Aceh

Acehnese get cold welcome in Malaysia

Asia Times - August 22, 2003

Baradan Kuppusamy, Kuala Lumpur -- After a perilous five-day journey by sea in tongkangs or slow wooden boats, Acehnese displaced by the escalating war in their troubled Indonesian province cross the narrow Straits of Malacca and land on the long west coast of peninsular Malaysia.

Their favorite landing spot is on Penang Island. From there they head overland to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office here, a seven-hour journey by bus, where they hope to get some shelter and protection.

The UNHCR office has been handling scores of requests for refugee status and asylum to third countries since the Indonesian military imposed martial rule in Aceh on May 19. Since then, military operations have, rights groups say, have killed more than 1,000 civilians and displaced 46,000 people. Because of the large number of applications, the UNHCR office has reserved Tuesdays to handle applications from Acehnese to interview, reject or confirm and issue them refugee papers.

But when more than 600 Acehnese arrived last weekend, they found neither shelter nor protection but police waiting for them. The police, who treat Acehnese as undocumented immigrants, had mounted roadblocks on all roads leading to the office, stopped and checked vehicles and arrested 232 Acehnese.

As of Wednesday afternoon, the UNHCR office closed because of heavy police presence outside its premises -- Malaysian police said they would arrest any undocumented migrant who might turn up. "If foreigners are found without valid entry permits, they will be sent back. This is the law of the country," the Malay Mail afternoon daily quoted Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi as saying.

When they blocked access to the UNHCR on Tuesday, the police did not apprehend Acehnese who had refugee papers and blue cards signifying that third countries had accepted them as asylum seekers. But the police action drew heavy criticism from lawyers, opposition leaders and rights groups who have long demanded that the government recognize fleeing Acehnese as refugees and not as undocumented immigrants.

"For some Acehnese, deportation to Aceh virtually amounts to passing a death sentence," human-rights lawyer Amer Hamzah Arshad said. "The government can and must give shelter to Acehnese while they wait for relocation to third countries."

Arshad, who often represents Acehnese in court, said Tuesday's action smacks of double standards compared with the help the Malaysian government has given to many other displaced people around the world. "More than any legal principles, it is a basic act of human decency not to send Acehnese back to a place of persecution," S Arulchelvam of the rights group Suaram said.

District police chief Zul Hasnan Najib Baharuddin said the arrested Acehnese were being detained at an immigrant holding camp and would be deported. Among them are 12 women and children. It was not clear whether they would be charged in court. But if this is the case, they face stiff jail terms and whipping under new laws approved last year to discourage the entry of undocumented migrant workers.

The police action, sudden and inexplicable, puts the spotlight on Malaysia's conflicting policy toward Aceh, a province that has a long history of resistance to colonialism and deep cultural and historical ties with Malaysia because of their proximity.

There are many Acehnese settlements along the west coast of peninsular Malaysia and several prominent individuals, including actors, politicians and writers, are of Acehnese descent.

The UNHCR asked police to release the detained Acehnese. "We urge the Malaysian government to grant temporary protection to those fleeing the conflict in Aceh and ensure they are treated in accordance with international standards," a UNHCR statement said.

In closing the UNHCR offices, "we cannot operate with the police present and deterring people from approaching our office", said the agency's refugee eligibility coordinator, Evan Ruth.

At the core of the issue is Malaysia's refusal to ratify the 1951 UN Convention on Refugees that grants displaced people rights, protection and shelter and asylum. Lawyer Amer, who has studied the problem in relation to the Acehnese, says that since the country feels it is not bound by the UN convention and does not have its own law on refugees, Malaysia applies on refugees its various laws on immigration.

"The immigration laws do not recognize a refugee or make a distinction between a refugee and an illegal migrant," Amer said. "Without recognition, a refugee is considered an undocumented immigrant and suffers harsh and arbitrary penalties."

A person without a valid entry permit is liable to be fined RM10,000 (US$2,600), jailed for five years and whipped six times. Punishing refugees as undocumented immigrants contravenes Article 31 of the UNHCR Convention, which prevents signatories from punishing those fleeing conflicts or persecution.

"The immigration laws not only punish the refugee for arriving without valid papers but allow the authorities to deport the refugee [back to] where he or she fled from," Amer said.

In one such deportation exercise in 1996 that went badly wrong, several policemen and Acehnese were killed and hundreds forcibly send to Aceh by Indonesian ships. Reports later emerged that some of the deported Acehnese were jailed and tortured and others simply disappeared.

"During the US war on Iraq, the government mobilized thousands of people to decry the US aggression. Today there is aggression right next door and not a single protest is heard from the people who lecture the world on morals and humanity," Arulchelvam said.

"Farms are burning, schools are fired and civilians killed every day, and all [this] is happening right next door to Malaysia," added Yin Shao Loong of the Solidarity for Aceh, a rights organization, in a statement.

Yet over the years, Malaysia has sheltered thousands of displaced people from such countries as Bosnia-Herzegovina, Iraq and India, from Africa, and from Southeast Asia, including Moro refugees from the Philippines in Sabah state.

Government officials have often privately said that Malaysia's refusal to ratify the UN convention is partly prompted by fears that refugees from countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam that have perennial refugee problems would swamp the country.

A senior government official, who requested anonymity, said Malaysia is a small nation with porous borders in a region with potentially explosive refugee problems.

"Like the Vietnamese boat people -- anybody in the region just has to take a boat and in a matter of hours they would reach our shores," he said. "We don't want to open the floodgates -- that would overwhelm the nation."

Fulfill the Acehnese people's right to safety: Komnas HAM

Kompas - August 24, 2003

Jakarta -- The National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) is of the view that the integrated operation which has continued for three months in Aceh has been characterised by far too many violations of human rights and humanitarian laws. The government's promise to guarantee a sense of safety for the people has not been fulfilled, even though the aim of the integrated operation is to win the hearts and minds of the Acehnese people.

"We therefore urged the central emergency military command to pay more intensive attention to human right violations, humanitarian law, and the military emergency regulation itself", said the chairperson of the Komnas HAM Aceh Ad Hoc Team M.M. Billah in Jakarta on Friday (22/8).

Billah raised this issue after the third visit to the Aceh between August 13-17 which included [the provincial capital of] Banda Aceh, Khokseumawe and Bireuen.

Komnas HAM has already interviewed 102 witnesses in relation to cases of schools and houses being burnt down, arbitrary arrests, torture, extra-judicial killings, sexual harassment, mass graves and [forced] evacuations.

According to Billah, during the military emergency arrests frequently occurred without a warrant as required under Law Number 23/1959 on the implementation of a military emergency. Aside from this, arrests by members of the TNI [Indonesian military] are frequently followed by the seizure of [people's] assets without written authorisation, which means plundering. Billah also asked that the military emergency command immediately relocate military posts which are using school buildings. The reason being that it is dangerous for children. "If there is an attack children could become the target of shooting. The use of schools as [military] posts violates the 2nd Protocol of the Geneva Convention", said Billah.

Billah added that Komnas HAM will soon begin training local staff from 13 regencies as day-to-day human rights monitors. He hoped that each regency will have four monitors. So far, there have only been Komnas HAM posts in Lhokseumawe and Bireuen.

Billah also warned that if violations of human rights and humanitarian laws continue and failed to decline over the next six months, there is significant possibility that an independent human rights investigation team would be able to enter to Aceh. (b14/WIN)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Jakarta says no way to peace dialog to end Aceh quagmire

Antara - August 21, 2003

Meaulaboh -- Indonesia's chief security minister said Thursday the government would not hold any kind of peace talks with the separatist movement to halt the war in Aceh province.

"The rumor of a dialog with the rebel movement is untrue, because the government continues to concentrate solely on our own integrated operation in Aceh," Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono told reporters here.

Accompanied by martial law administrator in Aceh Major General Endang Suwarya, Aceh Police chief Bachrumsya Kasman, and Aceh Vice Governor Azwar Abubakar, Yudhoyono said there would be no dialogs to discuss the unitary state of Indonesia, special autonomy, or the ongoing conflict in the province.

"If a 'certain party' claims that it speaks on behalf of the this government either at home or abroad, it is not true. We will keep concentrating on the integrated operation [war] to make Aceh run well," Yudhoyono added.

He said Jakarta would never surrender to a group of people who wanted to secede from Indonesia. "We will continue to strive to maintain our country's sovereignty until our final goal is achieved," Yudhoyono said, without elaborating on that goal.

Battered people of Aceh take time out to party

The Guardian - August 20, 2003

John Aglionby, Matang Peusangan -- The several thousand people gathering in glorious sunshine on the main road in Matang Peusangan to celebrate Indonesia's independence day last Sunday were expecting a chance to relax with their friends and family.

Even though many in the northern coastal town in Aceh province did not support Indonesia's campaign to crush the 27-year-old separatist insurgency of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), they had not had a party for four years and did not want to miss the opportunity of enjoying the town's carnival.

But the calm was suddenly shattered when a loud boom, followed by another and another, resounded behind them. Turning towards the noise, people saw a convoy of about a dozen tanks only metres away, heading straight towards them.

The crowd scattered to the side of the road as troops brandishing assault rifles ran forward and shouted for their way to be cleared. Then the cheering began. For the "troops" were children on the way to the carnival, their vehicles were tricycles covered in brightly painted paper, wood and cardboard, and the bangs were merely fuel exploding harmlessly in bits of bamboo.

"They're so realistic, it's great!" laughed Cut Nuria, a shopkeeper. "The soldiers really do behave like that when they're on operations."

Casualties

The soldiers she was referring to are the 45,000 members of the army and the paramilitary police who began the fourth month of their most intensive operation to crush the rebels yesterday.

Stories abound of glorious Indonesian military victories, heroic GAM resistance and appalling human rights abuses against the increasingly impoverished people caught in the middle.

Jakarta claims that it has killed 710 guerrillas, arrested 515 rebels and persuaded 428 to surrender, losing 30 soldiers and five police officers. Civilian casualties are said to be about a dozen.

GAM says it has lost only 70 fighters, has killed "hundreds" of members of the security forces and that more than 2,000 civilians have been killed. Human rights activists admit they have little idea about the combatants' casualties but say that well over 1,000 civilians have probably been killed, mostly by the security forces.

The Indonesian Red Cross declines to discuss the matter publicly but a representative in Bireuen district admitted that most of the hundreds of bodies it has recovered appeared to be non- combatants.

It is impossible to gauge precisely how Indonesia's biggest military offensive since the 1975 invasion of East Timor is progressing, because under the martial law regulations in force foreign diplomats, aid workers and non-governmental organisations are banned from the province and their Acehnese counterparts are in effect prohibited from speaking publicly.

"We can't really speak out about Aceh at the moment because we simply don't know what's going on," a diplomat in Jakarta said. "We have never been less welcome anywhere in Indonesia." Indonesian journalists, whether by design or intimidation, have had little choice but to become "patriotic" if they want to stay in Aceh, and locals are increasingly wary of speaking to the media. One who recently spoke on camera about conditions and alleged military brutality was found dead the next day.

Foreign reporters are allowed to report only from the main towns, are not allowed to quote GAM "propaganda", and have to inform the authorities of everything they do. They are not allowed to accompany Indonesian soldiers on operations. But the claim by the military commander in Aceh, Major General Bambang Darmono, that GAM is "in chaos and disarray", and has been separated into small groups and driven into the hilly interior, appears to contain an element of truth.

Compared with the first week of the operation, when the Guardian was last in Aceh, the atmosphere in the main towns is noticeably more convivial. GAM is clearly no longer a threat, the price of basic goods, which rose by up to a quarter when the offensive began, has stabilised, public transport is running fairly efficiently, people are staying out later in the evenings, and children are attending school.

Gen Bambang says the villages will soon experience a similar upturn. "Previously we only used to come and go [to many villages]," he said. "Now I position troops there. So yes, perhaps there is still uncertainty. But day by day the situation will change. It just needs time."

Indonesia has not said how much time is needed, but Gen Bambang said the plan was not to annihilate GAM but to reduce it to such an insignificant rump that it would clamour to negotiate to be allowed to survive in Indonesia.

"If we don't continue our pressure until they're finished then anything could happen," he said. "If we keep up the pressure until [GAM] is reduced to a minimal amount, then they won't have any more meaning. But that could take years."

He also admits that the people are going to have to continue to suffer. "The operation's interests are not the same as the people's, we have to remember that," he said. "At the moment the operation's interests have to come first and then the people will benefit." His optimism is not shared by many, because there appears to be little concerted effort to win people's hearts and minds.

Gen Bambang seems more committed to a humane approach to the treatment of the Acehense than Jakarta in the past three decades. He says the right things, has replaced three battalion commanders whose attitude he found wanting, and last month published, with help from the International Committee of the Red Cross, a 200- page book on how Indonesian soldiers should implement international human rights law in the field.

But most of those around him are on a very different wavelength. A lieutenant colonel in Bireuen district, who commands more than 500 soldiers, has no time for pleasantries. "Why do we need to be polite [to the people]?" he said. "This is a martial law situation." With the occasional exception, the under-trained, under-paid and under-educated police are much more abusive. Police intimidation, approved by the army, has driven all the main human rights groups either underground or into silence.

Hundreds of people have fled to Jakarta or abroad. About 250 Acehnese who were so desperate that they tried to seek asylum in a UN compound in Malaysia yesterday were arrested by the local police.

The UN urged the Malaysian government to release them and issue them with temporary protection letters, not return them forcibly to Aceh. Most police officers in Aceh seem to consider extorting money part of their daily duty -- the Guardian was given a travel permit only after being forced to pay an unreceipted "administration fee" greater than many Acehnese earn in a week.

Corruption is not limited to the police. The provincial civil government is considered among the most corrupt in the country, according to Fakhrulsyah Mega, a leader of Jari Indonesia, which monitors public transparency and accountability.

"The corruption is becoming increasingly sophisticated," he said. "But the result is the same. The people's suffering increases." Some government officials even admit publicly that the government is running anything but smoothly.

"Coordination between the different departments is very difficult at the moment," Hussein Wahib, of the province's Islamic affairs office, said.

Most Acehnese have little time for Jakarta, although they do not seem avid GAM supporters either. "We just want peace," said Abdullah, a farmer in Pidie district. "We are tired of being killed and being so poor we have to eat stones and drink the wind."

History of insurgency

• 1945-9: Aceh province plays a key role in Indonesia's independence struggle against the Dutch
• 1976: Free Aceh Movement (GAM) begins insurgency after decades of broken promises of greater autonomy from Jakarta
• 1989: Jakarta declares province to be "military operations area" and seals it off for almost a decade. Thousands of Acehnese killed
• 1999: Student-led referendum movement is blocked by Jakarta
• December 2002: After months of negotiations GAM and Jakarta sign a ceasefire
• May 2003: Ceasefire collapses. Jakarta declares martial law and launches offensive to crush GAM

Four rebels including senior figure killed Aceh: military

Agence France Presse - August 20, 2003

Four separatist rebels including a suspected senior figure have been killed in Indonesia's Aceh province, the army said, as a military campaign to crush the guerrillas entered its fourth month.

Troops shot dead three of the suspected members of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) on the outskirts of Lhokseumawe town on Monday, said military spokesman Ahmad Yani Basuki.

"The probability is that one of the victims held an important post in the GAM structure or has close ties with the leaders of GAM," Basuki said. He said a list of phone numbers of GAM leaders was found in his pocket.

Soldiers killed another rebel during a raid in the Susoh area of southwest Aceh on Monday, said local military commander Captain Syahrial. The victim was said to have been seeking medical treatment for a gunshot wound to his arm.

A primary school principal was found dead with gunshot wounds at Sakti in Pidie district on Monday, said district military chief Lieutenant Colonel Abdurrohim Siregar. He had been abducted by GAM guerrillas a day earlier on his way home from attending an Indonesian independence day ceremeony in Sigli, Siregar said.

Residents of Idi Rayeuk in East Aceh said seven civilians were injured by two blasts there late Sunday. Attackers had fired grenades through a launcher at an area where a crowd was watching an independence day display.

The military says 704 guerrillas have been killed and more than 1,500 others have been arrested or surrendered since the operation was launched on May 19. The military has lost 45 soldiers and the police 13 men.

The International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based think tank, has questioned military figures for rebel dead. It says there is no way to verify whether all of these were really guerrillas or whether some were civilians.

GAM has been fighting for independence since 1976 and more than 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have died since then.

Indonesia has set no timeframe for its latest assault, involving at least 30,000 soldiers and 10,000 troops. It initially put the province in Sumatra island under martial law for six months from May 19 but has said this could be extended.

West Papua

Papua is also troubled by separatist actions

Kompas - August 21, 2003

Jakarta, Kompas -- Even though Aceh problem has yet to be resolved, the Indonesian military (TNI) is now categorising the province of Papua as a trouble spot [because of efforts] to separate the province from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The preconditions of these efforts to separate the province at the eastern tip of Indonesia are already visible, [and are] similar to the pattern [which was seen] in the province of East Timor previously. A number of foreigners are suspected of being involved in inflaming the situation.

The status of a trouble spot in Papua was raised by the had of the public information office of the TNI headquarters, Colonel D.J. Nachrowi at a meeting at [TNI headquarters] in Cilangkap on Wednesday (20/8).

"We have found many foreigners who are creating the preconditions in Papua who are working in the guise of journalists or non- government organisations (NGOs). Of the foreigners in the guise of journalists in Papua, we have recorded a total of 20 people. We suspect that they are carrying out intelligence duties there", he explained.

Reflecting on this condition, TNI headquarters will open a media centre in Papua to provide information on the Papua situation to society. "We not want what is happening in Aceh at the moment to occur in Papua. Therefore, there are a number of preventative steps that we will take", he explained.

Unlike Aceh, which for the last three months has been under a state of a military emergency, the conditions in Papua are far different and more dangerous if the demands for independence are raised.

Aside from the geographical conditions in Papua being more difficult, there are countries which are secretly providing support for efforts by separatist groups in Papua to demand independence. "The demands for a free Aceh has not obtained support from the international community at all. All foreign countries are on Indonesia's side. But in Papua, there are countries which are secretly providing support for efforts by separatist there. This is dangerous and must be prevented immediately", he said.

Related to the involvement of foreigners who are in the guise of journalists and NGO activists in Papua, TNI headquarters is in the process of compiling data which has been so far been obtained.

Within a short time, the preconditions which are being carried out by foreigners in Papua and the TNI headquarters' data will be revealed to society.

If the situation in Papua becomes really critical, there is a possibly that an integrated operation will be carried out, as has been done in Aceh. Meanwhile, TNI troops such as the Marine Corps have already made preparations for an operation in Papua which could occur at any time.

Komnas HAM team arrives

Meanwhile, the National Human Right Commission (Komnas HAM) has formed the Papua Monitoring Team, which is investigating whether or not there has been human rights violations behind disputes and political conflicts in Papua.

The head of the team, Saafroedin Bahar, explain that between 7-14 September, the team will visit Wamena, Timika, Manokwari, Jayapura, and Merauke. As well as Saafroedin, the team is made up of Amiruddin from the Institute of Law and Human Rights Studies, Anshari Thayib and Mansour Fakih.

"The team will be divided into two and investigate if there has been human rights violations - both those which are coloured by regional land disputes and political [cases]. We are examining a total of seven cases, the most important case being the death of [independence leader] Theys [Eluey who was murdered in November 2001]", explained Saafroedin at the Komnas HAM office's on Tuesday (19/8).

According to Amiruddin, in Wamena the team will investigate a number of cases of houses being torched and the murder of residents, meanwhile in Timika and Jayapura it will investigate the shooting of residents. "In Merauke we will examine the social dispute between fisherpeople and Brimob [mobile police] personnel in the Kimaan sub-district", he said.

Komnas HAM's decision to form a monitoring team was criticised by the NGO National Solidarity for Papua (Solidaritas Nasional untuk Papua, SNUP). According to SNUP, Komnas HAM should not only form a monitoring team but strengthen the status of the monitoring team to become a Ad Hoc Papua Team.

In a press conference at the Jakarta Legal Aid Offices, SNUM though their working coordinator Reverend Emmy Sahertian said that "The government want's to work with Komnas HAM to form a special Ad Hoc Investigation Commission for West Papua to investigate gross human rights violations which have being going on systematically and until this day have never been dealt with".

It is estimated that over the last 40 years or since 1962, the number native Papuans have who have been killed has reached 100,000 people.

SNUP also urged the central government and the West Papua regional government to carry out a historical clarification, as included in Law Number 21/2001 on Papuan History, including on the act of free choice in 1969 [in which Indonesia manipulated and intimidated a carefully selected group of 1025 indigenous leaders to choose integration with Indonesia] and for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission for Papua.

"Without historical clarification, the social and political unrest in West Papua will continue to occur and will become the principle source of political conflicts", he said.

SNUP also urged the government to demilitarise West Papua by withdrawing all non-organic TNI troops, together with responding the people's demands that West Papua become a "Land of Peace". (win/inu)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Contradictions in Papua

Jakarta Post Editorial - August 22, 2003

Buried somewhere in the lengthy, state-of-the-nation speech by the President, made on August 15 to the House of Representatives, was a casual reference to the situation in Papua.

The fact that President Megawati Soekarnoputri used the term "Papua" instead of "Irian Jaya" indicates that she was aware of the existence of Law No. 21/2001. In fact, she signed that law, which established special autonomy in Papua province. Apparently, she was also aware that two conflicting laws are currently being applied at the same time in the easternmost province of this republic -- the other being Law No. 45/1999 on the creation of new provinces in Irian Jaya, which was signed by President B.J. Habibie.

The President stated in her August 15 speech, to quote the official translation, "a variety of approaches continue to be adopted to lead to a more positive direction, though politically such steps still require further scrutiny, particularly in harmonizing the perception and vision of the special autonomy and the enlargement of the regions in that province."

This particular quote should be considered the understatement of the year because it was President Megawati herself who in January this year signed Presidential Instruction No. 1/2003 on the formation of West Irian Jaya province, based on Law No. 45/1999. In other words, she has created the current messy situation in Papua that now, she said, required "further scrutiny" in order to "harmonize" the resulting contradictions.

Ironically, in that document the governor of Papua province, Jaap Solossa, was instructed to assist the new governor in Manokwari, the capital of West Irian Jaya province, in expediting his new duties.

This must be mind-boggling, not only for specialists in Indonesian administrative law, but also the public at large. In her reference to Papua province, as contained in the August 15 speech, the President appealed for a constructive solution to overcome the messy situation that she had created. According to the official translation of the August 15 speech she said, "We absolutely want to resolve those matters as soon as possible."

One would expect that the President had decided to seriously heed the recommendation submitted by the recent People's Consultative Assembly regarding the Republic's easternmost province. That recommendation is very much the result of pressure from the regional representatives' faction in the Assembly, and consists of two points: First, the government and the House of Representatives should revise Law No. 45/1999 and Presidential Instruction No.1/2003 in order to harmonize the two with the spirit of Law No. 21/2001. Second, to implement Law No.21/2001 on special autonomy for Papua province in its entirety and consistently, and to speed up the issuance of the required government decrees in order the realize this law, especially with regard to the formation of the Papua People's Assembly.

It is interesting to note that, according to a news item from Timika, the formation of the province of Central Irian Jaya will be declared on August 23. This newly created province will be the new administrative location for the giant US-registered copper and gold mining company, Freeport McMoran. The chairman of Mimika regency council stated, "The people continue to press for and support the establishment of the province of Central Irian Jaya."

In the meantime, the Indonesian Military (TNI) Headquarters (HQ) in Cilangkap, Jakarta, has launched a social-psychological campaign in order to create the impression that a crisis in Papua has been caused by the allegedly subversive activities of foreign agents. Col. D.J. Nachrowi, information chief of TNI HQ stated last Wednesday that the current situation in Papua had the potential to lead to an act of separatism within the Unitary Republic of Indonesia. "We have discovered about 20 foreigners in Papua disguised as journalists or representatives of non- governmental organizations, who are involved in sub-rosa (clandestine) activities," the colonel said. He was only reflecting the subjective views of some of his senior officers, such as Minister of Home Affairs Lt. Gen. (ret) Hari Sabarno, who some time ago stated, "Instituting the Papua People's Assembly" (as stipulated by Law No. 21/2001) is virtually to create a state within a state."

We wonder indeed what the President had in mind when she stated that she intended "to resolve these matters as soon as possible." Will she submit amendments to the House of Representatives in order to soften some parts of Law No. 21/2001, which some of the generals in her entourage viewed as too progressive? Or, mindful of the forthcoming elections, will she ignore that elegant, constitutional path and go ahead with the formation of new provinces in Papua?

The contradictory approaches in the political handling of the Papua situation and the attitude of disregard for the consequences caused by implementing two mutually contradictory laws have indeed given rise to concern that political stability in Papua will be negatively affected. Therefore, if the nationalists in the government of President Megawati Soekarnoputri -- whether in the Cabinet or the intelligence services or among the TNI leadership -- are sincere in their determination to preserve the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, then the recommendations regarding Papua as submitted by the recent Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) should be accepted as a policy platform.

To ignore these recommendations effectively means to show disrespect for the deep-seated political aspirations of the Papua people. That very act would itself weaken the Unitary Republic of Indonesia.

Papuan Assembly would quell separatism: SNUP

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- A solidarity group for Papua demanded on Tuesday that the central government call off its plan to divide the province and keep its promise by immediately establishing the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP).

The National Solidarity for Papua (SNUP) said the speedy establishment of the MRP would dissuade the indigenous people from fighting for an independent Papua. SNUP chairman Tigor Naipospos told reporters that the special autonomy granted to Papua under Law No. 21/2001 -- which includes the MRP among its prerequisites -- was more than enough to appease the indigenous people, who had long harbored resentment over Jakarta's history of human rights abuse and economic exploitation in the province.

"What matters most for indigenous people in Papua is respect of their cultural identity, rather than natural resources, and the MRP is the representation of this," said Tigor, who also chaired the Solidarity for Free East Timor (Solidamor).

The central government enacted Law No. 21/2001 to give the country's easternmost province greater autonomy in managing its resources, in response to demands for an independent Papua. However, the government has been reluctant to transfer its authority to local administrations.

The Papuan legislature submitted a draft ruling on the establishment of the MRP to the central government almost a year ago, but the document remains unsigned for unknown reasons. The MRP cannot be set up without approval from the Minister of Home Affairs.

Instead, Jakarta issued Presidential Decree No. 1/2003 on the establishment of Central Irian Jaya and West Irian Jaya provinces. The decree was a follow-up to Law No. 45/1999 on the same issue.

Activists in the province accused President Megawati Soekarnoputri of deceiving the Papuans, as the Special Autonomy Law for Papua stipulated that any move to divide the province should first be approved by the MRP.

A representative of the Papuan people, Phil E. Lari, said splitting up Papua into three provinces would only marginalize the indigenous people further. "Indigenous Papuans are not yet ready to compete with non-Papuans, who will flood into the newly established provinces," he said.

A new province must have a minimum population of between 3.5 and 4 million people. Currently, Papua is home to around 2.4 million people, inclusive of both Papuans and non-Papuans, so the new provinces will have only about 700,000 people each at the time of their establishment.

The SNUP also called on the government to set up a special team to probe the gross violations of human rights that had taken place ever since Indonesia's forced acquisition of the province through a military operation.

"Over the last 40 years, the death toll from human rights abuses has reached 100,000," Tigor said. He did not explain how he came up with the figure.

Tigor also demanded the government to withdraw all Indonesian Military forces from the province, because "special autonomy without demilitarization would yield nothing but cycle of violence".

74 percent of Papuans live in isolation and poverty

Jakarta Post - August 19, 2003

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Papua Indonesia integrated Papua into its sovereign territory 40 years ago, but most Papuans are still living in a state of poverty in remote areas, even though the province is rich in natural resources.

Although the central government granted the troubled province special autonomy in 2001 to improve its socio-economic condition and to appease separatist movements, the Papuans are still impoverished.

Papua Governor Jaap Salossa said that 74.24 percent of the more than 2.3-million-strong population are living in remote areas without access to proper transportation and other public facilities such as steep slopes, isolated isles and deep gorges.

This demographic condition made the implementation of Law No. 21/2001 on special autonomy ineffective in Papua, Salossa said at a ceremony on Sunday to celebrate Indonesia's 58th Independence Day in the provincial capital of Jayapura.

Only a handful of Papuans are able to enjoy the fruits of development following the granting of special autonomy, he said. Salossa said the isolation of the majority of the Papuans had created social rifts within the population, which could lead to national disintegration.

However, analysts and many Papuans have blamed corruption, allegedly involving local officials, for the ineffectiveness of the special autonomy in eradicating poverty. Salossa said poverty was the cause of the low quality of life in Papua, with the infant mortality rate standing at 79 per 1,000 births.

At least 49.6 percent of Papuans have not been educated or had failed to complete elementary school, while only 21.64 percent had passed elementary school, 10.06 had completed senior high school and a mere 1.9 percent had graduated from university, he added.

He said the poor access to social and economic service centers, due to a lack of roads linking remote and coastal areas to major cities, had left most Papuans deprived of the facilities and services of modern life. This backwardness had also caused the prices of basic foodstuffs to skyrocket by around 45 percent of Jakarta prices.

Even in remote areas like Puncak Jaya regency, the prices of basic foods could be three times as much as prices in Jayapura. Basic commodities are delivered to Puncak Jaya from Jayapura by small planes, which also raised distribution costs.

Salossa called on all communities in Papua to help make the special autonomy a success, in order to curb separatist movements in the troubled province. He also urged separatists living in jungles to return and join the unitary state of Indonesia to begin a new life under the special autonomy in Papua.

The Free Papua Movement (OPM) and the Papua Presidium Council (DPP), which have been campaigning for several decades for an independent Papua, are opposed to the special autonomy.

Labour issues

Ailing aircraft company to layoff 6,000 workers

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Jakarta/Bandung -- The government has finally decided to dismiss some 6,000 employees of state-owned aerospace company PT Dirgantara Indonesia as part of a restructuring program designed to help lift the ailing company out of years of financial difficulties. The decision was made at a shareholders meeting on Tuesday.

The company's labor union, the Workers Communication Forum (FKK), strongly protested the decision, and said that thousands of workers would stage a massive demonstration on Wednesday in Bandung, the home-base of the company.

Dirgantara president Edwin Soedarmo told reporters the company would retain 3,673 workers, who would be selected through a fair process to be conducted by independent human resources consultants.

He said the restructuring of human resources would cost US$54 million including around $42.2 million for severance pay. He said the fund to finance this program would be raised through the sale of its assets, including land and stock of products estimated to have a combined value of around $61 million.

He said the government would also help provide financing. Dirgantara came to the attention of the public and the Cabinet last month after the management suspended all of the company's workers due to severe financial problems. But after a massive protest and government intervention, the company reassigned 2,195 workers to complete ongoing projects, including component and aircraft orders from overseas buyers.

Dirgantara, formerly known as PT Industri Pesawat Terbang Nusantara, was established in the 1980s by B.J. Habibie, the protege of the country's former authoritarian president Soeharto. But the much-criticized project has endured years of turbulence mainly due to weak sales performance, forcing the government to step in to cover operating costs. Dirgantara's woes worsened after the country plunged into the deep economic crisis of 1997.

Edwin said the employee retrenchment measure was unavoidable if they wanted to salvage the company.

But Arief Minardi, chairman of FKK, protested the decision to fire the workers, describing it as "very unjust". He said that with efficiency measures in other areas, the company could still survive without having to dismiss employees. He added that the FKK would take legal recourse against the decision, and that its members would take to the streets starting Wednesday afternoon.

Meanwhile, Roes Ariawijaya, a deputy at the Office of the State Minister of State Enterprises, said in addition to the retrenchment measure, the company would also undertake a debt restructuring measure, under which the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (a government body which took over bad loans from banks in the late 1990s) would end up controlling 93 percent of the company.

Dirgantara would also consolidate its operation and focus only on four core businesses out of the current 28 business divisions. The four core businesses are aircraft assembly, parts and component manufacturing, maintenance operation and engineering services.

Roes said Dirgantara would also need to secure another $39 million in fresh money as working capital to complete ongoing projects with Pakistan Air Force, British Aerospace Engineering and the Indonesian Air Force.

Rural issues

President orders immediate distribution of free-rice

Jakarta Post - August 22, 2003

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Ainur R. Sophiaan, Jakarta/Surabaya -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri ordered Cabinet ministers on Thursday to start emergency measures by Monday to help people who are suffering due to the drought across Java.

The priority program will be the distribution of 20,000 tons of free rice for 250,000 farmers who cannot work their land and the dispatch of more water tanks.

"The President instructed us to begin the program by Monday, underlining that we need to ensure food security and clean water for these farmers," Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla said after a Cabinet meeting.

He said the government had allocated some Rp 150 billion (US$17.7million) from the reserved emergency fund of the current 2003 state budget to finance the program. "These farmers are unable to work their land due to lack of water, and we calculate that it will effect around one million people if we do not start the program immediately," he said.

For clean water, Kalla said the government would send an additional 200 water tanks per day. Currently there are some 800 water tanks trucks operating every day, serving around four million people whose areas are affected by the drought.

Java is affected the most by the dry season, the most severe since 1997, with the Meteorology and Geophysics Agency (BMG) predicting that the season will peak in September. The agency also forecast that rain will only fall in October.

Kalla said that despite the fact that this year's drought was not as bad as that of 1997 as a result of the El Nino phenomenon, the worsening quality of the environment had decreased the capability of land to reserve water and had a massive impact on farmland.

The government has estimated that around 100,000 hectares of farmland on the densely populated island will suffer from crop failure, while another 450,000 hectares from water deficit. The harvest failure is expected to reduce rice production by up to 300,000 tons this year.

Meanwhile in Surabaya, Minister of Settlements and Regional Infrastructure Soenarno said that a labor-intensive program would begin late this month for 148,000 farmers in the East Java regencies of Lamongan, Tulungagung and Bojonegoro.

The government has allocated Rp 28.5 billion for the program, which will include the repair of irrigation canals and renovation of school buildings to give employment for farmers during the dry season.

'War on terrorism'

Wahid joins push against terror law

Laksamana.Net - August 22, 2003

Increasing pressure from military hardliners to push President Megawati Sukarnoputri to give extra power to the military-backed intelligence service following the J.W. Marriott Hotel bombing has prompted former President Abdurrahman Wahid to come out against the return of military power.

Most analysts believe that Wahid was deposed in 2001 not because of Megawati or parliament, but because of opposition from the military top brass.

His rejection of revisions of the antiterrorism law has benefited Megawati and pro-democracy supporters within the ruling circle against the push by the hardliners.

On 16 August, Wahid, also known as the former chairman of the largest Muslim organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), expressed his opposition to the government's plans to revise the anti-terrorism law.

Following the cabinet meeting on 14 August, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono told reporters that the antiterrorism law needed revision because it hampered security agencies from anticipating terrorist attacks.

There was growing suspicion that the revision of the antiterrorism law would pave the way for giving greater power to the military on the pretext of curbing terrorism. The move to adopt a National Security Law modelled on the Internal Security Acts (ISA) of Malaysia and Singapore was first launched by Defense Minister Matori Abdul Djalil.

When Matori suggested the adoption of an ISA-type National Security Law for the first time just days after the Marriott bombing, the ruling circle was divided into two camps. Vice President Hamzah Haz and Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra rejected the move. Yudhoyono and Armed Forces Commander Endriartono Sutarto fully supported such a law.

Separately, chief of National Intelligence Agency (BIN) Hendropriyono said BIN had known that the terrorist attacks were planned but the agency was powerless to act as existing laws did not allow it to take preventive measures.

As a player skilled in dealing with the schemes of generals ever since the Suharto era, Wahid is sensitive enough to realise the danger of imposing an ISA-type National Security Law.

And the successful capture of Asia's most wanted terrorist suspect, Hambali, in Thailand and the US's spiriting him out of sight, rang alarm bells warning that US activities can extend to bullying and the use of arbitrary and extralegal means.

Despite the denial of Indonesia's Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda that the capture of Hambali bore no similarities to the capture of Kuwaiti Omar al Faruk in June 2002, Hambali's removal from Thailand without due process showed the use to which the ISA-type executive decrees issued on 5 August by Thai authorities could be put.

Through these decrees, the Thai government has been given sweeping new powers to bypass parliament and the courts in the name of fighting terrorism.

In Indonesia, splits have emerged within the parliament as well. Retired Maj. Gen. R.K. Sembiring of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) said on Tuesday (19/8/03) that giving extra power to intelligence officers would greatly benefit the anti-terrorism drive. Nadhier Muhammad from the United Development Party (PPP) warned that the law should not give more power to the security authorities, in order to prevent the revival of authoritarian government.

Poor coordination between the Police and BIN dates back to the Bali Bombing last year. Even worse, they were caught in unhealthy covert competition.

Government sources told Laksamana.Net that after the Bali bombing, Police Commander Gen. Dai Bachtiar and Hendropriyono blamed each other for the debacle.

As events developed, Megawati gave full support and authority to the police as the leading actor in discovering and uprooting the mastermind and the field operatives of the terrorist attack in Bali.

BIN, still largely under the influence of high-ranking military officers from the days of Suharto and B.J. Habibie, is still seen as as the only possible vehicle for the military to regain greater power in handling internal security.

If coordination between the police and BIN was running well, BIN, with its sources and networks, could have played a significant role in helping the police.

But in reality, the covert competition between the two services reflects the military's dissatisfaction over the bitter reality that they are by and large marginalized and excluded from control over the government agencies outside the formal military institutions.

The military see that the imposition of a National Security Law in the name of fighting terrorism would provide the momentum for a greater role for the military.

Its supporters point to the political reality in which the US will fight terrorism anywhere in the world, a policy which demands greater emphasis on military power and strategic partnerships from its allies rather than democratic credentials.

This situation after 9/11 terrorist attacks on Washington and New York was used not only by relatively democratic Indonesia but also by authoritarian regimes in Asia such as Malaysia and Singapore to justify their repressive measures.

In both Singapore and Malaysia, anyone who opposes the regime can be conveniently labelled as a terrorist and imprisoned without trial.

A wide range of Asian states have introduced anti-terrorism laws in the wake of 9/11. Nepal adopted the Nepal Terrorist and Destructive Crime Control and Punishment Act. Thailand imposed the People's Protection and Internal Security Act.

India has adopted the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance since 2001. Hong Kong introduced the Anti-Subversion Law. Japan adopted the Anti-terrorism Special Measures Bill. Malaysia continued to use the Internal Security Act, enacted in 1960, while Singapore relies on its 1963 ISA.

Pakistan, a bastion for hardline Muslim groups, imposed the Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance, Antiterrorist Act and Security Act of Pakistan.

In the People Republic of China, 9/11 saw a dilution of US criticism of the draconian Law on the Preservation of State Secrets of 1988 and the State Security Law of 1993.

Indonesia, somewhat ironically, in declining to rush into an ISA-style law, is increasingly looking the odd man out.

House to revise law on anti-terrorism after bombing

Jakarta Post - August 21, 2003

Kurniawan Hari and A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- Major factions in the House of Representatives (DPR) are to revise the Antiterrorism Law, but aside from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), they are not keen on giving more power to security authorities in the fight against terror.

The factions' stance is that they want to avoid the possible rebirth of an authoritarian regime by not endowing more power to the military or the police.

The government recently announced its intention to have the House revise newly enacted Law No. 15/2003 on antiterrorism, following the JW Marriott Hotel bombing that killed at least 12 and injured almost 150 others. The proposed revision was aimed at giving more power to the military -- not the police -- to deal with the increasing terror threat.

Defense minister Matori Abdul Djalil had proposed that the country adopt the Internal Security Act (ISA) enforced in Malaysia and Singapore, but his idea met with general opposition. Opponents of the ISA said it was akin to the country's draconian subversion law, and its enforcement could revert Indonesia to an authoritarian system.

Entering the reform era, the government annulled the subversion law and supporting institutions, which were used by the Soeharto regime to wipe out dissident groups and maintain the status quo for more than three decades.

United Development Party (PPP) faction secretary Endin A.J. Soefihara said the core problem in counterterrorism efforts was not that the security forces lacked power, but that they lacked coordination. He was speaking on Wednesday after the faction's internal meeting to discuss the issue. National Awakening Party (PKB) faction chairman Amin Said Husni said they would be cautious in revising the law, to prevent any possible revival of an authoritarian regime and violations of human rights.

The Golkar Party and Reform factions also suggested that security authorities improve coordination, rather than seek more power to combat terrorism.

Permadi, PDI Perjuangan legislator and member of House Commission I on defense and security, hailed the government's decision to revise the Antiterrorism Law. He said the law still had many loopholes that allowed terrorist groups to be active in the country, since it was deliberated quickly.

"The option is whether we prioritize democracy or to get bombed," he said, referring to the increase in terrorist attacks.

Matori also expressed his support for the government's intention to revise the law. "If necessary, not only the police force, but also intelligence officers should be given the authority to arrest suspected terrorists," he said.

Matori acknowledged that his proposal might draw strong criticisms from advocates of democracy and human rights, but that such an authority would enable security forces to quell terrorism. "Terrorism is an extraordinary crime, and it must be prevented from destroying the country," he said.

Matori also said that, as terrorist attacks often resulted in a heavy loss of human life, it could damage national stability. Without national stability, Indonesia will not be able to maintain its vast territorial integrity nor sustain economic recovery, he said. "In this light, national security forces should eventually be given more power to prevent terrorist attacks and ensure national stability," said Matori.

As of Wednesday, the House had not yet received the government's draft revision of the law.

War on terror creates unlikely allies

Financial Times (UK) - August 19, 2003

Anna Fifield -- Amid the rubble of Jakarta's shattered JW Marriott hotel, Indonesian and Australian police and forensic experts are working side-by-side sifting for evidence.

Thrown together by last year's Bali bombing in which 89 Australians died, the two countries, close neighbours but hardly traditional strategic allies, are developing a security relationship, which analysts say could pave the way for strengthened bilateral ties across the board.

John Howard's government has a history of poor relations with Jakarta, mainly due to Australia's armed intervention in East Timor in 1999 to stop the violence stemming from the territory's vote for independence from Indonesia.

After the Bali bombing, Australian police met with some resistance when staking their claim to a leading role in the investigations, especially as Canberra was questioning Jakarta's ability to respond effectively. However, such sensitivities were soothed by the success of the investigation in catching and prosecuting key players from the Jemaah Islamiah group blamed for the attack, including Amrozi bin Nurhasyim, who was this month sentenced to death for his part in the bombing.

This time around Australia's participation has not been contested.

The increased level of co-operation between the two country's defence and security networks is unprecedented, says Alan Dupont, of Australian National University's strategic and defence studies centre.

"Relations have been in deep freeze after East Timor but they've started to thaw since Bali and the [Australian Federal Police's] success there," he says. "This security and military action is basically a template for the kind of co-operation Australia and Indonesia could have in other areas."

But unlike Bali, where a joint task force was set up, Australia is merely assisting the Indonesian-led inquiry into the Marriott blast, contributing police, forensic and intelligence officers to the Indonesian squad.

As one of the lessons from Bali, Australia is now sharing specialist skills -- as well as state-of-the-art technology and forensics -- with Indonesia in "a very co-operative, genuine way", without coming across as colonial, Mr Dupont says.

Greg Moriarty, an assistant secretary at the department of foreign affairs, adds: "Indonesia realised Bali was a huge, significant thing and that they didn't have a good a grip on JI. They had to make a political point [after Bali] but they were nowhere near as well-policed as they are now."

Australia can take a lot of the credit for helping Indonesia upgrade its police and intelligence forces, he says. As well as transferring practical skills, the government has committed $US 6.6 million over four years to boosting Indonesia's counter- terrorist ability.

"If you look at the working-level co-operation on law and order, and particularly on terrorism, we've really achieved some good outcomes," Mr Moriarty said.

Indonesia has asked for Australia's help in financing, training and drafting legislation for its financial intelligence unit to stop terrorist funding.

The Australian Federal Police agents are also due to provide training for Indonesian officers at the Jakarta-based Transnational Crime Centre, which will look at wider issues such as money laundering and drugs, and is similar to one already established in Canberra.

But their new co-operation is challenging Canberra's much-vaunted morals in the war against terrorism -- Mr Howard this week said Australia would resume ties with the country's notorious Kopassus special forces.

Australia stopped joint training exercises with the Indonesian military following massacres in East Timor, which were allegedly co-ordinated by Kopassus. In addition, seven Kopassus members were jailed this year for torturing a Papuan separatist leader to death.

But Mr Howard now says: "There is a capacity within that organisation to deal with hijacking and terrorist situations -- I do think it is appropriate in limited cases to have contact."

He added that Kopassus had the most effective capability in Indonesia to resolve situations which could involve Australians. The equivalent of the SAS in Australia and Britain, Kopassus responds to terror and bomb attacks, and to hijackings.

Mr Dupont said: "Australia cannot have any sort of effective co- operation with Indonesia without them -- Kopassus and the military are part of the solution."

Bashir says 'terrorist' US stage-managed his trial

Agence France Presse - August 21, 2003

Indonesian Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir has emotionally denied any knowledge of the terror group he is accused of leading and said the "terrorist state of America" had stage-managed his treason trial.

Bashir, in a fiery defence speech, also warned judges they will go to hell if they convict him and told prosecutors to repent for aiding "the infidel enemies of Islam."

Prosecutors say Bashir heads the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) regional terror group, which is believed linked to al-Qaeda. JI is blamed for a string of deadly bombings in recent years, including the Bali attack last October which killed 202 people and this month's hotel Jakarta hotel blast in which 12 people died.

Bashir, who wept at one point, said "hypocrite" states such as the US, Australia and Singapore had targeted him because he wants Islamic sharia law in Indonesia. "The hypocrites and the secular, if they are entrusted with government power, their programmes are to destroy Islam, arrest people who are fighting for Islamic sharia, set up stage-managed trials so that they can detain them as long as possible or kill them," he said.

Supporters greeted Bashir, who faces a 20-year jail term if convicted, with shouts of "Allhu Akbar!" (God is great) as he entered the packed court.

The 65-year-old white-bearded cleric is accused of trying to topple Indonesia's secular government through a JI terror campaign. He is accused of approving the bombing of churches and priests which killed 19 people on Christmas Eve 2000 and of ordering a plot, which was never carried out, to assassinate Megawati Sukarnoputri before she became president.

Bashir denied any involvement in bombings or a plot against Megawati and said he knows nothing about "what is called" JI. "The police have listened to the US, Singapore and Australia rather than the voice of Muslims," he said.

Bashir described his trial as a useless exercise. "My hunch is there is intervention from outside, the enemies of Islam, the government of the terrorist state America. The government of this country [Indonesia] is afraid of [US] intervention and has become the extension of the terrorist government of America," he said. "By Allah, I have never been appointed emir [leader] of what is called JI," Bashir added, saying he knows nothing of any such group.

Bashir said the televised testimony of JI suspects detained in Singapore was made under duress and the teleconference was funded by the "evil kingdom" of Singapore. Suspects detained in Malaysia and Singapore testified via TV that they believe Bashir heads JI and would have known of its bombing plots.

One of them, Faiz Abu Bakar Bafana, said in June he had met Bashir in the Indonesian city of Solo and that the cleric had approved the church bombings. Bafana said Bashir also ordered the plot against Megawati.

Bashir, dressed in a long white shirt and Muslim skullcap, denied any such meeting in Solo. "Do you know that because of your actions the infidel enemies of Islam are cheering while Muslims are sad?" he told prosecutors.

He warned the bench that "judges who pass a wrong decision because of their ignorance will go to hell." Bashir also told the court that "Allah will scuttle the conspiracy of infidels.

"Human beings without Islam are like cattle in the eyes of Allah. They always create destruction. Fighting for sharia is everything. To die in the path of Allah is better than to live in sin."

Bashir is not accused over the Bali attack but questioned the ability of key suspects to have built such a huge bomb. His lawyers were to read their statement after lunch.

Australia, Indonesia to co-host counter-terrorism summit

Asia Pulse - August 21, 2003

Canberra -- Australia and Indonesia will co-host a terrorism summit early next year, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer announced today.

Mr Downer met with his Indonesian counterpart Hassan Wirayuda in Canberra today, where the two agreed to co-host a regional meeting.

"Amongst other topics that the foreign minister and I discussed we agreed that Australia and Indonesia would co-host a regional ministerial conference on counter terrorism early next year," Mr Downer told parliament.

"And we've been able to work through some of the broad details of who will be invited to that conference and the nature of that conference." Mr Downer said Australia and Indonesia had worked well together since the Bali bomb blasts which killed more than 200 people including 88 Australians.

"Both Hassan Wirayuda and I believe that the more that we can do to contribute to strengthening regional co-operation on counter terrorism the better," he said.

"This will be a very major step forward I believe in enhancing regional co-operation right across the region into the future." Australia and Indonesia have previously co-hosted a regional summit on people smuggling.

'Beware of more bomb attacks'

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- The arrest of JW Marriott Hotel bombing suspects has not automatically made Jakarta a safer place, as the National Police admitted on Tuesday that they have been unable to track down explosives and other bombing devices smuggled into the capital from Semarang.

National Police chief of detectives Comr. Gen. Erwin Mappaseng confirmed on Tuesday that the bomb that exploded at the Marriott hotel, Mega Kuningan, South Jakarta, did not use explosives sent from Semarang.

"To date, [we] haven't found the explosives from Semarang. Therefore, we predict that there could possibly be more bombings [after the Marriott incident]," Erwin told a media conference at the National Police Headquarters, South Jakarta.

The Marriott bombing, which occurred on August 5, claimed the lives of 12 people, mostly taxi drivers and security guards, and injured 147 others.

Erwin said that the bomb that exploded in the hotel driveway had been assembled from the remnants of explosives, including trinitrotoluene (TNT) and black powder, used in a series of bombings on Christmas Eve 2000 across the country that killed a total of 19 people.

"The remnants were stored in Pekanbaru [the capital of Riau], and later transported to a house in Bengkulu belonging to Asmar," Erwin said, referring to Asmar Latin Sani, whose body parts were found in the hotel debris. Police officially named Asmar and 10 other men as suspects in the Marriott bombing.

Asmar and another executor of the bombing, identified as Tohir, were recruited by Idris, alias "the Fat Man", who was arrested in early June for alleged involvement in the Bali bombings on October 12, 2002, which killed 202 people and wounded 300 others.

As of Tuesday, police had yet to confirm if the Marriott bombing was a suicide bomb. Asmar was believed to be the driver of the van that exploded in the hotel driveway. However, police have yet to work out what was the detailed role of Tohir, who is still at large. The information denied previous reports that Tohir's body was found at the blast scene.

Police announced early last month that the Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) cell in Semarang had transported a number of explosives to Jakarta on two occasions.

The announcement was made following the arrest of nine members of the JI cell and the seizure of over 1,000 detonators and tons of explosives, rifles and ammunition in a nationwide police counterterrorism operation in 11 cities in Java between July 4 and July 11. Erwin said that the group, of which Asmar was a member, had been planning the Marriott bombing since January. Six of the suspects, who were arrested between April and June, only confessed to having assisted in the planning and financing of the attack.

Asked if the alleged Marriott bomber group was linked to JI, Erwin replied: "Yes, that is the group in general." "According to them, as you all already know, their targets are American interests," he added.

He stated "they are not as organized as they used to be." JI has been blamed for the Bali bombings. Around 30 members of the group are facing terrorism charges at the Denpasar District Court, while one of them, Amrozi, has already been given the death penalty.

The police are currently searching for Malaysians Dr. Azahari and Noor Din Mohd Top, currently at large, for their alleged involvement in the Marriott bombing. Noor Din is said to be the controller of the bombing.

Dr. Azahari, who is also wanted for his alleged involvement in the Bali bombing, is said to have assembled the bomb at Asmar's house in Bengkulu. It was not known if the bomb was half-made or ready to use.

Police said that the suspects allegedly transported the bomb to Jakarta through Lubuk Linggau, South Sumatra.

Earlier, police also named two men as suspects who allegedly bought the van, used for the Marriott bombing, in Jakarta.

Police are also still looking for an Indonesian, Zulkarnaen, who led the Askar special force, is charged with various bombings, and has been wanted since the Bali bombing. "They [members of the special force] have undergone training in guerrilla warfare and bomb-making in places like Afghanistan and Moro [in the southern Philippines]," he said.

Erwin also revealed that Southeast Asia's most wanted terrorist, Hambali, who is now in US-custody, sent US$45,000 in June to a Malaysian, Lili, who was then in Thailand, to finance a series of bombings in the country. Lili allegedly handed over the money to Idris, who was arrested in June. The police were still tracing the money, Erwin said.

During the media conference, Erwin also released photos of Dr. Azahari, Noor Din Mohd Top and Tohir. He called on anyone who might recognize them to phone the police on 523444 or 7218309.

'$45,000 for bombings in Indonesia'

Straits Times - August 20, 2003

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Police said here yesterday that suspected terror mastermind Hambali had sent US$45,000 to fellow militants in Indonesia to finance bombings in the country.

The police also issued a wanted list of five suspects in the August 5 bombing of the JW Marriott Hotel in Jakarta. They included Malaysians Azahari Husin, a former lecturer turned top bomb-maker for Jemaah Islamiah (JI), and former engineering lecturer Noor Din Muhammad Top, also wanted for last October's Bali attacks.

Chief of detectives Erwin Mappaseng told reporters yesterday that police were investigating whether some of the US$45,000 Hambali sent in June was used in the Marriott car blast.

Hambali, Al-Qaeda's linkman for the region and the suspected brains behind the Bali blasts, was arrested last week in Thailand. At that time, Bangkok said Hambali had been planning to carry out a terrorist attack on this year's Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (Apec) summit.

Thai papers reported yesterday that he denied any such plan and said he was only hiding in the country. When asked about the possible plan targeting the Apec summit, which would be held in Bangkok in October, "he said no", an unnamed Thai security official was quoted by The Nation newspaper as saying.

Information from a Malaysian Al-Qaeda operative nicknamed "Li-Li" helped intelligence officers swoop in on Hambali's hideout in the Thai town of Ayutthaya, The Star reported yesterday. Li-Li was reportedly arrested in Thailand last week by a joint Thai-Central Intelligence Agency team.

He and Zubair, another recently detained Malaysian Al-Qaeda operative, were said to be close to Hambali and acted as his scouts and messengers. Li-Li was said to have transferred the funds from Hambali to his contacts in Indonesia.

Deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi confirmed yesterday that two Malaysian militants were being held by the United States, AFP reported.

Zubair and Li-Li, originally from Selangor and Johor respectively, studied in Pakistan, where they were recruited by Al-Qaeda. After their studies, they shuttled between Indonesia, Thailand and Afghanistan, acting on behalf of JI.

Among the five named yesterday, Noor Din was suspected to be the operations chief while Azahari was thought to have rigged the car bomb. Others on the list were an Indonesian named Tohir, said to be an "executor" of the blast, as well as two others who were listed only as "Mr X". They were said to have bought the van used in the attack.

Indonesian terror raises fears of military role

Reuters - August 20, 2003

Dan Eaton, Jakarta -- When Wiranto, the former head of Indonesia's powerful armed forces, lost a senior cabinet job three years ago it was seen by some as a clear signal the military was being eased out of politics.

But now the institution that for decades played a central role in the life of the world's most populous Muslim nation despite allegations of brutality and human rights violations may gain new influence -- thanks to the war on terror.

With two major bombings attributed to Islamic militants in the past year, pressure is mounting on President Megawati Sukarnoputri's secular government to strengthen the hand of the forces combating the threat.

"Politically there are some concerns on how the legal framework that we adopted after the Bali bombings adequately protects us from other possible attacks in the future," Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda told a news conference on Monday. "We need to balance our need for security and the ongoing democratic process in this country," he said.

Restricting influence

Reforms following the end in 1998 of autocratic former President Suharto's 32 years of iron rule -- in which the armed forces played a key part -- were aimed at restricting the military's internal security role and political clout as the country struggled to achieve full democracy.

Apart from Wiranto, who had been armed forces chief under Suharto, losing a senior cabinet post, new legislation strengthened the position of the police as well as making them independent of the military, and steps were taken to reduce the military's formal political role.

However, many analysts said the armed forces retained much power, as demonstrated by other former generals continuing to get cabinet positions.

And now the August 5 car-bombing of a luxury Jakarta hotel, killing 12 people and wounding 150, which came less than a year after the October Bali nightclub blasts, has some officials questioning the country's ability to cope without a stronger military role.

"The government will give a greater role, or appropriate space, for the TNI [armed forces] to carry out their duties ... although the focal point remains the police," one Indonesian newspaper quoted chief security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a former general himself, as saying recently.

Comments like that have raised eyebrows. "The army wants nothing more than to regain total control over internal security. They are extremely dismissive, if not contemptuous, of the police in this regard," said Sidney Jones, Indonesia project head of the International Crisis Group.

Dangerous people

"Yet you can sympathise in a way with the desire [for stronger laws], because some extremely dangerous people are on the loose in Indonesia," she said. Laws passed after 202 people were killed in the Bali blasts gave police the ability to use intelligence reports as a basis for arrests, but stopped well short of the draconian internal security acts in neighbouring Malaysia and Singapore.

Calls to revise Indonesia's anti-terror laws have been backed by ministers and officials who met on the issue last week, but they have been vague on what precise changes are planned.

"The shift in the anti-terror laws is not clear at this stage," said Damien Kingsbury, head of Indonesian studies at Deakin University in Australia. "But it would seem any talk of increases to security powers regarding terrorism would implicitly include the military, at least through the [national intelligence agency] and Kopassus," Kingsbury said.

Elite Kopassus special forces, with which Australia recently renewed contacts to help fight terror in the region, came under fire for their alleged role in torture and abduction of dissidents during Suharto's rule. They were accused of numerous human rights violations from remote Papua province to East Timor and rebellious Aceh.

Yudhoyono told reporters on Thursday fears of abuse related to the tightening of security laws were misplaced. "There is no reason to be afraid that this will turn out to be excessive or go too far, let alone threaten democracy or violate human rights." But not everyone is convinced.

"The military could abuse new regulations, because they have the experience, they already own a powerful political machine with a wide territorial structure that reaches into the villages," said Munarman, head of the Legal Aid Institute.

Others said the country did not need tougher laws, but rather should improve existing institutions. "I think the main issue is to enhance the professionalism of institutions like the police," said Salahuddin Wahid, deputy head of the National Commission for Human Rights.

House backs plans for anti-terror Law

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Kurniawan Hari and A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- Major factions in the House of Representatives (DPR) are backing moves by the government to revise the anti-terrorism law, despite strong opposition from religious leaders and rights activists.

They also called for an informal meeting with the National Police and the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to discuss the planned revision.

Nadhier Muhammad of the United Development Party (PPP), however, stressed that the law should not give more power to security authorities, in order to prevent the revival of an authoritarian government. "We must avoid giving too much power to the government. This could lead to the revival of New Order practices," Nadhier told The Jakarta Post here on Tuesday.

Following the terrorist attack at the JW Marriot Hotel in Jakarta on August 5, the government called for the revision of the anti- terrorism law, to allow the Indonesian Military (TNI) and intelligence officers to play a greater role in the country's fight against terrorism.

The plan met with strong resistance from religious leaders and rights activists, who feared that giving more power to TNI and intelligence officers would lead to rights abuses, similar to the situation experienced during the 32 years of former president Soeharto's leadership.

Nevertheless, legislators Ibrahim Ambong of Golkar and Djoko Susilo of the Reform faction, suggested on Tuesday, that the government submit the draft revision to the House as soon as possible.

Sembiring Meliala, of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), said earlier that giving extra power to intelligence officers would greatly benefit the anti-terrorism drive.

Separately, the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, said on Tuesday that the government had established a team to work on the revision of the anti-terrorism law No. 15/2003. "The team will look into several articles of the law, especially those on preemptive measures against terrorist attacks, and then the team will review and revise those articles if it is necessary," he elaborated.

According to Brig. Gen. (Pol) Alex Bambang Riatmodjo, one of Susilo's staff, the team was formed by the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights and involved several other departments.

According to Susilo, articles slated to be revised include article 26, regarding intelligence reports, that may be used by authorities to start the investigation of terrorist attacks.

"We must give it clarity, the article should be effective in the field while not threatening democracy and human rights," said Susilo, adding that the outcome of the revision will be brought to the House. Susilo acknowledged that the revision was proposed by the government on the grounds that the implementation of the law had not yet brought satisfactory results.

Ambong said that his faction considered the existing anti- terrorism law was more than adequate to combat terrorism. Ambong, who chairs the House's Commission for defense and foreign affairs, emphasized that the problems were not with the law but with the poor coordination between state intelligence and security officials.

"We will scrutinize the draft's revision by the government," he told the Post. Meanwhile, Djoko said the revision must have one distinct meaning without the possibility of other interpretations. He agreed that intelligence officers need more power in order to detect terrorist activities. "But, the stipulation must be defined clearly to avoid multi- interpretation," he said.

Jakarta under pressure to close Bashir's Islamic school

Radio Australia - August 18, 2003

As the noose tightens around the alleged masterminds of the Jemaah Islamiyah terror network, Jakarta is coming under increasing pressure to close one of its most influential Islamic schools. The Al Mukim Islamic school in Solo in Central Java is headed by detained Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir. And the school's alumni reads like a terrorists who's who.

Presenter/Interviewer: Kanaha Sabapathy

Speakers: Wahyuddin, the headmaster of the Al Mukim Islamic school in Solo; Abu Bakar Bashir

Sabapathy: Indonesia has some 14,000 Islamic boarding schools or "pesantrens" ... and as in most developing Muslim nations many perform a valuable role in society ... providing education, albeit heavily weighted in Islamic studies, for the rural poor.

But the Al Mukim Islamic school in Ngruki is different. Until his detention Abu Bakar Bashir, the alleged spiritual leader of the Jemaah Islamiyah, the shadowy network blamed for both the Bali bombings and the Marriott hotel attack, was based here.

Founded in the mid 1970s by cleric Abu Bakar Bashir ... it's believed the pesantren in Ngruki has over the years developed into a militant institution providing dozens of recruits for Jemaah Islamiyah. It's also alleged that the school has links to Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeida group.

Following the Bali bombings last October, Jakarta was under pressure to close the school but did not act after an outcry from Muslim groups. Now with claims that another of its graduate, Asmar Latin Sani, is the suicide bomber of the Marriott hotel, the demand is back for the closure of the school.

But the headmaster of the school Mr Wahyuddin says there's no reason to close it.

Wahyuddin: "There is no reason for government or for anyone to close our school because we don't do any harm to other people. We teach them how to be a good person, how to be good people. I don't believe that the Marriott bombing there is relation between the bombing and my school. We don't teach these kinds of acts here because Islam is peaceful. So I don't exactly believe that it is done by our students before."

Sabapathy: The school currently houses some 2000 students, both boys and girls, and according to Mr Wahyuddin the curriculum of the school, while weighted in favour of Islamic studies does also adopt the curriculum of state schools, including activites like martial art.

Wahyuddin: "The curriculum is combined between the knowledge and Islamic teachings, because it's an Islamic body school, also the government curriculum is and secondary high school or the elementary high school, we follow the curriculum of the government."

Sabapathy: Asked if the school does teach or instill into its students a hatred for the west .... Mr Wahyuddin denied this saying that even Abu Bakar Bashir himself had always taught love and tolerance.

Wahyuddin: Mr Abu Bakar always teached the people that everyone has to follow the 'lal' because this is the truth.

Sabapathy: This however was not the case when Asia Pacific interviewed Mr Bashir last August at the school. Praising Osama bin Laden Mr Bashir was scathing of the both the American and Indonesian governments, and the Jews.

Bashir: "I hate the American government but not the American people because they are being manipulated by Jews to fight against Islam. It is the duty of Muslims to hate America because they are launching an anti-Muslim crusade right now. This has been announced by President Bush himself. So as long as the American government cooperates with Jews to fight us, it is necessary on all Muslims to hate America, to fight back."

"I very much hate the attitude of Megawati's government because it is a secular government, the secular category includes Jews and non-believers. The President is closer to Jews and non- believers than she is to Islam, although she is outwardly a Muslim she is stupid and does not understand Islam properly."

Sabapathy: Meanwhile Mr Wahyuddin is distancing the school from the activities of its graduates, he says as a teacher and headmaster he encourages his students to continue their education and to do good by all. But he says what they do after leaving school is the responsibility of the parents.

Wahyuddin: "After they graduate from our school this is not my responsibility, I give them back to their parents, it's up to the parents. There's no relation institutionally between them and us in the pesantren."

Bin Laden shirts disappear as anti-terror campaign steps up

Agence France Presse - August 18, 2003

Shirts carrying the face of Osama bin Laden, have disappeared from markets in the Indonesian garnment-producing city of Bandung as the country steps up its anti-terror efforts.

The t-shirts had been a popular item in Indonesia, world's largest Muslim-populated nation, along with those featuring former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein.

"I am scared now to produce Osama's picture [on t-shirts] or sell them on sidewalks ... they can become a problem because I could then be suspected of things," vendor Ate, 34, told the state Antara news agency.

Ate, who operates in the Tegallega area of Bandung -- a textile and garnment producing center in West Java -- said that he was worried the t-shirt would incur the wrath of authorities. But he said he still felt "secure" selling Saddam t-shirts.

Billy, a t-shirt producer, told Antara he was now afraid to make the bin Laden shirts "The faces of known figures are hard sellers but now we are thinking twice about [reproducing] Osama's picture, because we fear something may happen," he said without elaborating.

The Indonesian government has vowed to step up its battle against terrorists who it has blames for a series of bombings in the past years, including in Bali on October 12, 2002 and in Jakarta on August 5.

A total of 202 people were killed in the Bali blast while in Jakarta the bombing of a US-run hotel left 12 people killed and more than 140 injured. Police have indicated that the al-Qaeda- linked Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) regional terrorist network may be behind the bombings.

Indonesia fetes Independence Day under tight security

Agence France Presse - August 18, 2003

Indonesia on Sunday marked the 58th anniversary of its freedom from Dutch rule under tight security after a warning of a possible attack to coincide with the celebrations.

Armed police and soldiers guarded the main approaches to the Merdeka Palace in Jakarta where President Megawati Sukarnoputri led an Independence Day ceremony attended by some 9,500 guests, including Vice President Hamzah Haz and top military and police officers.

The warning came from Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer who said last week there may be a strike against Westerners in Jakarta tied to the August 17 celebrations. It followed the August 5 bombing of Jakarta's JW Marriott Hotel, popular with Westerners, in which 11 Indonesians and a Dutch banker were killed.

Australia -- which lost 88 citizens in the October bombings in Indonesia's resort island of Bali -- later issued its strongest travel warning yet about Indonesia, urging its citizens to avoid all unnecessary trips and to avoid international hotels in Jakarta.

The top suspect in the Bali bombing, Hambali, was arrested last week although his whereabouts is a closely guarded secret. He has also been linked to the Marriott blast and a string of other attacks in Indonesia.

Security was also tight for Independence Day events in the province of Aceh where the government is about to enter the fourth month of a massive campaign to stamp out a decades-long independence movement.

Armed soldiers and police checked the identities and bags of thousands of people who waited in the rain for the start of a national day ceremony in the central Blang Padang square of the provincial capital, Banda Aceh.

A bomb exploded at an Independence Day ceremony in the square last year, injuring 10 people.

In the city of Ambon, which is still under a state of civilian emergency following years of violence between Muslims and Christians, a ceremony was held at the Merdeka square and attended by members of both camps.

Police were searching for people who hung flags of the outlawed separatist South Maluku Republic on two trees in Ambon early on Sunday.

"I have ordered my men to seek those individuals who flew the flags until they are found. And when they are, they will face firm actions in line with the prevailing laws," Maluku province police chief Brigadier General Bambang Sutrisno said, according to Antara news agency.

Games, competitions and music performances were held in most of Indonesia's cities and, as happens every year, prisoners across the country had their sentences reduced by between one and nine months to mark the day.

More than 43,580 prisoners -- about 86.5 percent of the total -- benefited this year, said the director general of penitentiary services, Adi Suyatno. A total of 5,150 inmates will also walk free on Sunday.

One of the inmates to have their sentence reduced was the youngest son of former president Suharto, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, who had five months and 15 days cut off his 15-year term for the murder of a judge. Former timber baron Muhamad "Bob" Hasan, a crony of Suharto, had seven months and 20 days taken off his six-year sentence for corruption.

However no reprieve was available for Amrozi, who was this month sentenced to death over the October 12 Bali bombing attacks which killed 202 people. Deathrow prisoners are not covered by remissions.

Government & politics

Kwik foils PDI-P 'split' move

Laksaman.Net - August 18, 2003

A move that began with pressure from several reformists within the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) to replace party functionaries allegedly involved in vote buying is also being seen as a move to weaken and eventually oust President and party chair Megawati Sukarnoputri from the party leadership.

Several PDI-P functionaries held a meeting on 24 July initiated by the party's research and development division led by Kwik Kian Gie. Those attending included Julius Usman, Sophan Sophiaan, Arifin Panigoro, Roy B.B. Janis, Meilono Suwondo, Didi Supriyanto, Sukowaluyo, Candra Wijaya and Noviantika Nasution.

The meeting agreed to urge Megawati as party chair to restructure the central executive board and remove those allegedly involved in vote buying in gubernatorial races in several provinces.

The spirit of the meetings, explained a PDI-P source, maintained the commitment to support Megawati as long as she was also committed to removing Theo Syafei and Agnita Singadikane, suspected of organizing the vote buying. The pair was also alleged to have used the party's authority without the approval of the central executive board.

Outspoken PDI-P legislator Hariyanto Taslam says Syafei's maneuvers were not the result of any agreement with Megawati. "Theo is just smart at taking advantage of the disorganization and the unsystematic work of the central party leadership," Taslam told reporters.

Within the party, the individual most directly blamed for creating disorganization and unsystematic party management is Megawati's husband, Taufik Kiemas.

Pressures within PDI-P to remove Theo and Agnita thus indicates the growing rejection of the PDI-P reformist bloc against maneuvers made independently of party control by the politicians linked to Kiemas.

Unfortunately for the reformists, while Kwik initiated their series of meetings, he did not throw his weight on to their side.

Kwik's problem was that he did not see the reformist move in the context of saving the party as well as Megawati from the machinations of Syafei and Agnita, but saw that the reform push aimed at toppling his old friend Megawati.

If the PDI-P reformist maneuver had been merely for the sake of removing corrupt politicians, Kwik would have had no reason to fear. At least two PDI-P reformists attending the July 24 meeting have direct access to Mega: businessman Arifin Panigoro and Roy B.B. Janis.

Janis is trusted as the leader of the House PDI-P faction, while Panigoro is chair of the PDI-P faction in People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

Both Janis and Panigoro, though for their own different reasons, are considered as Megawati loyalists who still believe the party is a sound political vehicle to represent her and their own political interests.

A recording of the "reform" meeting was leaked to Megawati that led to the impression that the main goal of the growing pressure to restructure the party central executive board was to weaken the leadership of Megawati.

To outsiders, the two different views of what the meetings aimed for represent the two separate streams in the party. Those attending the meeting are not in line with the gradual change adopted by Panigoro and Janis but took a more radical stance. They also believed that Megawati had to be held responsible for party mismanagement.

Among those attending the July 24 meeting were some who represent an anti-Megawati faction that includes Meilono and Usman. Both are recent converts to PDI-P. Meilono is a former businessman who went into politics when PDI-P was formed in a challenge to Suharto, while Usman made a brave run against Suharto in the 1998 poll as vice presidential candidate to Sri Bintang Pamungkas. Others, including Sukowaluyo, Noviantika Nasution, Didi Supriyanto and actor Sophan Sophiaan, are known to keep a foot on both sides of the dividing line.

In interviews, Meilono Suwondo and Julius Usman have raised the possibility of a PDI-P special national conference to replace Megawati.

In the July meeting, Sophan Sophiaan was suggested as an appropriate caretaker chairman in the run up to the 2004 general elections for having saved the party's image. Kwik immediately saw this as a threat to his leader.

Reports of the meeting say the dale 24 July was deliberately chosen because most Megawati loyalists, including deputy secretary general Pramono Anung, secretary general Sutjipto and central executive board leader Gunawan Wirosaroyo, were sent to Central Java to secure success for incumbent Governor Mardiyanto in the gubernatorial race.

Pressure for the removal of Syafei and Agnita was the camouflage used by rivals to create a power shift within PDI-P.

Kwik Kian Gie's motives remain unclear. The fact that he foiled the meeting does not mean he sits firmly on the side of the pro status quo group in PDI-P.

If anything, his action demonstrates that he remains first and last a supporter of Megawati. At the same time, he represents the 'conscience' of the party, concerned not with a mere appearance of solidity but daring to speak out when it suits him on issues such as corruption in the party.

Janis and Panigoro are likely to be replaced from their positions as DPR and MPR faction leaders.

Reports of the replacements led to speculation that both were seen as involved in the conspiracy against Megawati.

But Pramono Anung told reporters on Friday (15/8/03) that despite the unconfirmed report that Janis would be replaced by Golkar cadre-turned PDI-P politician Cahyo Kumolo, and Panigoro by another former Golkar member, Jakob Tobing, essentially it is just a rotation.

Pramono said the last regular Tuesday PDI-P meeting had confirmed Janis as a senior leader who would be tasked with coordination of election programs in Sumatra.

Janis himself, following the controversy over the 24 July meeting, has been acting as if nothing has happened with Kwik. Reporting on the readiness of PDI-P cadres to work for 2004 election success, he picked out Kwik's willingness to perform in the regions.

"When Pak Kwik was asked by Ibu Mega about his readiness to go to the regions, Pak Kwik immediately said 'yes, I am ready, commander'," said Janis.

PDI-P leader fired, tension mounts in party

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- A leading figure within President Megawati Soekarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) has been dismissed, fueling tensions within the deeply troubled party.

The party's executive board, led by Megawati, decided to replace the chairman of the party's faction in the House of Representatives, Roy B.B. Janis, with Tjahyo Kumolo during the board's weekly meeting.

Tjahyo, a former member of the Golkar Party that backed former president Soeharto's authoritarian regime, is known to be close to Megawati's husband Taufik Kiemas, an influential legislator.

Reliable source told The Jakarta Post that Roy was replaced due to repeated run ins with Taufik. The discord rose to the surface when Roy opposed the party's decision not to oust Akbar Tandjung as house speaker after he was convicted of his part in stealing Rp 40 billion intended to feed Indonesia's poor.

The second dispute erupted when Megawati ordered the PDI Perjuangan faction not to support the investigation into the controversial purchase of Russian fighter aircraft, which allegedly involved Megawati's inner circle.

Roy's replacement comes just five days after several party figures submitted a no-confidence motion in the party's leadership, saying it had exceeded the party's political platform and mission.

PDI Perjuangan deputy secretary Pramono Anung Wibowo denied increasing internal frictions, saying the "minor" reshuffle was part of efforts to prepare for next year's electoral campaign. "We need all party leaders' support ahead of the election campaign period."

On August 14, two party figures Sophan Sophiaan and Meilono Soewondo sent a letter to the party leadership, expressing their concern over the party's greed for power, which they said had tarnished the party's image. "PDI Perjuangan could not position itself as reformists as it is busy securing its short-term interests...," Meilono stated.

He said that besides failing to act in the interests of the poor, the discredited party had contributed to widening the gap between rich and poor. Sophan quit the party in disgust last year.

Another senior PDI Perjuangan legislator, State Minister of National Development Planning Kwik Kian Gie has labeled his party as Indonesia's most corrupt.

Pramono denied rumors that the party leadership was recalling outspoken legislators, including such as Meilono, Haryanto Taslam, Arifin Panigoro and Julius Usman. "The party has no plan to do so, and will focus on the legislative and presidential elections," Pramono said, adding that Megawati had labeled the no-confidence motion a dream.

According to the party rules, it needs political support from at least two thirds of the party's regional chapters to hold a special congress to reshuffle the party leadership.

Several PDI Perjuangan members have quit the party and established their own party following internal frictions with party leadership.

Eros Djarot, a former close friend of Megawati within PDI Perjuangan, established the Bung Karno Nationalist Party (PNBK) while Dimiaty Hartono, along with Megawati's younger sister Rachmawati Soekarnoputri, set up the Fatherland Fighter Party (Peta).

Panda Nababan was voted as secretary of the PDI Perjuangan faction at the House to replace Tjahyo.

Councillors proposes more allowance for clothes

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- Apparently without a hint of shame, the 85 already wealthy city councillors have proposed an additional allowance for themselves of Rp 985 million (US$115,882), Rp 434.78 million will be used to buy their clothes and other "souvenirs" before their tenures end next year.

The allowance is part of the councillors' proposal for their expenses which will be increased from to Rp 118.19 billion from Rp 117.21 billion this year.

Ironically, at the same time, the council proposed a reduction of Rp 59.4 billion in expenditures for the city health agency from Rp 226.26 billion to Rp 166.92 billion which finances community health centers for 300,000 poor people.

The council's proposal in the revised city budget is currently being discussed between the administration officials and councillors.

If the budget proposal is approved in the next two weeks, each councillors would receive a total income of Rp 115 million per month (about US$ 14,000 per month).

With an additional clothing allowance of Rp 434.78 million, the allowance would be increased to Rp 1.2 billion from Rp 778 million which was allocated earlier this year.

Last year, the councillors received a total income of Rp 78 million per month each. The official minimum wage in the city is Rp 690,000 a month (US $81).

Azas Tigor Nainggolan, chairman of the Jakarta Residents' Forum (Fakta), slammed both the administration and the council which jointly proposed the additional income for themselves for failing to have any concept of the people's interests.

"If there is an allocation of the budget which only benefits the councillors or the administration, you can make the conclusion that it is very possible that there is collusion between them," Tigor told The Jakarta Post.

According to Tigor, the lack of participation by the people in deciding the budget had created the possibility for the officials in the administration and the councillors to collude in enriching themselves.

Separately, City Council Deputy Chairman Chudlary Syafi'i Hadzami defended the additional allowances, saying that was only intended to improve the councillors' welfare. "There is nothing wrong with the additional allowance for the councillors as it is the right of councillor to get lots of new, expensive clothes," Chudlary of The United Development Party (PPP) told journalists at his office on Tuesday.

Chairwoman of Commission C for financial and budgetary affairs affairs Anna Rudhiantiana said that the additional funding allocation for the councillors was so that they could have a nice, memorable end to their terms. "The councillors need special clothes for all the farewell parties symbolic of their time in the council," Anna of the Golkar Party told the Post on Tuesday, commenting on the Rp 5 million each per month allocated for just their clothes.

The administration and council jointly proposed an increase of Rp 597.44 billion in the current city budget which would amount to Rp 11.65 trillion from Rp 11.04 trillion this year.

Budget for City Council before revision

1. Salary and allowances: Rp 105,426,975,000
2. Other allowances (travel, food): Rp 804,760,000
3. Permanent expense and allowance for Council's leaders and members: Rp 29,530,350,000
4. Other travel/attendance payment: Rp 8,588,580,000
5. Health Rp 1,402,285,000
6. Clothes Rp 778,125,000
7. Official trips Rp 11,000,600,000

Total Rp 117,205,700,000

[Source: The 2003 City Budget]

2004 elections

Reject a president from the New Order parties

Detik.com - August 22, 2003

Maryadi, Jakarta -- The Committee to Guard against the New Order (Komite Waspada Orde Baru, KWOB) has put forward 10 conditions for presidential candidates for the period 2004-2009. One of the conditions is that a presidential candidate does not come from one of the New Order [regime of former President Suharto] political parties.

This was stated by KWOB presidium chairperson Judil Herry in a press release which was received by Detik.com in Jakarta on Friday (22/8).

According to Judil, the New Order political parties are the [former state ruling party during the Suharto era] Golkar party, the United Development Party [of Vice-president Hamzah Haz] and the Indonesian Democratic Party [of President Megawati Sukarnoputri]. "[Acceptable] presidential candidates are also those who have never held office as a parliamentary leader or a government official during the New Order period", he said.

Judil said that the other conditions were presidential candidates who had committed human rights violations, people who oversaw the implementation of P4 [propagation and implementation of the New Order state ideology of Pancasila] and questionable bank owners. "Presidential candidates should also not be convicted political prisoners who have apologised to Suharto [ie accepted an offer of amnesty by Suharto under the condition that they acknowledge their guilt] and have never conducted joint business with the Cendana [Suharto's residence] family, he affirmed.

Golkar presidential candidates a problem

Judil also said that the majority of presidential candidates from the Golkar party who attended the [recent] conference [to select presidential candidates for the 2004 elections] are questionable people. Judil noted that the 19 candidates had fulfilled the conditions to be rejected as presidential candidates.

Those who fulfill this criteria [to be rejected as a presidential candidate] are [former armed forces chief] Wiranto, [Golkar chairperson and parliamentary speaker] Akbar Tandjung, [Golkar leader and former minister of labour] Theo L Sambuaga, [actor] Anwar Fuady, [former Golkar legislator and media tycoon] Surya Paloh, [Golkar deputy leader] Marwah Daud Ibrahim, [former Golkar legislator and businessperson] Kemala Motik, [Yogyakarta Governor] Sultan Hamengkubowono X, [Suharto's son-in-law and former commander of the Army Strategic Reserve Command] Prabowo Subianto, [Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare and Golkar member] Jusuf Kalla, [Suharto crony and head of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry] Abu Rizal Bakrie, [Suharto crony and artist] Setiawan Djodi, [former Free Riau Movement activist and member of the Regional Advisory Council] Tabrani Rab, [former Justice Minister and Golkar official] Muladi, [former Women's Minister] Tuty Awaliyah and [Golkar member and former deputy head of the Supreme Audit Agency] Rivai Siata. "Three of these people are owners with questionable obligations [to the state], two were business cronies of Suharto and a convicted criminal in a corruption case", he affirmed. (mar)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

KPU allocates 550 House seats for 32 provinces

Jakarta Post - August 22, 2003

Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- The General Elections Commission (KPU) announced on Thursday the allocation of 550 seats of the House of Representatives for 30 provinces with five new provinces securing at least three seats through the 2004 legislative elections.

KPU chairman Nazaruddin Syamsuddin said that the KPU was somewhat late in allocating the seats, as it had to be accurate in the counting because the issue was a sensitive one. "We must be accurate in determining the seat allocation. That is why it was announced late," he said in a press conference after the commission's plenary meeting. Based on its own schedule, the KPU should have announced the allocation of the House seats early last month.

KPU member Anas Purbaningrum said the KPU conducted a study with a lengthy dialog to ensure a fair distribution of the 550 House seats for all provinces.

The distribution of the House seats is based on the quota and the population size as stipulated in Law No. 12/2003 on general elections.

According to the law, the provinces with a bigger population have a maximum quota of 425,000 people per seat while the provinces with a smaller population have a minimum quota of 3,245,000 people per seat.

The law also stipulates that each province must have a similar number of seats as it obtained in the 1999 elections and new provinces -- Riau Islands and West Irian Jaya -- are allotted at least with three seats. According to the KPU, Anas said, a combination of new provinces and their mother province would obtain a similar number of seats to those of the mother province in the 1999 election.

Based on this assumption, if the mother province had seven seats in the 1999 elections a new province may obtain three seats from its mother province, he said.

For example, Gorontalo which was separated from its mother province of North Sulawesi, would take three seats of the seven seats obtained by North Sulawesi in the last elections.

This method also applies to the other new provinces of Banten, Riau islands, Bangka Belitung, North Maluku and West Irian Jaya, he said.

Anas explained that the KPU calculated the quota of each province based on the 1999 seats, resulting in eight provinces with a quota of less than 325,000 per seat, nine provinces that have a quota of between 325,000 and 425,000 per seat, and 15 provinces with a quota of over 425,000 per seat, Anas said.

The eight provinces with a quota of less than 325,000 are West Sumatra, South Kalimantan, Gorontalo, East Nusa Tenggara, North Maluku, West Irian Jaya and Papua.

The nine provinces with a quota of between 325,000 and 425,000 are Aceh, Bengkulu, Riau islands, Bangka and Belitung, Bali, East Kalimantan, South Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi, and Maluku.

"With such a calculation 17 provinces will obtain a total of 134 seats and the 15 others will get 416 seats," he said.

The remaining 15 provinces are North Sumatra, Riau, Jambi, South Sumatra, Lampung, Jakarta, West Java, Banten, Central Java, Yogyakarta, East Java, West Nusa Tenggara, West Kalimantan, North Sulawesi, and Central Sulawesi.

Regarding the seat allocation for the two newly formed provinces of Riau islands and West Irian Jaya, KPU deputy chairman Ramlan Surbakti said the KPU had referred to the recent letter of Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno who said the two new provinces already had a functioning administration.

"We will only recognize new provinces if the provinces have been established by law and they already have administrations," he said.

The government has not yet appointed acting governors for the two new provinces although their administration has already been established.

Electoral district to have between six to 12 seats

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The General Elections Commission (KPU) decided on Tuesday that an electoral district for the regional legislative councils (DPRDs) in regencies and provinces would have on average six to 12 seats.

KPU deputy chairman Ramlan Surbakti told reporters the districting decision would be applied in a flexible manner, given the fact that the country's population was not evenly distributed. In a less populated area, each seat would represent 325,000 people while in a densely populated area one seat would represent 425,000 people, Ramlan said.

Based on this, some administrative areas would have to merge to form an electoral district to meet the minimum requirements of the population of 1,950,000.

Ramlan acknowledged that the new system would certainly spark confusion among people as not all of the district administrations would have representatives in the legislature.

"This will be the duty of KPU to explain to people at the grassroots level that an electoral district does not represent an administrative entity," Ramlan said after a KPU meeting.

In the past, an electoral district was associated with an administrative entity of regency or district.

The elections law stipulates that each electoral district will have an allocation of between three and 12 seats, with an electoral district covering a regency or a district or a merger of regencies or districts.

Deputy director of the Center for Electoral Reform (CETRO) Hadar N. Gumay hailed the KPU decision, saying it would improve the quality of representation of the elected legislative members. Hadar suggested that if possible the allocation of seats be pushed to 12 seats for every electoral district.

"The more the number of seats in every electoral district, the bigger the opportunity for people's representation and in particular women's representation," Hadar told The Jakarta Post. He added that the decision would also give more room to small or newly-formed political parties to contest seats at regional level.

Ramlan said the districting decision would also reduce the number of electoral districts compared to that in the past, therefore lightening the work of the KPU, especially in the distribution of ballot papers.

He said the KPU had decided not to strictly follow the elections law regarding the districting for fear that it would spark problems in the field.

The KPU had earlier categorized electoral districts into three groups: Small electoral districts that will have between three to five seats, middle electoral districts with six to eight seats, and big electoral districts with nine to 12 seats.

The KPU will regroup on Wednesday to decide on electoral districts in the election of House of Representatives legislators.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Hundreds demand answers to allegations of fixed election

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

Wahyoe Boediwardhana, Denpasar -- Around 700 people staged a protest here on Tuesday to demand that the Bali legislative council and the central government postpone swearing in the reelected governor of the resort island, following allegations of bribery during the gubernatorial election.

"We ask President Megawati Soekarnoputri not to turn a blind eye and deaf ear to this problem," protest coordinator Nyoman Sunartha said.

Sunartha, who also chairs the Bali chapter of the Indonesian Hindu Youth Association (PHI), had earlier filed a civil suit at the Denpasar Administrative Court urging it to revoke the electoral result.

In response, the court issued a letter on August 15, ordering the council to postpone the inauguration of governor-elect Dewa Made Beratha until the legal process of the case was completed.

The protesters, who arrived in at least 40 cars, swiftly entered the council building, demanding a direct meeting with council speaker Ida Bagus Putu Wesnawa, who is also chairman of the Bali chapter of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan).

Unfortunately, Wesnawa had left for Jakarta, and the protesters were instead received by four PDI councillors -- I Gusti Ngurah Gde Surya, Beratha Wiryadana, Made Poniti and Wayan Sutika.

With the blatant backing of PDI Perjuangan and party chairwoman Megawati, Beratha won the gubernatorial election on August 6, garnering 31 out of 55 votes.

Several days later, PDI Perjuangan councillors Pande Gde Soebratha and Wayan Nuastha admitted that they and their colleagues had been coerced by the party's top executives to vote for Beratha. In return, each of them were to be given Rp 150 million.

"At around 3 a.m. on August 6, PDI Perjuangan-Bali treasurer I.B. Manuaba and party faction treasurer Beratha Wiryadana entered my room and gave me a traveler's check worth Rp 50 million. The rest of the payback is be given after the election," Nuastha said.

Gde Surya admitted that all 39 members of the PDI Perjuangan faction had received traveler's checks.

However, he said the money was not intended to bribe them, as it was to used to finance consolidation efforts ahead of the 2004 general elections.

Earlier, the PDI Perjuangan faction had issued a similar denial. Faction chairman Usdek Maharipa claimed the money came from the coffers of the party's central board and that Dewa Beratha had absolutely nothing to do with it.

Disappointed, the protesters then forced the councillors to sign a letter in support of their request for the postponement of Beratha's inauguration. Poniti and Sutika agreed to give their signatures, but Surya and Wiryadana refused to do the same.

After Surya and Beratha left at the escort of police officers, the protesters dispersed gradually at around 12:30 p.m.

Media/press freedom

Media boom prompts quality, freedom concerns

Radio Australia - August 21, 2003

An Indonesian newspaper editor is facing criminal charges after comparing President Megawati Sukarnoputri as a cannibal and leech. The editor of the tabloid-style Rakyat Merdeka is charged with insulting the President, a charge which attracts a possible six year jail sentence. The trial has prompted concerns of a return to the days of government control.

Presenter/Interviewer: Sonya De Masi

Speakers: Supratman, editor Rakyat Merdeka; Andreas Harsono, managing editor Pantau; Aristides Katoppo, publisher Sinar Harapan

De Masi: Supratman, the 34-year-old editor of the tabloid-style daily newspaper Rakyat Merdeka says he's done nothing wrong and is prepared to go to jail in what he describes as a political trial. Central to the issue are four colourful headlines critical of the President; one likening her to a leech, another to a celebrated Javanese cannibal who had recently been in the news. A third implied the President was above mixing with the "common people", or battlers and another said her mouth reeks of diesel, in a pointed reference to the petrol station interests owned by her husband. All were published in January and February this year, when the government announced controversial plans to raise the cost of fuel, electricity and basic food items.

Supratman says the comments were quotes from protestors who at the time were demonstrating daily against the government.

Supratman: It's not our opinion, our illusion, or our fabrication, it's what people were saying and we quoted them and therefore it's not intended as an insult, but as criticism. It's not an insult because it's incumbent on the media to exercise social control.

De Masi: The charge of insulting the President was once used against President Megawati's father, Indonesia's founder Sukarno, during his fight for independence from the Dutch in the 1930's and 40's. Later, former President Suharto frequently muzzled and imprisoned media critics during his three decades in power.

Indonesia's press has since earned a reputation for being one of Asia's most unrestricted ... prompting concerns the government will try and make an example of Supratman to discourage other editors from taking his lead. Andreas Harsono is the managing editor of the monthly Pantau media and journalism magazine.

Harsono: I agree that the charges against some editors like now, not only Rakyat Merdeka but also Tempo, Kompas and the others, might be a bad precedent. It might affect media freedom in Indonesia, I totally agree with that.

De Masi: In the four years since the fall of Suharto, there has been a media boom, from 250 newspapers to more than 700 across the country, from around six thousand working journalists to more than 22-thousand. Andreas Harsono says in this highly competitive environment, the media often fails to practise self-restraint or always adhere to the highest possible journalistic standards.

Harsono: The question is who trains these journalists. Who trains their editors? In South-East Sulawesi a reporter told me he has to write the minimum quota of 90 news reports every month, he has to write more than two news reports every day. You can imagine the quality of the news reporting, that's why it's not surprising if the news reports are not correct, are troublsesome, biased or whatever.

De Masi: Aristides Katoppo is the publisher of the daily newspaper, Sinar Harapan, which was shut down by Suharto's New Order regime in 1988. He says the law is clear about defamation and libel, and editor Supratman at least will have the benefit of a trial to have his case heard.

Katoppo: The press is not above the law. I think any party who feels aggrieved has the right to appeal to a court of justice. There are three key elements that must be fulfilled. One; accuracy or factuality of what has been reported, two; it's in the public interest, three; there's no malice. Now in the case of a public figure I think the case of public interest is not so hard to define.

De Masi: Rakyat Merdeka editor, Supratman, says the tone of his newspaper is tailored to his readership, who value the direct style of his reporters. He admits his paper's reporting has been strong, but says it was factual, and the headlines in question appeared at a time when community passions were running high. Supratman acknowledges the concerns of his peers, but says the charges will be vigorously defended

Supratman: We are very appreciative of the remarks by our friends, but they also have to bear in mind the world is not static, it develops, and you have to bear in mind the context. What we are doing is exercising social control which may be regarded by others as too strong, but we have to think about the context. It's something we had to do.

Human rights/law

Class action against military emergency in Aceh adjourned

Detik.com - August 20, 2003

Maryadi, Jakarta -- A class action by the People's Lawyers Union (Serikat Pengacara Rakyat, SPR) against President Megawati Sukarnoputri over the declaration of a military emergency in Aceh has been adjourned again. The adjournment, the second one [since the action was launched], was because neither the defendant or their legal council were present.

The decision to adjourn the hearing was taken by a panel of judges presided over by Panusunan Harahap on Wednesday (20/8) at the Central Jakarta state court, after waiting until around 1.20pm. The defendant's legal council also failed to appear.

During the hearing which continued briefly, SBR was able to present a request that the panel of judges deliver a verstek [default judgment], that is a decision that the suit can be read and admitted without the defendant being present.

The panel of judges however rejected the request on the grounds that they would give the defendant another opportunity to appear before the court. The case will re-adjourned on September 8.

The SPR team, lead by Habiburokhman and Sri Bintang Pamungkas, launched the class action against the First defendant, President Megawati, the Second defendant, armed forces chief General Endriartono Sutarto and the Third defendant, the chairperson of the People's Representative Assembly, Akbar Tandjung, over Presidential Decree Number 28/2003 which declared a military emergency in Aceh.

The plaintiffs [in the case] considered that the declaration of a military emergency represents an illegal act because it has resulted in misery, fear and has consumed may victims, both civilians and military. Aside from this, the implementation of the military emergency will devour a large amount of funds from the state and regional administration budget.

Therefore the plaintiffs demanded that the decree be revoked and that the defendant return all of the funds for the military operation in Aceh. The defendant, was also asked to apologize to the plaintiffs [the people of Aceh] in nine national media outlets including the print media, television and internet, and pay compensation to the families of the victims [of the military operation].

This was the second adjournment. The first hearing on Thursday August 4 was also adjourned because the defendant's legal council failed to appear. (gtp)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Indonesia establishes constitutional court

Jakarta Post - August 18, 2003

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri installed on Saturday nine judges to the bench of the newly created Constitutional Court.

In a ceremony attended by high-level officials at the State Palace, the nine judges, all prominent figures in the field of law, were sworn in by the President.

The nine judges were nominated by the government, the House of Representatives and the Supreme Court. They are Achmad Syarifuddin, Mukti Fadjar, Haryono, Jimly Asshiddique, Achmad Rustandi, I Dewa Palguna, Laica Marzuki, Sudarsono and Muarar Siahaan. With the installment of the judges, the Constitutional Court officially takes over the judicial review authority from the Supreme Court. It is also ready to hear other cases dealing with the Constitution.

"The public should have no doubt about us. We promise to be independent in settling cases between state institutions," Jimly said after the ceremony.

The Constitutional Court was established officially several days after the President enacted the law on the court. The bill, which was deliberated by the House for one and half months, was endorsed by the House last week.

The Constitutional Court is directed by the Constitution to conduct judicial reviews and settle cases where the president is considered to have violated the law.

There are worries the political affiliations of the judges could influence the court's decisions, especially as regards cases involving the president. Jimly, who is affiliated with the Golkar Party, denied politics would color the court's decisions.

Two judges, Haryono and Palguna, are affiliated with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), the largest party in the country, while Rustandi was proposed by the United Development Party (PPP).

Jimly said the nine judges would hold their maiden meeting as soon as possible to elect a chief judge and to resolve any technical matters. "We will also have a meeting with the Supreme Court, which used to handle judicial reviews," he said.

The Constitution required the country to have a Constitutional Court up and running before August 17 this year.

Laica Marzuki, one of three judges nominated by the Supreme Court, had been receiving treatment for respiratory problems at a Jakarta hospital. He left the hospital for several hours to attend the ceremony at the State Palace.

A team of doctor and nurses were standing by during the ceremony, along with an oxygen tank, in case Laica fell ill. "We are so worried, he should not leave the hospital," one of the nurses said. The team took Laica back to the hospital as soon as the ceremony was over.

Most of the Cabinet, House of Representative Speaker Akbar Tandjung and other official were among the attendees at the ceremony.

News & issues

Take care when reading President Megawati's lips

Jakarta Post - August 22, 2003

Kornelius Purba, Jakarta -- People in Papua and Aceh need to learn from Americans about the proper way of "reading" their leaders' lips.

As a campaign gimmick to convince voters that he would not raise taxes when he was elected, US president, George Bush Sr. became famous for his trademark phrase "Read my lips" in 1988. Later he also used a popular song with the theme Don't worry, be happy. Bush Sr. however, failed to fulfill his tax promise.

If we compare President Megawati Soekarnoputri's statements delivered to the people in the rebellious provinces of Papua and Aceh, we can quickly conclude that we too should be much more careful when reading her lips. But unlike Americans who may be more skeptical and take campaign slogans with a grain of salt, Papuans are among those who remember the promises, especially if it is made by the highest authority in the land, the President, and so they will keep waiting for that promise to be fulfilled -- and likely get very upset and continue making demands when they realize they have been cheated.

In her Christmas message to the Papuan people in 2001, just one month after she endorsed Law No. 21 on Special Autonomy for Papua, Megawati commented: "I believe that when the special autonomy is seriously and wholeheartedly implemented, the dream of the Indonesian nation, especially the Papuan people, can be realized." Shortly after her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) won the general elections, on July 29, 1999 The Jakarta Post reported that Megawati broke down in tears when she said she would do her best to stop violence in Aceh.

"When I lead the country, I will not let a single drop of blood touch Aceh's soil," Megawati said. "I will give all my love and your Arun [gas field] back so that Acehnese can enjoy their beautiful land," she said, referring to one of the largest and most profitable natural gas fields in the world, in which most of the profits end up in Jakarta or overseas.

How much should a citizen of those two troubled lands rely on such sweet promises? Perhaps the President has forgotten her commitments to them without realizing the risk of making such a huge promise.

The Papuan autonomy law has now virtually become a meaningless piece of paper, because the government made a u-turn and now apparently thinks the law provides fertile ground for the growth of separatism in the province and thus a threat to the unitary state of Indonesia. This Sunday, Central Irian Jaya province will be born and a later two more will emerge, effectively breaking what is now Papua province into three provinces. In her instruction No. 1 this year, the President ordered the division of the province into three which will also comprise West Irian Jaya and East Irian Jaya. The President has even ignored the name of Papua -- which the Papuan people prefer -- and returned to the old name Irian Jaya.

The President probably believes that the creation of more provinces in the territory will boost efforts to improve prosperity and progress. Maybe she thinks that such a change will also end the Papuans' demands for justice over alleged human rights abuses that have been continuing for decades.

And although the President has clearly betrayed Law No. 21 on Special Autonomy for Papua, there has not been a peep out of our normally vociferous legislators. Describing the law as a final offer for the rebellious province when the House of Representatives passed the bill in 2001, now the House pretends not to know what the government, specifically, Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno, is doing in Papua.

On paper, the government looks very generous in providing autonomy for the country's easternmost province, like its gesture to Aceh legalized by Law No. 8/2001 on the latter's special autonomy. The benefits that the people of Papua were supposed to enjoy was that they would get to have an indigenous Papuan as their governor and the appointments of provincial police chief and head prosecutor must get prior approval from the governor, thus hopefully ensuring that the Papuans get leaders that they approve of and respect.

In reality, however, both the Papuans and the Acehnese were only promised these benefits, but most of them have never been delivered.

The East Timorese were actually the first unhappy citizens who were promised special autonomy. But they are clearly luckier than the people in the above two provinces, because the United Nations had never recognized Indonesia's claim on the tiny territory, while Aceh was recognized as part of Indonesia since its independence in 1945, and Papua/Irian Jaya generally has been recognized since the 1960s.

Upset that his offer to grant special autonomy did not receive an enthusiastic response from the East Timorese as he expected, then president B.J. Habibie hastily agreed to what amounted to an independence referendum in the territory. At that time Habibie and all the president's men firmly believed that the East Timorese loved Indonesia so much that they would vote for his special autonomy offer, not independence -- hence many were shocked with the referendum result (about 80 percent voted for independence) leading to a free East Timor.

As for the Papuans, while they now show strong signs of acceptance of the promise of autonomy, the government has conveniently forgotten the existence of the autonomy law.

The special autonomy laws for Aceh and Papua are the product of the current legislature, with the full involvement of President Megawati in their deliberation. Former president Soeharto cannot be blamed for these laws along with all other things that he is blamed for -- he was not the one offering the candy, even though most of the alleged human rights abuses occurred on his watch.

People in the two provinces may now be at a loss as to whom their complaints should be addressed to and who is still concerned about their plight. Perhaps they could just write: To whom it may concern.

Jakarta plays footsie with Suharto

Asia Times - August 19, 2003

Richard S Ehrlich, Jakarta -- Former Indonesian president Suharto, safe from prosecution for allegedly embezzling millions of dollars during his 32-year-long, US-backed regime, has decided to give something away for free.

Shrouded in secrecy and officially suffering "dementia", the ex- dictator agreed to provide a sample of his footprints, to be enshrined alongside the undersole impressions of other Indonesian presidents and officials in a government-installed downtown Jakarta display. Local media compared the political walkway to the showcasing of famous actors' handprints set in cement on Hollywood Boulevard in California.

Above the ankles, Suharto has remained mostly unseen by the outside world and was expected to continue hiding at his comfortable home, until he dies.

Below his ankles, however, Suharto possessed something the Indonesian government craved so much that several officials pilgrimaged to his Jakarta house on a hot, smoggy Thursday morning last week, hoping the disgraced leader would comply.

Suharto, 82, is widely hated for allowing his adult children and other relatives and friends to grow spectacularly wealthy while he manipulated US aid, the domestic economy, a Byzantine system of "contributions" and other lucrative income.

Unwilling to put him on trial after he was diagnosed as mentally unstable, the government is now happy to play footsie with Suharto instead.

"He is old, but he looks very fresh," Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso told reporters upon emerging from Suharto's home on leafy Cendana Street, accompanied by two workers who took an imprint of Suharto's feet.

In his meeting with the governor, Suharto, a widower, was accompanied by his eldest daughter Siti "Tutut" Hardiyanti Rukmana, now in her mid-50s, along with former minister of justice Ismail Saleh and former state secretary Saadilah Mursjid.

Five years ago, when Suharto was ousted from power, his daughter Tutut was minister of social affairs and said to be worth an estimated US$2 billion through her investments in more than 100 companies including Bank Central Asia, telecommunications, domestic airlines, a pulp and paper mill, plus the toll booths which punctuate highways in and around Jakarta.

On May 21, 1998, she appeared stern-faced, standing next to her father while he reluctantly announced his resignation in a televised speech. Suharto was toppled during student-led street riots that left 500-1,000 people dead.

Sutiyoso was reluctant to discuss Suharto's mental condition and said his visit on Thursday was simply to get the former president's footprints.

The prints will soon be permanently installed in pavement at the edge of Jakarta's revered Freedom Square -- which is adorned by the National Monument -- across from the white, cake-like Presidential Palace from where Suharto once reigned.

Other Indonesian presidents, including current leader Megawati Sukarnoputri, the virtually blind Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, Bacharuddin J Habibie and Megawati's late father Sukarno, will also have their footprints in the pavement.

Megawati's prints were taken on June 5 along with those of Sutiyoso, because the walkway will include the capital's current and former governors on the opposite side of Freedom Square, across from City Hall. Other notable personalities will also have impressions of their feet on display.

Indonesians currently enjoy much greater freedom compared with the repressive rule of Suharto, but widespread poverty and a resurgence by the military into political life has made many people cynical of the "reforms" which were supposed to evolve after Suharto's downfall.

This Southeast Asian nation "seems to be adrift with uncertainty, and the national leadership is beset by internal squabbling among a political elite that blatantly displays its greed", lamented the Jakarta Post in its editorial last Friday. In 2000, judges halted a trial into Suharto's alleged embezzlement of $570 million after agreeing with doctors who said he was suffering "dementia" and would be mentally unable to provide truthful testimony or coherent memories.

Before the nationally televised trial was stopped, doctors showed computer imagery of Suharto's diseased brain to reveal damage by strokes and heart disease and his answers to a "dementia questionnaire". They also presented childish drawings Suharto made for the doctors when asked to draw everyday items, such as a flower, a house and a clock.

Wahid has estimated Suharto's family fortune at a whopping $45 billion. Other investigators said the family was worth only $15 billion, but suspected most of it was embezzled or snatched through corrupt, monopolistic contracts during Suharto's reign.

Over the years, doctors have fitted Suharto with a pacemaker during heart surgery and treated him for strokes, low blood pressure, breathing and urinary problems.

In July 2002, his younger son Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra was jailed for 15 years for masterminding the assassination of a judge. The judge was killed after sentencing Tommy for corruption, possession of weapons and evading justice.

Security minister warns of reformative excesses

Jakarta Post - August 20, 2003

A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- Despite some progress, the top security minister warned on Tuesday against the reform movement's excesses, saying the poor management of reform could lead to separatism, social disorder and political instability.

"We have been undergoing major social changes and political reconstruction in the reform movement over the last five years. We have been largely walking along the right path, but there have been negative excesses that could stifle the process," Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said in a discussion on national reform.

The political discussion held at Gedung Joang 45 in Central Jakarta, was held to commemorate Independence Day and was attended by veterans, politicians, students and journalists.

According to Susilo, there are three main reformative excesses the nation has made: democratic absolutism and human rights, poor decentralization and poor understanding on national security and the defense system.

In regards democratic absolutism and human rights, Susilo supported the reform movement that had given the nation opportunities to correct the path former president Soeharto took in leading the country with an iron fist.

"Throughout the reform era, democracy and freedom of expression have been upheld, the rights of humankind are assured. But, we have noticed that the freedom of expression has sometimes gone beyond reform at the expense of social order and national stability," he said.

Susilo said decentralization under the Regional Autonomy Law had given regions to take greater responsibility of their home affairs, but its implementation had indirectly created a wide gap between regions and between those people living on Java and elsewhere.

In addition, he said, decentralization had also raised exclusivism and sectarianism among regions. Certain resource-rich regions that were mistreated during Soeharto's New Order era had put their own interests above the nation's, thus jeopardizing national unity and nationalism.

Worse, several groups in Aceh and Papua had gone too far, as they had taken up arms to fight for independence from the republic, he said. "The unitary state of Indonesia, established in 1945, must not fall apart because of such negative excesses of decentralization," he warned.

He also regretted that many people had misperceived the roles of the Indonesian Military in national defense and of the National Police in domestic security.

Susilo stressed that under the 1945 Constitution, the military and the police had the same duty to maintain national security and defense. "However, the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) has tasked the military with only handling foreign threats, while security at home has been restricted to the police," said Susilo.

He said this division of roles was wrong, and that both the military and the police should be given the same responsibility to maintain national unity. He was referring to the inclusion of the police in the military, as Soeharto did. The two security forces have become separate entities, as is the case in other democratic countries, as a result of the reform movement.

To avoid reformative excesses, Susilo, who is eyeing the presidency in the 2004 elections, said all parties should establish a common understanding of the national reform agenda in order to create a just and civil society. "The reform movement is our common responsibility. If there is something wrong with the reform process, then we should correct it together," said Susilo.

Political analyst J. Kristiadi shared Susilo's views that there were some flaws in the reform process that needed correction to put the nation on the right path. For example, he said, regional heads such as governors and regents should be directly elected by the people to maintain consistency throughout the political system.

He also criticized the authority of political parties to recall House of Representatives legislators and regional legislators because they had failed to represent their respective parties, and instead represented the aspirations of the people.

Aid & development

Jakarta's nuclear dream

Sydney Morning Herald - August 22, 2003

Matthew Moore, Jakarta -- Indonesia's plans to use nuclear power to meet its spiralling energy demands have been boosted by the Russian Government's approval of a draft agreement allowing it to build nuclear power plants in Indonesia.

Russian news agency Interfax on Tuesday night announced the draft agreement between the Russian and Indonesian governments covering "co-operation in the peaceful usage of nuclear energy".

"The document states that Russia and Indonesia will work together on developing, designing, constructing and operating research reactors and nuclear power plants, including low-capacity nuclear power plants, and pertinent research associated with them," the Interfax statement said.

Although it is the world's biggest natural gas producer, Indonesia has long expressed a desire to build nuclear power plants to meet a power shortage that the World Bank says poses serious threats to the country.

However, there is considerable opposition to nuclear power, especially in the likely location of Java, which is dotted with active volcanoes and is the world's most densely populated island. There were major protests in the mid-1990s when former technology minister Habibie proposed a nuclear power plant on the slopes of an active volcano.

Indonesia is a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Interfax statement stressed it would not have the right to use the nuclear materials and technologies it receives for creating nuclear explosive devices.

Indonesia already has a National Nuclear Energy Agency and has drawn up guidelines on how nuclear power could be generated safely.

Earlier this year Hatta Rajasa, the Indonesian Minister for Research and Technology, said: "We have the capability to build nuclear power plants, and we should." The agreement with Russia is for 10 years, with an extension for a further five years, and it is considered unlikely that any project will be started before 2010. Russia is keen to sell its nuclear technology and is building power plants in Iran, India and China.

In April Indonesia's President Megawati Soekarnoputri visited Russia where she signed a friendship treaty and agreed to buy four Russian fighter aircraft. One idea raised at the time was for Russia to supply Indonesia with a floating nuclear power plant.

Armed forces/police

Military misrule alive and well

Australian Financial Review - August 20, 2003

Andrew Burrell -- So that's it. Indonesia has decided that a grand total of three military men were responsible for the killing spree and destruction in East Timor that captured the world's attention in 1999.

A special tribunal, established by Jakarta only after international outrage, delivered the last of its 18 verdicts this month, sentencing Major-General Adam Damiri, the highest-ranking officer indicted over the carnage, to three years' jail.

It was a surprising finale to the tribunal's 18 months of hearings. Hours earlier, a smiling Damiri strutted into court looking supremely confident he would be acquitted. After all, his inept prosecutors had already urged the judges to drop all charges, citing lack of evidence. The judges stared down the request and an irate Damiri, his smirk gone, had to be restrained when he heard the decision.

But Damiri's three-year sentence for crimes against humanity does not actually mean he will serve time.

Under Indonesian law, he remains free (and is serving in the military operation in another separatist hot spot, Aceh) pending an appeal, which most observers reckon will see the conviction quietly overturned.

The tribunal is widely considered a sham. Of the 18 indicted, just three military officers, two civilians and a police officer were convicted over the military-backed violence that left more than 1000 dead and most of East Timor's infrastructure destroyed.

None of those found guilty, including notorious militia leader Eurico Gueterres, who received the heaviest penalty of 10 years' jail, has yet been punished. The court also failed to pursue several generals, including then military commander Wiranto, which gave rise to claims that it was being used as a tool to protect the powerful.

The Damiri verdict was handed down a fortnight ago but was totally overshadowed by the bombing an hour earlier of Jakarta's Marriott hotel. Ever since, the local and global airwaves have been dominated by Indonesia's terrorist atrocities, rather than the largely forgotten slaughter in East Timor.

However, the court's failure to deliver justice sends an equally dangerous message to the world about Indonesia's inability to reform its key institutions. It is yet another stark reminder of the military's impunity.

This would normally worry other countries. Instead, Australia is about to resume ties with the military's feared Kopassus special forces -- the troops behind much of the East Timor bloodshed -- in the name of fighting terrorism.

Not much is likely to improve soon in this regard, either. President Megawati Soekarnoputri now finds herself heavily reliant on the military to deal with both terrorism and separatism, the two biggest threats facing the country. She also seems dangerously indebted to the top military for the role they played in elevating her to power in 2001.

No wonder little hope is held out for justice to be done in the case of another largely forgotten tragedy, the Tanjung Priok massacre of 1984, which the same human rights tribunal will soon start hearing.

Fourteen active and retired military officers will stand trial over the incident, in which soldiers opened fire on hundreds of Muslim protesters in the port district of north Jakarta. But the then Jakarta military chief (and later vice-president) Try Sutrisno, and the national military commander, Benny Moerdani, are not among those charged.

And then there's the so-called Black Saturday incident of July 27, 1996 -- the attack by military-backed thugs on Megawati's party headquarters when she was opposition leader. Five Megawati supporters were killed and 23 went missing in the crackdown, ordered by president Soeharto because he felt threatened by Megawati's rising popularity.

The raid allegedly took place under the close eye of Jakarta military commander Sutiyoso, who has gone on to become the city's governor, with Megawati's backing. Another top general believed to have had a role in planning the crackdown was Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who these days enjoys a statesmanlike image as Megawati's senior security minister.

Megawati's outspoken calls for justice after the attack helped cultivate her status as a champion of the underdog, which eventually propelled her to the presidency. But she no longer seeks those who ordered the assault, and last month skipped an anniversary service for her dead supporters.

Five suspects went on trial this month for the July 27 bloodshed but they are mere footsoldiers of the operation. Two of them are former military aides to Sutiyoso, and three are civilians.

Sadly, this culture of military impunity is not confined to the past. It was also evident in April when seven Kopassus soldiers were convicted of causing the death of Papuan independence leader Theys Eluay, without attempts to ascertain ultimate accountability.

Kopassus troops are also strongly suspected of involvement in the murder of three teachers, including two Americans, in an ambush near the Freeport mine in Papua last year. In Aceh, questions linger over dozens, possibly hundreds, of civilian killings by the military.

All of this gives the lie to arguments that Indonesia's army has somehow fundamentally changed its brutal ways. And it is surely something Australia should ponder before it cosies up to Kopassus.

Military ties

Indonesia praises Aussie links

Agence France Presse - August 20, 2003

Indonesia's army chief today welcomed Australian plans to resume links with an Indonesian special forces unit which has been implicated in abuses in East Timor and elsewhere.

General Ryamizard Ryacudu described the restoration of links between the Kopassus special forces and Australian troops as "important," the state Antara news agency reported.

Ryacudu said Kopassus chief Major General Sriyanto would visit Australia next month to look into the possibility of resuming ties. Australia stopped joint training exercises after the Indonesian military was implicated in militia atrocities during East Timor's bloody breakaway from Jakarta in 1999.

But Australia's defence chief Peter Cosgrove said this month that resumption of ties with Kopassus was a necessary part of the regional war against terrorism.

Cosgrove said Kopassus was the major counter terrorism force in Indonesia, meaning his troops had to have some contact with it, even if in a strictly limited capacity.

"We're saying that we should focus on the here and now and what is very necessary for the safety of our people and Indonesian people," he said. "We should collaborate strictly in those areas where we can all agree that it would be folly if we didn't have some relationship and some arrangement to help save lives."

Opposition Labor foreign affairs spokesman Kevin Rudd has called on Defence Minister Robert Hill to explain why the government did not announce the move. He said he had serious concerns about what he termed Kopassus's historical ties with paramilitary and terrorist groups.

No cooperation with Jakarta's terror gangs!

Green Left Weekly Editorial - August 20, 2003

Canberra's moves to resume military cooperation with Jakarta, especially with the quasi-state-terror gang Kopassus, in the name of the "war on terror", should strongly be opposed by all those who support the democratic rights of the workers and peasants of Indonesia.

The Labor Party colluded with the Howard government in the Senate on August 14 to block a Greens' resolution calling for the cancellation of any move by the Australian Defence Force (ADF) to resume cooperation with Kopassus. With this evidence once again of the policy convergence of both major parties, the campaign to end such military ties will need to be fought outside of Australia's parliamentary chambers.

The bomb blast outside Jakarta's Marriott Hotel on August 5, and warnings of imminent terrorist attacks in Indonesia against Australian tourists and business interests, have been used to justify the ADF's resumption of cooperation with what is painted as Indonesia's only capable "anti-terrorist" fighting force, Kopassus.

According to defence analyst Alain Dupont, Australian military officers were likely to be placed as "liaison officers" at Kopassus headquarters in Jakarta. Kopassus would also be permitted to observe the Australian SAS "anti-terrorist" unit training in Perth, a short step away from taking part in joint military exercises.

Kopassus is implicated in the killing of West Papuan leader Theys Eluay and is being investigated by the Indonesian police and US Federal Bureau of Investigation for its role in the ambush of a convoy of Freeport employees in West Papua last August, in which three people were killed. Pending any charges being laid, the US has for now been forced to withhold US$400,000 in military training funds that it had intended to release to the Indonesian armed forces (TNI).

Washington regrets that it is unable to resume this cooperation right now. Nonetheless, US deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage said on August 12 that the US supported Australia's moves to resume cooperation with Kopassus. Thus Canberra is implementing policies in relation to Jakarta that even the Bush gang finds too politically embarrassing for it to publicly carry out.

Kopassus has also been integrally involved in the funding, training and arming of East Timorese militia gangs which terrorised the East Timorese population after they voted for independence in 1999. Ironically, present ADF chief General Peter Cosgrove, who headed the Australian-led Interfet force that disarmed these militias, now calls for renewed ADF cooperation with Kopassus.

If the Australian government wants to put an end to terror in Indonesia, it needs to examine the internal workings of the forces it wants to cooperate with. The experience of many Indonesians with terror, is that perpetrated by the country's own so-called security forces.

When terror bombs were set off to destabilise President Abdurrahman Wahid's government in 2000-01, Canberra did not move to renew ties with Kopassus -- nor did it send Australian Federal Police officers to investigate.

The wave of killings and terror in Ambon, Aceh and West Papua perpetrated by Laskar Jihad, a Muslim fundamentalist group with links to Kopassus, hardly caused a stir among government ranks in Canberra.

Kopassus was responsible for the "disappearances" of Indonesian pro-democracy activists in 1998. The Indonesian people's fight for democracy is now being threatened by the TNI's moves to shore up its position in Indonesian politics prior to the 2004 election.

By resuming cooperation with Kopassus, the Howard government aims to help strengthen the position of the TNI -- which the Australian imperialist rulers have always regarded as the most reliable Indonesian institution for the defence of their economic interests in Indonesia.

While the "opposition" ALP refused to condemn the resumption of ADF cooperation with Kopassus, shadow foreign minister Kevin Rudd has argued for increased cooperation with the Indonesian National Police. By doing so, Rudd is giving support to the Jakarta ruling elite's phoney separation of the police from the TNI. In reality, just as was the case under the Australian-backed Suharto dictatorship, the police and the military in Indonesia carrying out the same function -- repression, through terror, of the political and economic struggles of working people.

Economy & investment

Indonesia's Bulog rises again

Asia Times - August 23, 2003

Bill Guerin, Jakarta -- Yet another prehensile remnant of the Suharto regime's mismanagement of Indonesia's economy -- Bulog, the national foodstuffs monopoly -- is about to transformed into something hopefully not a piggy bank for whomever is in power. But don't count on it.

Bulog is Badan Urusan Logistic Nasional, a name that just about nobody ever used. For 35 years, as the government-run logistics agency for basic foodstuffs, Bulog usually nourished the elite at the expense of the poor whom it was supposed to feed. It is now to be privatized and turned into a commodities trading giant to engage in a mishmash of new activities -- most of which are light years away from its basic brief of maintaining and strengthening Indonesia's staple food industry and distribution.

As with most government monopolies, it spent most of its existence getting in the way, inducing distortions into the system and raising prices. It may still. Despite International Monetary Fund admonitions to simply wipe it out, it has been turned from a full-blown state agency into a semi-profit-oriented state enterprise, or Perum -- a word about as unlovely as Bulog.

It now has new masters -- the government's ministries of finance and state enterprises. Its new status stipulates that the flow of money ostensibly will no longer be governed by presidential decree as it was under Suharto, but instead by state laws that demand standard accounting.

Suyitno Afandi, a deputy at the Ministry of State-Owned Enterprises, revealed that the agency's commercial activities are now to include hotels, gas stations and hypermarkets. It will also build a central logistics network and operate mills for rice, crude palm oil, wheat, fodder and processed food. Cut loose from state financial support, it is difficult to imagine where the money is to come from for these activities, but the message coming out of the ministries involved is that its new paradigm is that of a profit-oriented state company, equipped to make it more competitive in the international market.

Bulog was established in the late 1960s to purchase and ensure price stability of basic commodities, especially rice. Its profit ostensibly went directly to the government but its status before the changes ensured that there was no financial transparency or accountability. It metastasized into import and distribution monopolies in wheat, sugar, soybean and cooking oil before the IMF clipped its wings in 1998 and scrapped its exclusive rights.

The IMF was aghast at the way Bulog had distorted the market and enriched the rich. The agency topped their hit list of monopolies that had to go. Its exclusive rights were rescinded and it was left to control just rice. Minister of Defense Matori Abdul Djalil has dubbed it a cemetery for politicians. But it is still here and now it is expanding in new directions.

Bulog has been the source of scandal after scandal since the downfall of former President Suharto in 1998. But it wasn't until 2000 that the scale of the pillage started to surface. Worse, it was still going on. That year an Arthur Andersen audit revealed that Bulog had lost some Rp 6.7 trillion (US$794.8 million) between April 1993 and March 1998. The report cited unfavorable business contracts, irregularities and weak supervision.

For most of its existence the agency was a prime source of easy money for the political elite. Financed from the state budget, it accumulated trillions of rupiah from its operations and stored the funds in no less than 116 different accounts. Huge profits, from what was a nonprofit agency, were easily accessed by those with political clout.

In 1999 then president B J Habibie allocated Rp 40 billion from Bulog for a program, supposedly to feed the poor, and tasked Akbar Tanjung, the House of Representatives speaker and chairman of the Golkar Party, which Suharto had once headed, with oversight. The money was channeled through the State Secretariat in 1999, which Tanjung also headed. From there, it went into channels that, like water when it flows underground, never comes up again. Tanjung admitted channeling the money but claimed it was transferred to meet basic needs of the poor during the peak of the economic crisis in 1999. He in turn appointed an unknown Muslim foundation, Raudlatul Jannah, chaired by Dadang Sukandar, a property tycoon, to distribute the sembako (nine basic food items including rice and other staple commodities). They in turn gave the job to a private contractor, Winfried Simatupang.

There have been strong rumors that all three of the country's three largest political parties -- Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) led by President Megawati Sukarnoputri, the United Development Party (PPP) headed by Vice President Hamzah Haz, and Golkar itself -- helped themselves to Bulog funds during the runup to the 1999 general election, and that the only two parties not to have used state funds were the Justice Party (PK) and the Democratic People's Party (PRD)

Golkar was instrumental pressing to investigate ex-president Abdurrahman Wahid over the Bulogate I, the first scandal to come to light and which eventually led to his downfall. This involved the alleged embezzlement of Rp 35 billion from the agency by people close to Wahid. The next scandal was disclosed by Wahid's National Awakening Party faction, a move believed to be political revenge for Wahid's ouster.

That was Bulogate II, which surfaced when former Bulog chief Rahardi Ramelan told prosecutors he gave Rp 40 billion, for the food relief program, Rp 10 billion to former defense minister/military commander Wiranto to fund civilian security units, and Rp 4.6 billion to retail chain PT Goro Batari Sakti (owned by Suharto's youngest son, Tommy).

There is no evidence any food was ever delivered. After Tanjung had been charged, but before the trial began, Simatupang returned all the money to prosecutors. He later admitted to the court that returning the money to the state was based on "good will and an intention to save Akbar Tanjung", and agreed that the project was fictitious.

Prosecutors said the money went into Golkar coffers to finance its campaign in the 1999 general election. Indonesia's law on political parties, though later amended, limited personal donations to a party in excess of Rp 15 million a year, and stipulated a maximum corporate donation of Rp 150 million.

Tanjung awaits the result of an appeal to the Supreme Court. Convicted in August 2002 for misappropriation of Rp 40 billion in Bulog funds, he remains free and hopes to run for president in 2004. Recent changes in the elections law were engineered to allow a felon to run, provided the conviction has not been confirmed by all avenues of appeal.

Bulogate III involved Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, and former Bulog chairman Beddu Amang. Tommy was sentenced to 18 months in jail in November 2000 for his part in a dodgy Rp 5.2 billion land swap with Bulog. He went on the run until being captured in November 2001 and is now serving 15 years for engineering the murder of Supreme Court Judge M Syaifuddin Kartasasmita, who had sentenced him.

Bedung appealed to the Jakarta High Court over his conviction for embezzling Bulog funds only to have his sentence doubled to four years. Even the current president, Megawati, is being linked to the latest embryo scandal over a countertrade transaction to buy four Russian-made Sukhoi jet fighters and two Mi-35 helicopters. Bulog's involvement in the deal is said to have been improper. Minister of Industry and Trade Rini Soewandi tasked Bulog with executing the US$129 million countertrade deal between Indonesia and Russia, though she insists it was the president herself who gave the green light.

Bulog is demanding that the government reimburse its $26 million down payment for the hardware but DPR has barred the government from paying back the money and has set up select committee to investigate how Bulog came to be appointed executor of the deal.

Bulog's 60,000 employees had been bracing for changes as the pressure for reform grew, but could hardly have expected to be cast off from government funding so quickly.

Will Bulog, now emerging from its chrysalis, be free from government intervention? Hardly likely given that the new regulation stipulates that Bulog's new masters can assign any task they choose. Bulog's new status and its plans also beg the question as to whether it will still want to, or be able to, support farmers.

Only a month ago Bulog chief Widjanarko Puspojo had said that the agency would not exceed its brief of maintaining and strengthening the country's staple food industry and distribution network. "Bulog only handles four commodities: soybeans, corn, sugar and rice," he said.

Will Bulog still be interested in giving farmers a better price for their rice? Will the body still supervise and maintain the national food stock? "This is a business plan. The company's future actions will only be determined by profit and loss. You can trust us," Suyitno said.