 5,861 cases
1996 - 7,081 cases
1997 - 5,190 cases
1998 - 15,360 cases
1999 - 3,998 cases
2000 - 8,729 cases
2001 - 8,820 cases
2002 - 5,750 cases
2003 - 14,071 cases

Outbreak of most dangerous bird flu strain confirmed

Agence France Presse - February 3, 2004

Indonesia said that tests had shown it was suffering from the same strain of bird flu that has left 12 people dead in Thailand and Vietnam.

"The results of the identification ... show that the subtype of the type A avian influenza in Indonesia is H5N1," said the agriculture ministry's director for animal health, Tri Satya Naipospos. The announcement followed overseas tests.

"These results will be used as a basis for measures to be taken by the government ... and to determine the strain of vaccines which will be used to eradicate this avian influenza," Naipospos told a press conference.

She said that so far no Indonesians were known to have been infected by the virus, which has killed millions of birds in the country.

Compensation will be given to chicken farmers who suffered the outbreak after January 29, she said.

Naipospos said the government would take two-pronged measures to deal with the outbreak.

In some cases birds sharing the same coops would be destroyed and those within one kilometer would be vaccinated. In new cases, authorities would cull all infected birds and also healthy birds within one kilometer of an outbreak.

Indonesia says millions of birds across much of its vast archipelago have been infected. But the country was among the last in the region to order a cull to stop the spread of the disease, which has hit 10 countries.

It admitted the presence of the disease only on January 25, months after birds began dying.

The H5N1 strain has emerged in eight countries including Indonesia while Taiwan and Pakistan have reported weaker strains.

The World Health Organisation has warned that the highly pathogenic H5N1 strain could kill millions across the globe if it combines with a human influenza virus to create a new virus transmissible among humans.

International relations

Ambassador vowed closer ties: Wiranto

Sydney Morning Herald - February 3, 2004

John Garnaut -- Wiranto, the former Indonesian military chief accused of crimes against humanity over the 1999 carnage in East Timor, says Australia's ambassador to Jakarta had discussed "increasing co-operation" if he defeats President Megawati Soekarnoputri in July's presidential elections.

Wiranto told the Herald that Indonesia's bloody occupation of East Timor had been a "catastrophe", but his role in the pre- independence violence had been misunderstood. Australia and East Timor would be the first countries he would visit as president, he said.

Wiranto has recently emerged as a leading presidential candidate, despite allegations he helped orchestrate violence in East Timor, Maluku province, Jakarta and elsewhere. He denies the allegations.

A Washington-based campaign adviser, who did not want to be named, said ordinary voters were more concerned with security, stability and jobs than human rights.

Wiranto has been accused of orchestrating militia violence that led to an estimated 1400 deaths and the displacement of almost a third of East Timor's population in 1999. This led to the decision by the Prime Minister, John Howard, to send Australian troops to lead an international peacekeeping force.

United Nations prosecutors in East Timor this week stepped up efforts to obtain an Interpol warrant to arrest for the one-time protege of former president Soeharto, following his indictment by a UN tribunal last year.

It also emerged that his name is on a US State Department watch list, which prevents him from entering the US without special permission. A Wiranto presidency would create serious diplomatic headaches in Canberra.

"I think the most important thing is not to look backward, but to look forward and rebuild the friendship with Australia and the US," the retired general said. An Australian embassy spokesman said the ambassador, David Ritchie, had recently met Wiranto but had "certainly not" made any commitments.

Many Jakarta-based analysts say Wiranto has the best campaign funding and election prospects of any challenger.

He deflected questions about the source of his campaign funding, saying only that "I don't have a lot of money but I have a lot of friends". He said he would not accept donations from his former patron, Mr Soeharto. But an Indonesian member of his campaign team was confident Wiranto would remain Mr Soeharto's "strategic" choice.

TNI chief awarded Singapore's top military honor

Agence France Presse - February 3, 2004

Singapore -- Indonesian Military chief, Gen. Endriartono Sutarto, received Singapore's highest military award here on Tuesday for his efforts to forge closer defense ties between the nations.

Singapore President S.R. Nathan conferred the Distinguished Service Order (Military) on Endriartono in a ceremony at the presidential Istana complex, the defense ministry said in a statement.

Endriartono received the award "in recognition of his role in forging closer ties between the Singapore Armed Forces and the Indonesian National Defense Forces", the statement said.

"His support for professional exchanges between the two armed forces has encouraged greater interactions, strengthening the professional rapport and camaraderie between the officers and men of both countries." Sutarto was due to meet President Goh Chok Tong later Tuesday.

Business & investment

Exports in 2003 rose again: BPS says

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2004

Jakarta -- Indonesia's exports in 2003 rose by 6.76 percent from a year earlier, partly because of a pick up in global demand and a high international oil price, according to local analysts at the Central Statistics Agency (BPS).

The full-year exports stood at US$61 billion as against $57.2 billion posted in 2002, BPS chairwoman Sudarti Surbakti announced on Tuesday when unveiling the agency's latest monthly data.

"Exports in 2003 fared better than 2002 and 2001, which shows that global demand is on the rise, moving accordingly with a gradual recovery in the world economy," Sudarti replied, when asked whether the rise was to do with a pick up in the global economy.

A relatively strong international oil price had also contributed to the export rise, Sudarti said, pointing out at exports for non-oil-and-gas products which rose by 5.18 percent, while oil and gas exports increased by 12.63 percent.

Sudarti predicted that the trend in global demand would continue this year, betting on an acceleration in the world economic recovery.

The global economic slowdown, along with an adverse business climate here, has hampered efforts to boost exports over the past years.

Another major factor is that the euro, the yen, the Singapore dollar and Australian dollar have each gained over 20 percent against the rupiah in the last year. Europe, Singapore, Japan and Australia are all major importers of Indonesian goods.

Robust exporting is needed to help generate higher economic growth, which is currently relying on domestic consumption, as investment remains in the doldrums. At the moment, net exports contribute just slightly above 20 percent of the country's economic growth.

Electric equipment and machinery topped the list of the country's major non-oil and gas export commodities, as mechanical equipment and machinery; animal and vegetable fats and oil came in second and third respectively. Other top non-oil and gas export commodities include ores and metal residues, non-knitted textiles, rubber and rubber-based products, paper, knitted products and footwear.

As for imports, some $32.39 billion were recorded throughout 2003, bringing a trade surplus for the year of $28.63 billion as against $25.90 billion in 2002, BPS added. The figure was a 3.52 percent rise from imports the year before.

Customs plans new import, export charges

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2004

Rendi A. Witular, Jakarta -- The Directorate General of Customs and Excise plans to impose non-tax fees on import and export clearance and inspections starting next month in a bid to raise funds to improve services.

Businessmen have immediately criticized the plan, however, saying the fees would only be a new burden, and doubted that customs services would improve.

According to an official customs report obtained by The Jakarta Post over the weekend, the new fees will range between Rp 30,000 (US$3.50) to Rp 450,000 per service.

Import and export clearance procedures are currently free of administrative charges, but businessmen said many customs officials illegally collected fees or received bribes for speedy clearance.

The report said the fees would come into effect this month; however, a source at the customs office said the plan would be delayed until next month. The customs office spokesman could not be reached for comment.

Ministry of Finance spokesman Maurin Sitorus confirmed the plan with the Post, saying that the ministry was in the midst of drafting a ministerial decree on the service fees.

"...The fees are clearly to be used to finance activities of the customs office that are not covered by the state budget," he said.

He explained that the fees would be incorporated into the state budget under non-tax revenues, and the customs office could request a maximum 80 percent of the revenue.

The customs office, known as one of the most corrupt government institutions, falls under the Ministry of Finance.

In its report, the customs office said revenue from the fees would be used to improve services and upgrade facilities.

The source at the customs office said part of the revenue would be used to better the welfare of customs officials in order to curb corruption at the office.

Government officials often point to low salaries as the main reason behind the rampant corruption in the country. A higher salary, they said, would reduce the temptation of corrupt dealings.

The source also said the Indonesian National Shipowners Association (INSA) and several textile and garment companies had rejected the plan, as the fees would only be an added burden.

Meanwhile, National Economic Recovery Committee (KPEN) chairman Sofjan Wanandi said while businessmen understood the lack of operating funds at the customs office, they had no guarantee that the fees would improve services.

"I fear that this will only end up as another high expenditure. What will happen if businessmen pay for the services, but receive no improvement and corrupt practices continue? Can the government guarantee this won't happen?" he said.