Aceh

TNI's vicious little war in Aceh - what's really at stake?

Green Left Weekly - July 9, 2003

James Balowski, Jakarta -- The Indonesian military's (TNI) vicious little war against the people in its northern-most province of Aceh is reaching new heights, and new regulations to restrict the media and limit aid groups' and human rights workers' access are making it almost impossible to monitor the situation.

The TNI has launched a campaign of terror and intimidation against human rights activists, more than 4 million civil servants across the country will have to undergo a special screening process to test their loyalty to the so-called Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (KNRI) and scores of civilians and government officials (including members of the Aceh parliament) have been arrested for alleged links to the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

This is the TNI's largest military offensive since the invasion of East Timor in 1975 and is being championed by the government of Megawati Sukarnoputri and the TNI as necessary to "safeguard the nation".

But there is much more at stake in Aceh than the stated aim of "destroying GAM", "restoring security" or defending KNRI. This is the TNI's most ambitious attempt to reassert its political role and to wind back the reforms it was forced to accede to after the overthrow of dictatorship of President Suharto in 1998.

Only a year ago, the military and police had reluctantly agreed to give up their allotment of parliamentary seats, 11 officers were being tried for atrocities committed in East Timor and there were moves to begin dismantling the TNI's territorial command structure.

But during the last few months, these reforms have largely stalled. Diplomats and analysts say the military is holding sway over sensitive policy issues and that there is much less talk about military reform.

A new boldness

This reflects the fact that the political elite -- which is facing a crisis of legitimacy -- is trying to garner military support ahead of the 2004 elections. "No political party wants to risk confrontation with the military by pushing for military reform", Rizal Sukma from the Center for Strategic and International Studies told the June 26 Washington Post.

The TNI has forged a common front with the political elite, Megawati and the parties in parliament, that pivots around preserving KNRI and preventing another "East Timor". Military leaders such as TNI chief General Endriartono Sutarto and army chief General Ryacudu Ryamizard assert that KNRI can only be secured by giving the TNI a greater role in fighting separatism, the "scourge" which they claim will lead to the "Balkanisation" of Indonesia.

The first public sign of this new boldness followed a late February Jakarta "social gathering" of more than 200 serving and retired generals. The main topic at the meeting was "the threats to national unity".

Addressing the media after the meeting, Ryamizard suggested that the TNI's security role should be reinstated because of the threats of separatism and other security disturbances. He went on to say that the TNI would not be withdrawing from its domestic security role.

"When people talk about military professionalism by asking us to return to barracks I don't think they understand what the Indonesian army is about", he said, adding that the concept of a professional army in countries such as the US could not be applied to Indonesia. "We are still dealing with disintegration problems, whereas the US is beyond that", he said.

This was followed in March by an unprecedented meeting of the military's top brass in North Aceh -- a move seen by observers as a nothing less than a show of force. Wearing jungle camouflage uniforms and separated from the rebellious villages beyond by 2000 soldiers, police and barbed wire, this was the army's first annual review outside of Java island in 38 years.

At the time, Aceh was enjoying a rare respite from decades of violence, thanks to a cease-fire agreement (CoHA) signed by the government and GAM in December. An agreement concluded over the military's objections.

"It was a deliberate move by the army commander to show the wishy-washy politicians in Jakarta that the army is the one that would protect the territorial integrity of Indonesia", Juwono Sudarsono, a former defence minister, told the Washington Post. "It was open defiance."

White paper

This was followed by the launch of a white paper on defence strategy in March. Authored by the defence ministry, it describes various threats facing the country including separatist movements, terrorism, piracy, illegal logging and people trafficking, and argues throughout that it is TNI task to "safeguard the nation".

It also included a proposal that would allow the military to carry out emergency operations without the prior approval of the president.

It asserts that as long as such threats remain at a "low-intensity level", they can be handled by the police but the more serious they become, the more incumbent it is on the TNI to deal with them.

In August 2000, the government passed a series of laws giving the police the job of maintaining internal security and restricting the TNI to national defence.

Guardian of the nation

The TNI is determined to maintain its role as the guardian of the nation, not just because it entrenches its political and social role, but because of the financial benefits it reaps through a network of patronage and private enterprises. These networks function best if a level of conflict can be maintained.

The military has a huge range of "business opportunities" including extortion, protection rackets, monopolies on commodity distribution, regulating the massive "informal sector", gambling and prostitution. Military officers control patronage networks that can deliver electoral support or undermine civilian politicians; or they can refuse to act against anti-government protests.

Since their separation, competition between the military and police has at times broken out into open warfare. In one incident on September 29 for example, at least seven officers were killed when hundreds of soldiers laid siege to a police station in North Sumatra after a drug deal went sour.

The white paper says that instead of dismantling the system, it should be retained and extended. Two new military commands were recently established in Aceh and North Maluku, and they are being mooted for West Papua. Some analysts say that regardless of the outcome of the elections, this will ensure that the military remains the most powerful and best organised political institution in the country.

The paper laments the fact that the Acehnese and West Papuan independence struggles have intensified over the last decade and "even won sympathy and support for their causes in other countries". While welcoming CoHA, it stated that the government will pursue that accord by "persuading GAM to return to the fold of the motherland and accepting the framework of KNRI". But should this approach fail, "the government will consider using more effective methods".

The release of the paper coincided with growing criticism of the prospect of a military solution to the Aceh situation by politicians and media commentators, who argue that military repression fuels support for independence, so the growth of GAM in the 1980s was a direct result of TNI operations.

The TNI's desperation to prove that it is needed meant it need to derail CoHA. The top brass ran an all-out open campaign in the media to get support for a war in Aceh, accusing GAM of using the cease-fire to reorganise, recruit and raise funds. It refused to pull troops back to agreed defensive positions and used TNI-backed militia to intimidate and attack the Joint Security Committee overseeing the agreement.

In late April, Jakarta seized on a request by GAM for a two-day postponement of negotiations to call off talks altogether. When negotiations did resume, Jakarta simply sabotaged the process by demanding that GAM renounce its goal of independence and disband. On May 19, Megawati signed the decree declaring Aceh to be under marshal law.

No dissent

This is a future the generals would wish upon other parts of Indonesia -- and that may happen, given the lack of protest or debate. Senior government and military officials are already saying that Papua will be the target of a massive campaign after Aceh.

This lack of dissent is not surprising given the mainstream media. Editorial after editorial has framed its "concerns" in terms of the "unavoidable" or "regrettable" consequence of a necessary and unavoidable war. Compounded with a series of draconian regulations restricting media access and human rights organisations, the officially sanctioned government-TNI view of the war reigns supreme.

There was some initial public dissent. The Justice Party has organised one or two demonstrations and leaders of the two largest Islamic mass organisations and the church have opposed the military operation, but it has mostly been couched in terms of avoiding civilian casualties or urging the government to seek a peaceful solution.

The only organisations that have continued to explicitly challenge the government's policy on Aceh has been the People's Democratic Party and the umbrella organisation SEGERA (People's Solidarity Movement for Aceh). They are also the only groups who have called for a referendum, as the only democratic and peaceful means for the Acehnese people to determine their future.

It is not that a "military coup" is imminent, but there is a very real threat to the political space that has been won by the democratic movement over the last five years. If the military operation in Aceh begins to falter (which it may already be) or fails to achieve its publicly stated goals, their blood-soaked little adventure in may yet trigger a new political crisis around the role of the TNI and the very legitimacy of the Megawati government itself.

EU concerned about access to Aceh after aid worker detained

Agence France Presse - July 11, 2003

The European Union will question the Indonesian government about a "disturbing" lack of access to war-torn Aceh province after one of its aid workers was detained there overnight, a diplomat said.

"It is really disturbing that we face such a situation of access," said Ulrich Eckle, a political counsellor in Jakarta for the EU's executive arm, the European Commission (EC). "I think we will have to take it up with the government," he said, adding that European Union member states would be briefed later Friday.

Eckle told AFP that Karin Michotte, a Belgian aid worker, was taken into custody soon after she arrived in Aceh on Tuesday even though she had an authorisation letter from the social affairs ministry to visit.

"She spent the night in quasi-detention at an immigration facility in a cell," he said. "The door was left open and she could go out and make phone calls but she could not go back to her hotel till the next morning and had to report three or four times to the army.

Aceh was placed under martial law when a major military operation was launched on May 19 against separatist rebels. Eckle said it appeared that local authorities decided what was needed in the way of permits.

He said Michotte had been able to meet some non-governmental organisations and United Nations agencies in Aceh and found "quite a number of disturbing things." "These agencies are effectively cut off, with one or two exceptions, from the people.

"They have to sign papers that they will have no contact with local people, which compromises all professionality, and once they leave [Aceh] they are not allowed to return." Eckle said the restrictions on access were "quite unprecedented." Some UN aid groups were being obliged to travel in army trucks, which was completely against humanitarian rules, he said.

He said Michotte had been unable to assess aid needs and without this it would not be possible to extend aid through the EC Humanitarian Office. "We can't just load relief goods on army trucks, we need to be independent." Eckle said there were indications of humanitarian problems with many people apparently forced from their homes in conflict areas into refugee camps.

He said he had heard there was still a lack of water for washing in the camps and many people with respiratory problems. "If it goes on there might be a risk of epidemics, quite apart from the trauma for families." Indonesia says it is moving civilians for their own safety. Between 30,000 and 40,000 people have left their homes.

An order issued last month by martial law rulers bans foreign tourists from Aceh and severely restricts the operations of foreign aid workers and local and foreign journalists. Some foreign media reports of rights abuses by troops have angered the military.

Humanitarian work lagging in Aceh

Jakarta Post - July 12, 2003

A'an Suryana and Nani Farida, Banda Aceh/Lhokseumawe -- Entering the eighth week of the integrated operation to restore security and order in Aceh, the military offensive has been proceeding far ahead of the humanitarian operation, with eight more alleged rebels killed but more than 42,000 people languishing in worrying conditions in refuge camps in the resource-rich province.

Spokesman for the military operation Lt. Col. Ahmad Yani Basuki said in Lhokseumawe that soldiers on Friday killed nine more rebels in separate clashes in Aceh Jaya, and East and North Aceh regencies, and seized a number of rifles and homemade bombs. This brings the military's version of the rebel death toll to 411 since the military operation was launched on May 19.

Besides, the security authorities also claim to have captured hundreds of suspected rebels, and are "educating" hundreds of others in various regencies to be "loyal and good Indonesian citizens".

Brig. Gen. Johny Wainal, chief of the law enforcement operation in Aceh, said a GAM police official, Marzuki, was shot dead and an Indonesian Police officer was seriously injured in a gunfight in Pekan Bada district, early on Friday.

Besides hunting rebels, the police in Aceh have been interrogating suspected rebels and are now trying to bring to court those charged with treason under the 1959 state emergency law.

Around 40,000 soldiers and 10,000 police personnel have been deployed by the martial law administration to quell the separatist movement, which has been fighting for the territory's independence since 1976.

The military offensive was launched following the failure of the two sides to build peace in accordance with the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement they signed in Geneva on Dec. 9, 2002.

The humanitarian operation to handle the civilians affected by the military offensive has been hampered by a lack of transparency in distributing humanitarian relief to more than 42,000 displaced persons in refuge camps throughout the province.

The government has pledged to handle refugees properly, but has had little to say so far on how the problems resulting from the offensive will be solved. Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla handed over 50 ambulances to the martial law administration and gave assurances that despite certain obstacles the humanitarian operation would continue to improve the people's well-being.

Kalla along with Social Affairs Minister Bachtiar Chamsyah, Minister of Regional Resettlement and Infrastructure Soenarno and Minister of Health Achmad Suyudi was visiting a number of refugee camps in the province.

More than 14,000 Acehnese people are taking refuge in South Aceh regency. The remaining 26,000 are spread throughout Bireuen, Pidie, North, East and West Aceh regencies.

Bachtiar said that the government has allocated Rp 200 billion to support the refugees in the camps while Soenarno pledged to construct 2,000 houses for those whose homes had been burned down. More than 23,500 houses have been burned down over the last two months.

Director general for elementary and secondary education at the Ministry of Education Indra Djadi Sidi said that the government had constructed 22 school buildings during the 2003/2004 academic year.

More than 500 elementary and high school buildings have been burned down, and thousands of students have not been able to complete their 2002/2003 studies because of the war.

The European Commission said that it would question the Indonesian government about a "disturbing" lack of access to Aceh province after one of its aid workers was detained there overnight.

Ulrich Eckle, the European Commission (EC) political counsellor, said in Jakarta on Friday that Karin Michotte, a Belgian, was taken into custody soon after she arrived in Aceh on Tuesday, even though she had an authorization letter from the social affairs ministry to visit.

AFP quoted Eckle as saying that the restrictions on access were "quite unprecedented." Some UN aid groups were being obliged to travel in army trucks which was completely against humanitarian rules, he said.

He said Michotte had been unable to assess aid needs and without this it would not be possible to extend aid through the EC Humanitarian Office. "We can't just load relief goods on army trucks, we need to be independent."

Eckle said there were indications of humanitarian problems with many people apparently forced from their homes in conflict areas into refugee camps. He said he had heard there was still a lack of water for washing in the camps and many people with respiratory problems. "If it goes on there might be a risk of epidemics, quite apart from the trauma for families."

Humanitarian gap between society and political elite

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Max Lane -- On July 11 at the Taman Ismail Marzuki Jakarta Arts Center, more than 30 community, cultural, human rights and other organizations are sponsoring an Aceh Peace Concert. Among these organizations are the Indonesian Forum for Environment (Walhi), the human rights organizations ELSAM, the cultural organizations Satu Merah Panggung, Institut Ungu and political issues oriented groups.

Not only is the sponsorship of this free event very broad but so is the artistic program. Apart from rock and pop groups, and poetry readings by poet and playwright W.S. Rendra, musicians and singers from an Acehnese background, Zulaika and Zelly, will also perform.

The humanitarian organization Indonesian Institute for Pluralism will be collecting blood donations to be sent to Aceh.

The concert represents more than just a humanitarian or social justice cultural event. It points to the existence of a basic and very broad sentiment and sympathy for the suffering of the people of Aceh and a questioning whether a military approach is the best one.

At a press conference members of the Boomerang rock group and the Element pop group earlier expressed the sentiment that war would not settle anything. Other artists said, "The Acehnese are our brothers and sisters". Some of them stated that they hoped the concert will bring a halt to the war in Aceh. These are general sentiments but they express a concrete desire, which may be reflected in the peace resolution planned in the event.

It is not possible that this effort is only some kind of isolated manifestation of such sentiments of sympathy and concern.

These sentiments are expressed in daily conversations; they are also reflected in the media debate, and sometimes protests, over restrictions on reporting developments in Aceh or the alleged abuse of journalists at the hands of the authorities. It also expressed in the regular reporting on the plight of refugees. Some newspapers also report the impact on the war on the daily lives of people: The screening of ID cards; the inspection of houses by armed soldiers; the organizing of loyalty ceremonies for civil servants and so on.

There is little doubt that the Aceh Peace Concert is a genuine symbol of an underlying humanitarian and democratic sentiment of concern regarding the plight of the Acehnese people.

There can also be little doubt that there is a huge gap between this concern among society-at-large and the political stand of the elit politik -- the legislators, government and military authorities. At the political level, there appears to be a total consensus to resolve the situation in Aceh by purely military means.

One aspect of this, as expressed by the military emergency authorities, is the policy of attempting to "separate civilians from the Free Aceh Movement (GAM)". Such a policy implemented as a military operation inevitably means bringing civilians into direct contact with a fearsome entity, bands of armed men. This will always intimidate, frighten and eventually alienate people, no matter how "gently" this might be done.

It is also a frightening prospect that among the whole of the elit politik there are no voices calling for an end to the military operation. One exception is Syafii Ma'arif, the chairman of the Islamic organization Muhammidiyah, who has indeed called for the war to end. But is even more frightening that there is insufficient sympathy and humanitarian concern for anybody in this political elite to look for the causes of the conflict in Aceh.

Why? Why has a small band of maybe 20 guerrillas grown to 5,000? Why has it become necessary (in the eyes of the government anyway) to test even civil servants' loyalty and even that of legislators from political parties close to the national elite? It cannot simply be because GAM is forcing people. No guerrilla movement anywhere in the world has been able to grow without some level of sympathy.

So why has GAM grown? I have not been to Aceh for a long time. The conclusion from what Acehnese are telling me is that there is a desire to escape, not so much from other Indonesians in general, from the political elite and its coercive methods, including its reliance on military methods. All the polls done on political popularity show that the vast majority of Indonesians would like to escape this elit politik. There is hardly an Indonesian political elite figure that can score more than 15 percent in the polls, and that an unenthusiastic 15 percent.

In Aceh, the militarization of politics has forced some Acehnese to resort to military means.

This particular war indeed cannot solve anything. The demilitarization of politics and the creation of an environment where different visions of the future can be struggled over peacefully is the pressing need now. Stopping the military operations is the necessary first step that the Megawati government must take. GAM could respond then by making it clear that it is willing to abide by the will of the Acehnese people in a future democratic decision making process, including if the Acehnese people reject GAM's vision.

The slogan "Unity from Sabang to Merauke", that has always been a part of the freedom movement in Indonesia, as well as the principle of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (unity in diversity) were always a reflection of solidarity between oppressed people. The war in Aceh is a violation of such solidarity. Initiatives such as the Aceh Peace Concert are a more genuine expression of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika than either the military operations period of former president Soeharto or the state of military emergency under President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

[Max Lane is a visiting Fellow, Centre for Asia Pacific Social Transformation Studies (CAPSTRANS), University of Wollongong, Australia.]

Indonesia says drive against separatists will not end soon

New York Times - July 8, 2003

Jane Perlez, Jakarta -- The Indonesian military has now declared that its tough offensive against rebels in the northern province of Aceh, originally supposed to last six months, would last much longer, maybe even 10 years.

That statement Sunday by Gen. Endriartono Sutarto to Indonesian reporters followed the first public rebuke by Washington for Indonesia's conduct of the war, and a meeting between a senior Bush administration official and President Megawati Sukarnoputri in which she was urged to end the nearly 30-year-long conflict.

Washington's public and private diplomacy -- including meetings between the president and a National Security Council official, Karen Brooks, and a meeting between Ms. Brooks and General Endriartono -- appear to have had little impact on the conduct of the military in Aceh.

According to estimates by the Indonesian military, tens of thousands of civilians have been forced from their homes by the army and placed in relocation camps. The number of civilians killed is estimated by the Indonesian police to be about 150. Western officials assert that the civilian death toll is considerably higher.

At a time when the power of the Indonesian military is on the rise again, the United States appears to have little influence among the officers whose cooperation it wants for the campaign against terrorism, Indonesian and Western officials said. The Indonesian police have been the most important force in rounding up suspected terrorists.

Those officials said the Army chief of staff, Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, argued at a recent meeting of his generals that training for Indonesian officers in the United States would be unnecessary, and even counterproductive. According to several accounts, General Ryamizard, who is close to President Megawati and is thus considered the most powerful general in Indonesia, attributes his own success in part precisely to his lack of training in the West.

The Bush administration is trying to persuade the Indonesian military to cooperate with an FBI investigation into the killing of two Americans in the eastern province of Papua last year -- which was the main topic on Ms. Brooks's agenda, according to Indonesian officials. The Indonesian police have said they believe that military units were responsible for the killings. The outcome of the investigation could determine whether Washington proceeds with plans to offer training to Indonesian military officers in the United States. Training was cut off in the mid-1990's after the Clinton administration objected to the military's human rights violations in East Timor.

The war in Aceh is popular in the rest of Indonesia. With the exception of complaints by Indonesia's National Commission on Human Rights, which has said the military appears to be training militia groups of the kind that acted brutally in East Timor in 1999, there have been few objections to the war.

In Aceh itself, fear has silenced dissent. Writing in The Jakarta Post today, Aboeprijadi Santoso, a radio journalist for Radio 68-H, wrote from the Acehnese capital, Banda Aceh, of how only a few villagers were still brave enough to speak out. He quoted one, Farida, as saying: "My brother was a religious teacher, nothing to do with politics. But last night he was taken by men in uniform with guns, speaking Javanese." Farida showed her brother's "brutally murdered" body to reporters before arranging a burial. "However, silence remains the mainstream," Mr. Santoso wrote.

Usman Hamid, the coordinator of Kontras, a leading human rights group, said its office in Banda Aceh closed as soon as the offensive began. The military's tactics made it "too dangerous," for his workers to go out in the field, he said.

With the exception of the State Department rebuke last week, criticism from the United States has been muted for other reasons. By grafting some of the Pentagon's tactics in Iraq onto its own campaign against the separatists, the Indonesians have insulated themselves from criticism, said Sidney Jones, an American analyst who has worked on Indonesian issues for 30 years and is now the director here of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based nongovernmental organization.

The Indonesian government announced that it would build an internment camp for prisoners on an island off Aceh, a plan Ms. Jones likened to the detention of terror suspects at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba. Indonesian reporters are now embedded with military units in Aceh in an arrangement copied directly from the Pentagon's own program for ournalists in Iraq, American and Indonesian officials said.

But the Indonesians have insisted on far more restrictive rules. Indonesian journalists are banned from writing about the rebels, and foreign reporters have effectively been banned from the province.

Refugees reach 48,000 amid intensifying operation

Jakarta Post - July 7, 2003

Jakarta/Lhokseumawe -- The number of Acehnese who have fled their homes has soared to 48,000 as the Indonesian military (TNI) intensifies its operations in the province.

Minister of Social Affairs Bachtiar Chamsyah said on Sunday the number of Acehnese fleeing to makeshift refugee camps had risen from 32,000 at the beginning of last week to 48,000 over the weekend.

"The number of refugees has indeed soared due to the intensifying military operation in areas known as GAM strongholds," Bachtiar was quoted by Antara as saying in Jakarta.

The spokesman for the social affairs office in Aceh, Burhanuddin, said earlier 14,246 people were living in camps in South Aceh, 11,280 in North Aceh and 8,777 in Bireuen.

"An increase in the number of refugees has been seen in North Aceh regency, from 10,566 refugees three days ago to 11,280 on Saturday," he said. Others are taking refuge in Central Aceh, Southwest Aceh, Aceh Tamiang, West Aceh, Aceh Singkil, Southeast Aceh, East Aceh and Aceh Jaya regencies, he said. "Banda Aceh, Aceh Besar and Pidie have so far not seen any refugees," he added.

The number of people seeking refuge peaked at 81,671 immediately after the government launched the so-called integrated operation in the province on May 19 to crack down on the secessionist Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

GAM has been fighting for independence for the resource-rich province since 1976, during which time over 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have been killed.

Minister Bachtiar said he had asked the Aceh social affairs office to provide sufficient food, clean water and tents to accommodate the rising number of refugees. He said the government had Rp 30 billion (US$3.66 million) in food stocks in the North Sumatra capital of Medan, Banda Aceh and Lhokseumawe.

"The ministry has also sent 2,500 tents to accommodate 100,000 refugees and 3,000 sets of kitchen equipment to 16 refugee camps in Aceh. Also, at the end of June we delivered six vehicles to distribute food assistance," he said.

Meanwhile, TNI chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said on Sunday the military operation might last longer than the six months the government initially predicted.

"It is too early to predict if we will be able to complete martial law operations within six months. But one thing is certain, the TNI will be unable to complete the military operations within six months," the four-star general told reporters during a visit to Aceh.

Following the collapse of a peace treaty signed last December, President Megawati Soekarnoputri issued a presidential decree in May imposing a six-month military emergency in Aceh, in order flush out GAM rebels from the province.

Endriartono, however, said on Sunday it would be impossible to complete the military operation within six months. "Military operations against GAM might be completed within two years, or maybe even 10 years," Endriartono said.

He said the support of the Acehnese community was crucial for TNI to win the war against the separatist GAM. He also said more Acehnese were beginning to supply information to the TNI on the whereabouts of GAM members.

"The Aceh community is becoming braver about telling us the whereabouts of GAM. This is a good sign. The success of the military operation greatly depends on the willingness of the community to cooperate with the TNI," he said after a function marking the promotion of a number of soldiers.

Endriartono promoted 24 soldiers for killing 10 GAM members during a clash with the rebels in Cot Kruet hamlet, Matang Seujuk Tengah village, North Aceh, on June 19. Two soldiers who died in the battle received posthumous promotions.

At least 71 rebels to face charges of subversion

Agence France Presse - July 9, 2003

Jakarta -- At least 71 members of the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) will face charges of subversion, police in the Indonesian province said on Wednesday. The offense can carry a death sentence.

"As of today police have handed over evidence files on 59 cases involving 71 GAM members to the prosecutor's office," said provincial police spokesman Sayed Husainy. He said all of them will be charged with "trying to overthrow the legal government," violence using illegal firearms and other crimes. Prosecutors will prepare the indictments.

The 71 rebels are now detained in the provincial capital Banda Aceh and a number of other districts.

According to latest military figures 808 rebels have been captured or surrendered and 393 others have been killed since Jakarta launched a massive operation to crush GAM on May 19. The official death toll for the military stands at 30 plus nine policemen.

Indonesia military warns Aceh rebels over hostages

Reuters - July 8, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesia's military has warned rebels in Aceh province to free five hostages, including a local TV crew, by a Tuesday evening deadline or face attack, an army spokesman said.

Separatists of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) kidnapped the five more than a week ago while they were travelling through a rebel stronghold in the east of the province. The hostages include a reporter and a cameraman from private broadcaster RCTI. The military has been searching for the hostages since then, and it was unclear if they now knew their location.

"They should not use the hostages as their weapons, their shields. Saving [the hostages] would be the purpose of this operation," said Lieutenant Colonel Ahmad Yani Basuki, a spokesman at a key military base in the Acehnese city of Lhokseumawe. He gave no details on what the military planned if the hostages were not released by the 6pm deadline.

On Sunday, GAM invited a small group of local reporters to where they are holding the five to show they were healthy. Two are wives of soldiers, whom the station rents housing from. Basuki said there had been no talks between the military and GAM over the incident.

Indonesia's military has been waging a fresh campaign in Aceh since May 19 to crush the rebels after peace talks failed to end a war that has killed 10,000 people since 1976.

More than 400 people, mostly rebels, have been killed in the latest offensive, the military has said. On Monday, troops killed at least eight rebels and found five unidentified dead bodies across the region on the northernmost tip of Sumatra island. The offensive has also led to curbs on foreign media in Aceh.

In the local capital Banda Aceh, police said a dossier against American freelance journalist William Nessen had been submitted to prosecutors, bringing him closer to trial over alleged immigration offences.

Nessen was arrested in late June after he surrendered to the military following more than a month travelling with GAM. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in a statement that conditions for the media in Aceh were going from bad to worse.

Last week government troops kicked and beat an Indonesian radio reporter in South Aceh. Basuki said the reporter angered a soldier who later slapped him. The soldier had been punished by his superiors but would not go on trial, Basuki said.

Aceh war endures bloodiest day, as 18 rebels killed

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

A'an Suryana and Nani Farida, Banda Aceh/Lhokseumawe -- Despite the military's recent claim of territorial control over Aceh, the war between the military and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) peaked on Tuesday when 18 rebels were killed and several more soldiers were injured in separate clashes.

The clashes occurred in Bireuen, North Aceh, East Aceh and South Aceh regencies, according to Aceh martial law administration spokesman Col. Ditya Soedarmono of the Navy.

Separately, spokesman for the military operation Lt. Col. Ahmad Yani Basuki said a total of 21 rebels were killed on Tuesday. He said soldiers shot dead 10 rebels in two separate gunfights in Bireuen regency and 10 rebels in five separate areas in North Aceh and one in South Aceh.

According to military figures, 374 rebels have been killed since the operation was launched on May 19 while the government has lost 30 soldiers and eight police personnel. The military has detained 296 rebels and GAM supporters while 386 others have voluntarily surrendered to the security authorities.

Nevertheless, two Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) soldiers were seriously injured in a powerful blast in Pidie regency on Tuesday. The bomb was detonated by rebels using remote control. Kopassus soldiers then hunted down rebels hiding in the area.

"Fierce gunfights are still going on in Gemuruh and Cot Teunong villages. We need one week to take control of the two villages," Kopassus' Group II commandant Lt. Col. Ardiyansyah T. told The Jakarta Post by cellular phone.

His explanation contradicted the statement of Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto who said recently that the military had gained total territorial control over Aceh. Endriartono said the military offensive would likely last for a year, instead of six months as previously stated.

GAM has also made public their existence and fighting spirit through a number of Jakarta-based journalists who visited RCTI journalist Ersa Siregar and his team who have been held by GAM since he went missing a week ago.

The military has restricted the movement of foreign journalists in Aceh and is mulling restricting the movement of local journalists as well following the RCTI incident. In fact, the military has blocked all entry points to the province to foreigners.

The Aceh martial law administration refused to allow the former representative of the Henry Dunant Centre in Aceh David Gorman and his wife to enter the province when they arrived at the Sultan Iskandar Muda Blang Bintang airport in Banda Aceh.

The immigration office in Medan, the capital of North Sumatra refused to issue a permit to enter Aceh for the mother of detained US freelance journalist William Nessen, who is facing charges for immigration violations. Nessen was covering the war from the GAM perspective.

Also on Tuesday, the military court continued the trial of three soldiers charged with raping four Acehnese women. The trial on Tuesday heard the defense from the defendants' lawyer W. Okianto.

In his defense statement, lawyer Okianto demanded the judges of the military court exonerate the three defendants of all charges because the prosecutor's indictment had some technical flaws. If convicted, the three soldiers will face a maximum of 12 years in jail.

Civilians and civil society paying the price of conflict

OMCT press release - July 2, 2003

Geneva -- The International Secretariat of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), the world's largest coalition of non- governmental organisations (NGOs) engaged in the fight against torture, would like to express its deep concern about the ongoing conflict in the province of Aceh, which, to a great extent, is being ignored by the international community.

Reports indicate that between 200 and 1000 civilians have died as a result of the new phase of this 26-year old conflict, which began on May 18, 2003, when Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri declared a state of emergency and imposed martial law in the province.

This included closing the Acehnese borders off to all foreign media and humanitarian organisations, and an augmentation of the military and police presence to some 40,000 to 50,000 men, who are now reportedly engaged in committing widespread human rights violations against civilians and members of the nascent and fragile civil society in the country.

An estimated 40,000 civilians, mainly thought to be women and children, are reportedly displaced in Aceh, and are without sufficient food, water and medicine, in what can only be described as a serious humanitarian crisis. There are also reports surfacing of the discovery of at least one mass grave in the province.

One example of the scale of the violations being perpetrated is the reported burning down of some 507 schools by unidentified persons in ten districts in Banda Aceh since May 19th, 2003, which has resulted in 70,000 students no longer having a place to study. Some 60 schoolteachers have reportedly been killed in the last four months.

Both the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM) have blamed each other for the destruction and killings. According to eyewitnesses, the arsonists were wearing plain clothes when then carried out these destructive acts.

According to reports, 30-year old Muhammad Nazar, an activist campaigning for an independence referendum in Aceh province and head of the Aceh Information Center for a Referendum, was sentenced to five years in prison for sedition on Tuesday July 1, 2003, based on three speeches that he made in January and February 2003, allegedly in support of self-rule and the separatist rebels. This arrest and sentencing is symptomatic of a wider campaign of repression against civilian political activists and represents a crackdown on the freedom of speech in the country.

Furthermore, requests for visas from around ten foreign journalists wishing to cover the conflict have been denied. Additionally, foreign non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been banned from working in the province by the government in Jakarta, and all local NGOs are to be listed by the military, with several of them having been banned altogether.

A number of the members of these organisations have gone into hiding. A list of some 600 names has been drafted, including many of these activists, who are now wanted by the authorities for alleged connection or sympathy with the separatist rebel group -- GAM. A number of students have also been arrested as part of this crackdown on alleged GAM supporters.

OMCT notes with concern the ongoing threats to members of the human rights organisations that are established in Aceh and recalls the vital nature of their work in recording and relating violations that occur during this period, notably given the current absence of international organisations in the province. The latest reports indicate that human rights defenders are being subjected to harassment, arrest, torture and face execution for pursuing their activities.

For example, on June 28, 2003, seven plainclothes police officers, thought to be members of the Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob), visited the offices of the Legal Aid Institute Aceh (LBH-Aceh) in Banda Aceh on two occasions, initially looking for Asiah, the Coordinator of Investigations for human rights organisation Kontras-Aceh, and later for two LBH-Aceh lawyers, Afridal Darmi and Syarifa Murlina. As they could not find them, they kicked the door down and proceeded to throw books around and threatened to come back to the offices later, which they have reportedly not done yet. These events give rise to serious fears for these persons' personal integrity.

OMCT recalls that members of NGOs have become the victims of forced disappearance and extra-judicial killings in recent weeks, which give credence to the fears mentioned above. Examples include Mr. Abdussalam Muhamad Deli, a member of Human Rights and Legal Aid Post (PB-HAM) who was abducted by plainclothes persons on May 11 and has not been located since, and Mr. Raja Ismail, a member of Peace Brigade International (PBI) who was found dead on May 13, having allegedly been assassinated for his activities in defence of human rights. More recently, a number of activists have been arrested. These include several members of PB-Ham, who were arrested during a raid on the NGO's offices on June 8, 2003, including: Chairman Yusuf Puteh; Miss Nursyamsyiah (who is also the Director of the Acehnese Women Empowerment Organisation of East Aceh); volunteer worker Mr. Marnus; and staff member Miss Nadariah.

Reports indicate that the Indonesian military have threatened the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights not to publish their findings concerning events in Aceh, and there have been attacks on the offices of several NGOs, including Kontras on May 26 and 27 and PBHI (the Association of Law and Human Rights Advocates) on May 27. The harassment, attacks, arrests and killings to which members of the civil society in Aceh are being subjected is of significant concern, as it represents an attempt by the Indonesian authorities to stifle the voice of those dedicated to protecting the rights of civilians and presages a worsening of the abuses that the civilian population face, notably the use of arbitrary arrests and detentions, rape, torture and extra-judicial killings.

OMCT notes that the GAM also stands accused of having committed serious human rights violations, notably killings, unlawful detentions, forced expulsions of Javanese people and of making use of dubious justice systems.

OMCT welcomes the Resolution that was adopted by the European Parliament on June 5 concerning the "Situation in Indonesia, particularly in the Aceh province," in which the Indonesian authorities are called upon to: return to the negotiating table in order to resolve the current crisis; bring to account those responsible of human rights violations; ensure protection of human rights defenders, releasing those currently being detained; allow the UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders to visit; enable humanitarian organisations to deliver aid to the population; and to guarantee the respect for the freedom of religion and the freedom of the press.

The International Secretariat of OMCT calls on the Indonesian authorities to immediately implement the recommendations made in the afore-mentioned resolution. OMCT further urges the Indonesian authorities to guarantee the respect for economic, social and cultural rights in Aceh province and the country as a whole. OMCT would also like to request that the Indonesian Government issue standing invitations to visit the country and its provinces to all of the United Nations human rights mechanisms, notably the Special Rapporteurs on Torture and on Summary Executions, and the Working Groups on Arbitrary Detention and on Force Disappearances.

Finally, OMCT calls on President Megawati Sukarnoputri to order an end to the state of emergency and the martial law that accompanies it; and calls on both the Indonesian authorities and the GAM to immediately put a halt to the perpetration of human rights violations and return to the negotiating table in order to resolve their differences through dialogue.

West Papua

Papuans fear army crackdown on rebels

South China Morning Post - July 14, 2003

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Papuans are growing increasingly concerned that the Indonesian military -- boosted by its apparent success against rebels in Aceh -- will crack down on Papua's independence movement.

Papua's capital, Jayapura, is abuzz with rumours that the military has begun sending additional troops to the province. While there is no proof of this, human rights groups say that the military's recent decision to send elite Kopassus troops to the province, to hunt down weapons stolen from a military store in Wamena, raised fears that more troops would be sent in.

Papuan leaders fear the Indonesian government's recent warnings that it will not tolerate separatists anywhere in the country indicate that it has been contemplating a military operation similar to the massive military operation launched in May to wipe out the separatist movement in Aceh.

Observers fear this week's fatal shooting of a separatist by security forces for raising an independence flag is a sign that the Indonesian government prefers to use military force rather than persuasion to deal with Papuan separatists. In the incident, which took place on Monday in the central highlands town of Wamena, two others were wounded and half a dozen men rounded up.

Meanwhile, the Papuan police chief last week claimed that 42 separatists had surrendered and wanted to end their fight for independence. But Andi Tagihuma, of the local human rights group Elsham, says the so-called guerillas had confessed that they were just ordinary Papuans who sometimes carried traditional weapons such as spears. Observers suspect the surrenders were staged to show that the security forces had little tolerance for separatists and to encourage the real guerillas to begin handing themselves in.

Western diplomats say Jakarta seems to be getting tougher on separatists and appears to have dropped its previous policy of enticing Papuans to drop their demands for independence by allowing them more self-government. "The government tolerance for separatism is at an all-time low," one western diplomat said.

Government accused of lacking sincerity in Papua issue

Jakarta Post - July 11, 2003

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- The central government is accused of a lack of resolve in enforcing the special autonomy law for the troubled province of Papua, which was implemented two years ago to appease separatist groups.

The autonomy law recommends the establishment of a Papuan People's Council (MRP) as a key element in enforcing the law, but the situation remains unclear as government regulations to establish the council have not been issued.

Speaker of the Papua Legislative Council, John Ibo, said that although wide-ranging autonomy was granted in 2001, the central government had not made a regulation concerning the establishment of MRP.

"The central government is still suspicious of Papuans. They have sincerely accepted the special autonomy as a solution to existing problems in the province. But their sincerity was not immediately responded to through the approval of the MRP," he told journalists in the Papua capital of Jayapura on Wednesday.

He made the comment as Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ended his two-day visit to Papua on Thursday. The issue of the MRP was also raised during a dialog between Susilo and Papuan religious and community leaders.

Ibo dismissed the government's suspicions as groundless and said the planned council was aimed at promoting and protecting the "basic rights" of Papuans, which he said was a key component of Law No. 21/2001 on special autonomy.

"The MRP's existence would only strengthen the rights of Papuans, that have been neglected under the current governmental system. It would not serve as a bridge to achieve the independence that has been campaigned for by a group of people here," he argued.

Similar to the war-torn Aceh province, the resource-rich Papua has long seen separatist movements fighting for breakaway from Indonesia.

Ibo said that, should the government seek to change articles on the establishment of the MRP, this should be discussed with the council. "The government should not abandon the matter, this would only create suspicion among Papuans that the central government is not serious in granting them the special autonomy," he added.

The chief councillor said the autonomy law could not be implemented adequately in the province because the MRP was not established.

In response to the criticism, Minister Susilo said that the MRP would certainly be formed and that the Ministry of Home Affairs was discussing its status to prevent an overlapping between the council's ruling and that of the legislative or executive bodies.

"The MRP government ruling continues to be discussed so that its structure will not cause a problem. It should not remove the function of legislative or executive bodies," Susilo added. He promised to raise the MRP issue during a Cabinet meeting after he arrived back in Jakarta.

No plan for martial law in Papua: Susilo

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Unlike the conflict-plagued province of Aceh, the central government does not have any immediate plans to impose martial law to wipe out the independence rebels in Papua, but is hoping for a peaceful solution instead, the chief security minister said here on Wednesday.

"There will be no martial law in Papua because the problems in this province can be handled properly and violence will be avoided for as long as possible," he said. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono made the statement while speaking to students and teachers at the University of Cendrawasih (Uncen) in the town of Abepura, Papua.

Fears have surfaced that the government would soon impose martial law in Papua and other troubled regions following the war in Aceh, where civilians have reportedly suffered most from the frequent battles between rebels and troops.

Susilo said Papua currently was troubled by two substantial problems -- one with economic disparity (in relation to the western parts of Indonesia), and the other with separatism. "The two problems pose a serious threat to national unity and territorial integrity, if not addressed adequately," he added.

The central government officially signed into law the Papua special autonomy package in 2001, with which the resource-rich province was supposed to receive greater shares of its economic resources, but there have been many snags and full implementation is yet to be realized. The police have reportedly made some attempts to appease the separatist groups with nonviolent measures.

Susilo said the special autonomy was part of an effort to solve the economic and separatist problems in Papua "peacefully, honorably and justly". "If the Papuan people's welfare improves, the wish to secede from the country will die down," added the coordinating minister for political and security affairs.

However, despite the special autonomy law, the economic disparities remain wide between Papua other provinces and the various separatist groups have been pressing ahead with their independence movements. The latest violent incident took place on Monday, when police shot dead one Papuan, wounded two and detained two others as they hoisted a separatist flag to mark what they called the New Melanesian anniversary.

Analysts have said that separatism would not stop because the central government in Jakarta had failed to fulfill their promises to seriously enforce and implement special autonomy in the nation's easternmost province.

Susilo said that should separatists continue with their campaign, peace and prosperity would never come to Papua. "Therefore, the government will press ahead with efforts to fight separatism," he added.

The senior minister added that President Megawati Soekarnoputri's government had put the Papua problems near the top of its agenda for the 2003-2004 period. "Indonesia's integrity is final, so the government will never allow any more provinces to secede," he said, noting that most foreign countries supported the country's integrity.

Susilo warns Papuans over separatist flag raising

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

Nethy Dharma Somba, Jayapura -- Chief security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono renewed the government's warning against separatists in the province of Papua on Tuesday. He said separatists would face tougher action from security forces should they go ahead with their secessionist campaign.

The statement was made during his visit to the provincial capital of Jayapura only one day after a Papuan was shot dead and two others were injured by police, while raising a separatist flag on Monday. Two others were detained for questioning.

Susilo said that he regretted that the flag raising incident had occurred. He said police personnel had been forced to fire shots at the separatists.

Such an incident should not have taken place as the government firmly stated that the unitary state of Indonesia is final and no more territories can break away from the country after East Timor in 1999, he said.

"Any separatist movement against Indonesia will be dealt with severely," the visiting coordinating minister for political and security affairs threatened.

Susilo ordered a thorough investigation into the flag raising incident to prevent "misunderstanding by the public" and to discover those behind it.

He said that police were handling the case of the two wounded separatists and their two colleagues (currently being detained). "I have received a report from the Papua police chief that the two injured are being treated and that those detained will be dealt with according to the legal process," he added.

Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Budi Utomo said that the two arrested separatists told investigators that the flag was raised due to an order by Matias Wenda, a senior leader of the rebel Free Papua Movement (OPM). "As a result of their confession we will discover whether the order came from Matias Wenda," he added.

The flag was raised outside the Jayawijaya regency legislative council in the capital city of Wamena by five Papuan separatists to mark what they claimed to be the New Melanesian State's anniversary on July 7.

The ceremony turned violent when police tried to break up the gathering by firing warning shots. Police had spoken earlier to the separatists for over an hour about lowering the flag, but the separatists had refused.

Police said that they fired shots into the air three times but the five men responded by attacking the police with traditional weapons, such as daggers and bows. The police continued to fire shots at the separatists killing Yus Heselo, 30, and wounding Elias Asso and Welmus Asso.

Two other separatists, identified as Gustaf Ayomi and John Hilapok, escaped without injury and were detained for questioning at the Jayawijaya police office.

Utomo said the separatists were Papuans from the towns of Manokwari and Serui. They came to Jayapura on June 30 before traveling to Wamena to fly the separatist flag.

The New Melanesian group is a new separatist group in Papua. Two other separatist organizations, the OPM and the Papua Presidium Council (PDP), exist in the troubled province.

During the two day trip Susilo also visited the Papua Police Headquarters to inspect home-made firearms and other weapons, which had recently been confiscated from local people.

The chief security minister also spoke to at least 42 former members of the OPM, who had surrendered to local police. In a ceremony organized by local security forces on June 30, 2003, the former separatist rebels had sworn an oath declaring that they voluntarily rejoined with the unitary state of Indonesia.

OPM rebels were blamed for a series of incidents involving hostages in Papua in their fight for independence from the country.

Democratic struggle

PRD and friends form new party

Detik.com - July 14, 2003

Suwarjono, Jakarta -- As many as 16 opposition groups plan to form a new party to participate in the 2004 general elections. Among them are the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and the Indonesian Front for Labour Struggle (FNPBI).

"This step is to respond to the 2004 elections. The party will be able to answer the need for opposition unity and setup an alternative political vehicle in society to fight against the political elite who do not side with the ordinary people", explained the chairperson of FNPBI, Dita Indah Sari at the Juang Building in Menteng, Jakarta, on Monday.

Other groups which will join [the new political party] include the Popular Youth Movement (Gerakan Pemuda Kerakyatan, KPK), the Jakarta Trade Union for Struggle (Serikat Buruh Jakarta Perjuangan), the Food and Drink Trade Union (Serikat Buruh Makanan dan Minuman) and the Farmers and Fisherpeople Trade Union (Serikat Tani dan Nelayan).

According to Dita, the first stage will be the launch of the Committee for the Formation of a United Opposition Party (Komite Pembentukan Partai Persatuan Oposisi, KP3O) which will [go on to] establish the new party. It is planned that the party will be launched on July 27 following a national congress which will begin on July 24.

"There are three alternative names for the new party and we will choose one of these", said Dita. The three names mentioned were the the People's United Opposition Party (Partai Persatuan Oposisi Rakyat, Popor), the United People's Democratic Party (Partai Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik, PPRD) and the United People's Opposition Party (Partai Oposisi Rakyat Bersatu, PORB).

"Later, the party will link up with organisations which have a mass base such as workers, farmers, students, non-government organisations and artists", she said.

Dita added that they are in the process of preparing the initial stage, [establishing] the infrastructure in a different regions in order that when [local branches] have been registered they are ready for verification [by the General Elections Commission]. (aan)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Labour issues

Most workers unrepresented by unions

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Ridwan Max Sijabat, Jakarta -- Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob Nuwa Wea regretted the low awareness of workers about unionization, since only 20 percent of the more than 40 million workers employed in the formal sector have unionized, despite the reform era.

This statistic has raised a major question on the existence of 72 labor unions already registered with the manpower ministry with a deep concern over the workers' bargaining power in bipartite negotiations with employers. Although 72 unions have been registered so far, the majority of workers are not represented.

Speaking at an informal meeting with the National Tripartite Institution representing workers, employers and the government, Nuwa Wea said that out of approximately 100,000 companies with around 40 million workers in Indonesia, only 16,000 companies employing more than eight million workers have labor unions.

"This means that the 72 labor unions registered with the manpower ministry have competed to represent and fight for the eight million workers employed in the 16,000 companies.

"And it is not surprising to receive reports that a cigarette factory has 17 labor unions. This will pose many problems as to which labor union the cigarette company will negotiate with, when the management is involved in industrial disputes with its workers," he said.

Nuwa Wea, also chairman of the Confederation of All-Indonesian Workers Union (KSPSI), said that besides the fact that many companies had difficulties appointing labor unions with whom they would work to draw up collective labor agreements (KKB), it was also a fact that the majority of workers had weak bargaining power since they were not represented and had no collective labor agreement with their own management.

The minister called on labor unions to expand to companies whose workers had yet to set up unions in an effort to strengthen their bargaining power, especially in making collective labor agreements. A collective labor agreement, which the Labor Law requires to be renewed biannually, regulates remuneration, overtime rates, dismissals, layoffs and severance pay, and many other industrial relation issues. Articles in the agreement are usually better for workers than those set by the government.

Nuwa Wea acknowledged that he found it difficult to appoint workers' representatives in tripartite bodies such as the National Tripartite Institution, the National (Tripartite) Waging Body and the Central (Tripartite) Industrial Dispute Settlement Committee (P4P).

"In the tripartite bodies, the government has decided to give seats proportionally to the three major labor unions -- KSPSI, the Confederation of Indonesian Prosperous Labor Union (KSBSI) and the Indonesian Workers Union Congress (KSPI)," he said without elaborating as to the size of their membership.

During the 32-year dictatorial regime of Soeharto, only the All- Indonesian Workers Union (SPSI), which was backed by the government, was allowed to represent workers, and most industrial disputes were settled with the help of security authorities.

Following Soeharto's downfall in May 1998, Indonesia ratified ILO (International Labor Organization) Convention No. 98 guaranteeing workers' right to unionize.

Government told to eradicate child labor within four years

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- The International Labor Organization (ILO) urged the Indonesian government on Tuesday to phase out the worst forms of child labor in the next four years in view of the increasing exploitation of children in the country.

The chief technical advisor of the ILO Jakarta office Carmello Noriel said on Tuesday that after making the commitment to ratify a convention on the complete eradication of such inhumane practices, Indonesia needed to act first on the eradication of the worst forms of child labor. "By the strong commitment especially from key ministers this morning ... we can gradually and systematically eliminate significant numbers of the worst forms of child labor in the next four years," Noriel said during a seminar on child labor here.

Noriel hopes that in the next five years Indonesia will manage to eradicate child-trafficking for prostitution, and the presence of child workers in the footwear sector, offshore fishing, and the sale, production and trafficking of drugs, five areas of work deemed to be the most harmful for children.

According to an ILO estimate in 2002, there are 250 million child laborers worldwide. The Asia-Pacific region has the largest number of working children (5-14 years), some 127 million or 60 percent of the total. A 2001 report by the ILO and the International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) said there were around 1.4 million domestic workers in the country, 23 percent of them children under 15.

Another report from the Office of the State Minister for Women's Empowerment said after the economic crisis, between three and six million children were left without parental care and scrambled to make a living.

Indonesia has ratified ILO Convention No. 182 on the elimination of the worst forms of child labor, which requires the country to eradicate 20 of the worst forms of child labor within a twenty- year period.

In 2001, then president Abdurrahman Wahid issued a presidential decree on a national action committee tasked with eradicating the worst forms of child labor.

To help the campaign, the ILO and IPEC have earmarked around US$4.5 million in aid for the second semester of 2003.

In collaboration with a number of universities in the country, ILO-IPEC has embarked on a survey to collect data on children employed in the worst forms of child labor.

Meanwhile, Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob Nuwa Wea said the government had created the legal basis to curb the employment of children in harmful situations.

"Law No. 13/2003 stipulates severe punishment for employers of children," he said, adding that the law demanded up to five years imprisonment or a fine of Rp 500 million for its violators.

Jacob also said that all provincial manpower agencies had agreed to set up action committees to start campaigning on the phasing out of child labor. "The ministry has also moved to set up a child-labor free zone, probably the first of its kind in the world. The first model is to be introduced in Kutai, East Kalimantan and more will follow," he said.

5,000 shoe workers protest for better pay

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

Surabaya -- Around 5,000 workers of shoe company PT Fortune Mate Indonesia (FMI) staged a demonstration here on Tuesday to demand better conditions.

The protesters, mostly women, urged the management to fire the company's human resources development head, Kusnardi, whom they blamed for reducing their allowances. "Kusnardi has failed to protect us," one protester said.

According to the workers, the protest, which was held at the factory in Tambak Sawah, Rungkut, Surabaya, was the result of the workers' frustration as the local labor union and the company had failed to address their grievances. Kusnardi tried to explain the problems currently being faced by the company to the workers, but they remained unmoved.

The workers demanded that the company reinstate the Rp 34,000 monthly menstruation allowance for female workers, which was halted earlier this month. They also demanded that management increase their food and transportation allowances to Rp 3,000 per day instead of the Rp 1,500 per day which they have been receiving since Kusnardi took up his post before January.

"Under current conditions, the workers have no other option but to complain about the food and transportation allowances. They often have to pay the shortfalls," said Kusnan, a protester. He said that in reality the workers needed at least Rp 4,000 to cover their daily food and transportation costs.

Government & politics

Mega torn between inner circle and party

Straits Times - July 12, 2003

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- These days, oil baron Arifin Panigoro rarely attends the central executive board meetings of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P).

He and other PDI-P stalwarts prefer to stay on the sidelines and watch their party wiggle through an enormous tangle of Mission Impossibles -- brought on, ironically, by its chairman Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Much to the chagrin of Mr Arifin and others, who played a key role in clinching the presidency for Ms Megawati two years ago, party priorities are fast giving way to palace interests.

At least two issues have tested the relationship in recent months. The most conspicuous one is the Sukhoi-gate scandal and Trade and Industry Minister Rini Soewandi's role in it.

Ms Rini's links with the President and her influential husband Taufik Kiemas have given her access to the palace inner circle with a crucial say in mapping out a political strategy for Ms Megawati's re-election next year.

Her comments and track record in recent months have been coloured by attempts to get close to vested interest groups linked to the Indonesian leader, especially now with fund-raising for the polls under way.

Clearly under the influence of powerful business lobbyists, she appears to push for populist policies such as raising non-tariff barriers on imports of goods such as sugar, rice, used clothes, textile and steel products.

Her involvement in barter deals, to finance Jakarta's controversial purchase of Sukhoi jet fighters and helicopters from Russia, is another example of her trying to win over the palace.

The "Sukhoi-gate" saga was fodder for her enemies to attack her openly. It is an open secret that several PDI-P cadres and Cabinet ministers are upset with Ms Rini for "hiding under the cover of her godmother" Megawati. At a hush-hush meeting late on Tuesday night, senior PDI-P legislators ganged up against her by calling for her dismissal. But the call fell on deaf ears. Ms Megawati would never let a trusted aide go, especially someone she has appointed to oversee the project.

A palace insider said: "Ibu Mega never allows party bickering to influence her when it comes to Cabinet matters. She is strong enough to overcome any opposition to Rini or any other minister. The President believes that without her name, the PDI-P is nothing. Party members owe her a living -- not the other way around."

Such thinking has coloured Ms Megawati's responses in the past when faced with pressure from senior PDI-P members to replace a minister or politician. For example, she has stood firm in the face of attempts to oust Attorney-General Mohamed Rahman and other members of her Cabinet.

But she seemed less than successful in protecting another loyalist, retired Major-General Theo Syafei.

Media reports said the PDI-P legislator was forced to resign from the party this week after it became clear that he had engineered the appointment of a Golkar candidate, Mr Suwarna Abdul Fatah, to the East Kalimantan governorship -- with the President's blessings. He had done so in return, reportedly, for a donation of six billion rupiah to the palace coffers. Senior PDI-P executives backed one of their own, Mr Imam Mundjiat, for the post.

PDI-P's parliamentary faction leader Roy Janis said: "This is another example of a politician using the party's name for his own interests."

But the retired Major-General Theo's position is no different from Ms Rini's. They were believed to be acting with the President's consent. What does all this mean for Ms Megawati and the PDI-P?

The next few months could see even greater friction between the President and loyalists in the palace inner circle and the PDI-P central executive board represented by the likes of Mr Arifin. But come elections, it means very little because at the tactical level, the PDI-P will continue to depend on Ms Megawati's allure and name for grassroots support.

Bill reveals confusion in state administration

Jakarta Post - July 12, 2003

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Two constitutional law experts have sharply criticized the newly endorsed bill on the composition of legislative bodies that gives more power to the House of Representatives and will make changes to the political system.

Harun Al-Rasyid of the University of Indonesia said that a comprehensive study should be conducted immediately to propose a review; otherwise, there would be a permanent error in the country's political system.

"We need an extensive study about the state administration following the amendment of the 1945 Constitution and the enforcement of the bill in the future, because there are too many confusions," he told The Jakarta Post when asked to comment on the bill on Friday.

He said that between the bill and the amended Constitution, there is an overlap between a presidential and a parliamentary system, with more power given to the House. This will contradict the Presidential Elections Law, which endows more power to future presidents, as they will be elected directly by the people.

The bill, which was endorsed by the House this week, stipulates that the House has the legislative power to approve all regulations issued by the government.

It also stipulates that the president needs the House's approval for the appointment and replacement of members of the Judicial Commission and bilateral agreements with foreign countries, and that it must consult its opinion for the appointment of ambassadors.

Denny Indrayana of Gadjah Mada University (UGM) in Yogyakarta concurred and said the House could be uncontrollable and the legislature-heavy bill could cause a major disruption in the relations of state institutions, especially between the legislative and the executive bodies.

He said the bill made the legislative body more powerful, while the next president was also more powerful through a direct election.

The bill has also sparked criticisms from numerous sides because it allows the House to summon state officials, executives of state institutions and ordinary citizens for questioning. The House is allowed to order the police to arrest an individual for a maximum duration of 15 days if those summoned refuse to appear.

The stipulation is relatively light in comparison to the current law, which stipulates that those who ignore a House summons can be charged with contempt of parliament with a maximum one-year imprisonment.

A member of the special committee deliberating the bill, Baharuddin Aritonang, disclosed that the stipulation on the power of the House to order police detention was proposed by Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno. Aritonang also said that he was among those legislators opposing the stipulation, saying that there must also be stern penalties for legislators failing to attend House meetings.

Harun, also a former adviser to former president Abdurrahman Wahid, said that an independent group was making preparations to ask the Supreme Court to review the political laws, because they would raise great confusion among the people.

Regarding the role of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) in the new era, Harun said that the Assembly would only have the authority to amend and enact the Constitution, and to officiate the elected president and vice president.

He said the Assembly would no longer be the supreme state institution, but simply a high state institution, at the same level with the House and the Regional Representatives Council (DPD). Under the new system, the Assembly will only form when the House and the DPD conjoin in a session.

Megawati is as bad as Suharto, her critics say

The Times (London) - July 11, 2003

Richard Lloyd Parry -- When she first came to world attention seven years ago, Megawati Sukarnoputri was hailed as a heroine. Stubborn, matronly and majestic, the leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party won admirers across the world for her peaceful struggle against the dictatorship of President Suharto.

As the daughter of Indonesia's founding president, Sukarno, at home she was revered almost as royalty. As a brave female democracy leader she was compared to Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Cory Aquino of the Philippines. And when she was finally elected President in 2001, three years after the fall of Suharto, it seemed like the sweetest kind of justice.

How much has changed since. From being an icon of democratic struggle in South-East Asia, President Megawati has come to be regarded by many of her compatriots as scarcely better than the dictator against whom she struggled.

In Jakarta, corrupt businessmen and cronies of the old regime continue to wield power, untouched by the weak courts. In the rebel province of Aceh, Indonesian soldiers fight a war as bloody and brutal as the one pursued by Suharto in East Timor. And all over the country, peaceful opponents of the Government are being locked up for no more than defacing Mrs Megawati's photograph.

There is widespread disillusion among the student demonstrators who drove Suharto from power in 1998. "Reform has failed," read one of the banners at a demonstration marking the fifth anniversary of Suharto's demise in May. "Revolution is the answer."

Two of the world's most respected human rights organisations published simultaneous reports yesterday describing the dismal record of Mrs Megawati's Government. "Moves towards greater political freedoms are being undermined by the prosecution and imprisonment of peaceful political, labour, independence and other activists," Brad Adams, of the New York-based Human Rights Watch, said. "With less than one year to go before Indonesia's first direct presidential elections, to be locking up individuals who criticise the Government is an alarming development for the electoral process."

According to the reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, Mrs Megawati's Government has locked up 39 people for peaceful political activities. Several of these have been in the provinces of Aceh and Papua, where peaceful civilian groups, as well as armed guerrillas, are campaigning for independence. Four trade union activists in Borneo got six-month sentences after organising peaceful protests against low wages. But the most extraordinary are the convictions under Dutch colonial era laws against "insulting the President". portraits of Mrs Megawati and Hamzah Haz, her Vice-President, last year in Jakarta; in January, two men demonstrating against rising fuel prices burned similar photographs in the city of Yogyakarta. They were all jailed for up to three years.

More disturbing, however, are renewed reports of unpunished brutality by the TNI, the Indonesian armed forces. Hopes that Mrs Megawati would exercise a moderating influence are dying in the face of continuing carnage in Aceh. "There is a total atmosphere of impunity where soldiers think they can get away with murder," Charmain Mohamed, of Human Rights Watch, said. "Because effectively they can."

House off on holiday, leaving plethora of outstanding bills

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The House of Representatives closed its session on Wednesday with the same old problem -- a massive backlog of outstanding bills.

In the session from April 28 to July 9, the House only managed to endorse five out of the 41 scheduled bills: the national education bill, ILO convention on manpower supervision bill, state enterprises bill, presidential elections bill, and the composition of the legislative bodies bill. A number of legislators pledged to continue their deliberation of the constitutional court bill during recess and vowed to bring the bill up for endorsement on July 31.

"God willing, the constitutional court bill will have been endorsed by the end of July or early August," House Speaker Akbar Tandjung told a plenary meeting here on Wednesday.

The government and a number of experts have warned the House not to rush to endorse the constitutional court bill, but rather return the matter to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which will convene its annual session in early August, and ask the assembly to give more time for the establishment of the constitutional court.

The House, however, has decided to continue its deliberation of the bill, and has promised to finish it before August 17.

In an attempt to meet the August 17, 2003 target for the establishment of the constitutional court, Akbar said the House would organize an extraordinary plenary meeting during recess to endorse the bill either on July 31 or August 11, 2003.

The time needed to finish the deliberation of the bill, Akbar said, was because of the many contentious issues in the bill as well as the legislators' desire to hear the views of the public. "All bills that have not been finished will be deliberated in the next session," Akbar said.

He added that among the bills that would receive top priority were those on the Supreme Court, the State Administrative Court, the public courts, the prosecutor's office, the protection of Indonesians working overseas, and the resolution of industrial disputes.

With the closing speech by the House speaker, the legislators will be on holiday from July 10 through August 14. In early August, they will participate in the MPR's annual session.

Touching on the House's supervisory role, Akbar said the House planned to summon the President to explain the loss of Sipadan and Ligitan islands, to investigate the sale of PT Indosat, and to investigate the purchase of Russian Sukhoi jet fighters and helicopters.

The House, Akbar said, would also keep on monitoring the military emergency in Aceh. He said that the joint operation in the province was on the right track. The House has formed a team to evaluate the joint operation, which has now been running for 50 days.

Meanwhile, the plenary meeting on Wednesday also endorsed the establishment of a special committee to deliberate the bill on the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission. The special committee consists of 50 members from various factions.

2004 elections

House clears last hurdle to next year's elections

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The House of Representatives cleared on Wednesday the last hurdle to next year's elections by endorsing a bill on the status and composition of legislative bodies.

With the passage of the bill, the country has all four of the political laws necessary to organize legislative and presidential elections next year.

The passage of the bill on the composition of legislative bodies also makes reality the bicameral system set out by the amended 1945 Constitution. The system outlined in the bill, however, is not completely bicameral, as the bill does not give equal power to the two legislative bodies -- the House and the Regional Representatives Council (DPD). Yahya Zaini, chairman of the House committee that deliberated the bill, said the DPD was designed to improve the checks and balances of the legislature, but the Constitution gave limited authority to the council.

"We know the people want to see a greater role for the DPD, but we cannot exceed the stipulations in the Constitution," Yahya said during a plenary session here on Wednesday.

Article 22 (D) of the Constitution states that the DPD can draft, deliberate and supervise the implementation of bills related to regional autonomy.

However, Article 42 (3) of the bill on the composition of legislative bodies does not accord those rights to the DPD, only saying the council can consult with the House on bills. So only the government and the House will have the right to draft and deliberate bills.

The DPD can advise the House about the state budget and bills on taxation, education and religion. However, any input from the council must be conveyed to the House before it begins to deliberate the bills with the government. The DPD also can provide input to the House on the selection of the leaders of the Supreme Audit Agency.

The new bill also sets out certain requirements and obligations legislators must meet. According to the bill, all legislators, be they members of the DPR, the DPD or regional legislative councils (DPRD), are obliged to accommodate and struggle for the aspirations of the people.

All members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD are prohibited from holding second jobs as (1) state officials; (2) justices of the court; (3) civil servants, military/police officers, employees at state enterprises (BUMN), or at other institutions whose activities are financed by the state budget. Legislators also are not allowed to hold jobs in private schools or to work as accountants, consultants, advocates, doctors and other occupations whose activities are related to the duties of legislators.

Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno said the endorsement of the bill would further encourage the development of a modern political system in the country.

Key Articles of the Bill

• Article 7: The People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) will be led by one spokesperson and three deputies.
• Article 11: The MPR selects the president and vice president from candidates nominated by the parties that ranked first and second in the last elections, should the duties of the incumbents be terminated. The MPR decides on any impeachment proposed by the DPR after hearing a ruling from the Constitutional Court.
• Article 17: The DPR will have 550 members
• Article 23: DPR leaders convicted of a crime will not be allowed to preside over meetings or act as spokesperson.
• Article 30: DPR has the authority to summon state officials, executives of institutions, and ordinary citizens for questioning.
• Article 32: The DPD will be composed of four members from each province.
• Article 85: DPR members can be replaced in the case of death, resignation, or recall by their party.
• Article 103: Legislators can be prosecuted for leaking state secrets. Legislators cannot be replaced for their statements or opinions.

An unholy alliance: Golkar and Nurcholish

Jakarta Post - July 7, 2003

Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, Jakarta -- News of the affirmation by Nurcholish Madjid, better known as Cak Nur, that he would enter the Golkar Party convention process in a bid to secure a presidential nomination has been met with incredulity, trepidation and abhorrence.

Incredulity over the tactical soundness of the decision to compete in the convention without sufficient political cover. Trepidation that the man bestowed the title guru bangsa (the "nation's scholar") is forsaking his piety for political opportunism. And abhorrence that he would sanctify a party regarded as a vestige of the New Order's co-optation.

Irrespective of whether or not he has the qualities to make a good president, there is no doubting Cak Nur's attractiveness to voters. Indonesian voters are sick of common politicians' deeds: Broken promises, conniving opportunism and blatant corruption. Cak Nur has few, if any, such skeletons in his cupboard. Thus, while people may not naturally gravitate toward him in a demonstrative outburst of emotion, the fact that he is the only nonpolitician among the current rank of presidential hopefuls makes Cak Nur very, very appealing to voters.

On paper, the duet of Cak Nur and Golkar are an irresistible combination. It fulfills the two decisive factors needed for any nominee to defeat the incumbent in a presidential race: popular appeal and a political machine to turn that support into actual votes. But things are not as perfect as they may seem. Ironically, this marriage could spell doom in a zero-sum game for either.

Let us first look at Golkar. When the convention party system was first introduced earlier this year as a means to filter potential presidential nominees, the move was nothing short of brilliant. The party was not only introducing a revolutionary democratic process that broke the dogmatic culture of iconizing party leadership, but, more importantly, the process would generate bona fide grassroots support and deflect attention away from the scandal dogging party chairman Akbar Tandjung.

Despite being convicted twice in the Bulog scandal, Akbar's position in the party remains strong. Inside the party, Akbar's foes are divided and cannot muster the needed resistance from regional branches to challenge their chairman.

Instead of weakening, there is a clear sign that the pro-Akbar camp has consolidated its control of not only the party but also the convention process. If the Supreme Court were to exonerate him within the next nine months, Akbar might run for the presidency.

To the dismay of "reform"-minded party members, the convention system has been convoluted to serve Akbar's self-preservation rather than longer-term party interests.

Worse still, there is fear among some party insiders that Golkar's final shortlist of candidates may be omitted altogether from a Golkar ticket and instead be offered as a running mate to the incumbent president. In essence, barring a Supreme Court decision confirming Akbar's conviction or an unlikely internal party coup, the pro-Akbar camp looks very much in control of the party's immediate future.

In steps Cak Nur. No one really knows the reason for his decision to go to Golkar so early on (he wasn't required to announce his intention to compete in the convention until the end of July). But the move is clearly uncharacteristic of him, particularly as the decision disregards the advice of many of his longtime associates.

Maybe Cak Nur started to believe his own propaganda, falling victim to the "big lie". Or perhaps he came to the conclusion, to quote Milton, that "it is better to rule in hell, than serve in heaven." Whatever the reasons, the move looks like a tactical gamble that seems devoid of strategic thinking.

Frankly speaking, despite his worldly wisdom, Cak Nur lacks the political shrewdness to compete in the ruthless world of Golkar politics. Worse still, his immediate circle of aides are individuals who have even less experience in the Machiavellian art of realpolitik. His team comprises men of good intention, but they do not measure up to the sentinels in Golkar's coliseum. Furthermore, it is also clear that Cak Nur is deficient in terms of "spending" power, compared with other Golkar hopefuls.

There is a lurking suspicion that Cak Nur may end up becoming leverage in an internal party struggle, that his standing as an attractive potential candidate for Golkar in the election is being used as a pawn to secure support for one faction of the party against another. Notice how, apart from one senior Golkar figure who has been instrumental in prodding Cak Nur this past month, Golkar's senior rank and file have not flocked to Cak Nur's side.

Given this set of circumstances, two scenarios could emerge over the next 10 months.

If, by some small miracle, Cak Nur survives the convention process and is named on Golkar's presidential ticket in February, then a major party realignment would have occurred, moving away from the prevailing pro-Akbar configuration in the party's executive board. At present this scenario seems the farthest, given the acrimony Cak Nur would have to first endure for it to happen. Only a Supreme Court ruling would hasten and facilitate this outcome.

As a Golkar outsider who has not cultivated internal party alliances, Cak Nur, in order to survive, would have to make compromises in order to shore up the needed backing for his nomination. Compromises that in the end could water down his own, lauded reform platform.

The second scenario is defeat for Cak Nur. Under such a script the political constellation of the Golkar elite would remain unchanged. But the party may have to pay a price for discarding a man whom many respect so dearly, especially if Cak Nur is discarded in a humiliating way as part of the convention process. Golkar's image would be severely tarnished as it became obvious that the convention system could not accommodate a truly "good man" and his reform agenda in the process.

This is where Cak Nur may be banking on hedging his political misfortune. He could make it quite clear that Golkar runs the risk of alienating voters if he is dumped from the process. The ensuing wave of compassion could evolve into electoral advocacy that he could then trade to the highest bidder from another political party.

[The writer is also managing editor for Van Zorge, Heffernan & Associates.]

House passes presidential election bill into law

Antara - July 7, 2003

Jakarta -- The House of Representatives (DPR), in its plenary meeting presided over by Deputy House Speaker Soetardjo Soerjogoeritno here on Monday, agreed to pass the bill on presidential election into law.

Special committee chairman, Teras Narang, reported to the House plenary meeting that the 17 chapters and 71 articles of the bill, as drafted by the government, had become 15 chapters and 103 articles.

Teras said deliberations on the presidential election bill had been marked by tough debates between House factions on some crucial points.

The crucial points included the question of whether the presidential election would be held simultaneously with the election of legislators, the requirements for presidential nominations and presidential campaigns and their funding.

"The presidential and vice presidential candidates are to be nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties on the principle that the pair should be united in thought and spirit to enable them to form a solid and harmonious government," Teras said.

He said a fierce debate had also come up in the committee when it deliberated the requirements for a political party or a coalition of political parties to be eligible to name its presidential and vice presidential candidates.

The committee finally agreed that, in next year's general election, a political party or a coalition of political parties should win at least 3 percent of the total seats of the House or 5 percent of the vote returns in the legislative election, to make it eligible to nominate a presidential and vice presidential pair. In the general election in 2009, however, the requirement would be at least 15 percent of total House seats or 20 percent of the vote returns in the legislative election.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Corrupt courts seen as Indonesia's greatest problem

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Endy M. Bayuni, Jakarta -- Corruption in the courts, rather than within political parties or the police, is the problem that needs the most immediate attention in Indonesia, according to a new opinion survey.

The survey, by Berlin-based Transparency International, also found that many Indonesians believe that corruption will decrease in the next three years, albeit only slightly, and that corruption was affecting more the political life, and the culture and values of society, than the business environment or their personal and family life.

Transparency International, an independent organization fighting against global corruption, published its latest survey on the Global Corruption Barometer involving 48 countries, in its website (www.transparency.org). The group last year ranked Indonesia as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world in its annual corruption perception index.

The finding that corruption in the courts should be the first to be resolved in Indonesia, based on a survey of around 1,000 people, departed from the trend found in most other countries surveyed, which overwhelmingly singled out political parties as the institution that needed the most attention.

The survey, conducted by Gallup International, asked the question: "If you had a magic wand and you could eliminate corruption from one of the following institutions, what would your first choice be?" In Indonesia, nearly one in three picked the courts of law. Political parties came second, utilities and police third and fourth respectively. Peru is the only other country where more people picked the courts of law over other institutions.

Highlighting the fact that in 33 of the countries surveyed, the respondents would use their magic wand to eliminate corruption in political parties, Transparency International chairman Peter Eigen said: "The people of the world are sending a clear message to political leaders: They have to rebuild the trust of ordinary people ... It is time to recognize the full extent of corruption among political elites ... and the need to curtail conflicts of interests and political immunity."

The survey also asked: "Do you expect the level of corruption to change in the next three years? Respondents in Indonesia, Colombia and Croatia were among the most optimistic that there would be changes for the better, according to the report.

In Indonesia, 41 percent of the respondents believe that corruption will decrease a little, while nearly 26 percent say it will stay the same. Nearly 18 percent believe it will increase.

The survey also asked respondents in these countries how corruption was affecting their personal life, the business environment, the political life and the culture and values of society, ranking their answer between "not significantly", "somewhat significantly" and "very significantly".

In Indonesia, more people (42.5 percent) said corruption did not significantly affect personal and family life, and 46.3 percent said it somewhat significantly affected the business environment.

An overwhelming majority responded "very significantly" on the impact of corruption on political life (79 percent), and the impact on culture and values of society (55.3 percent).

Media/press freedom

Tempo attacker gets five months in jail

Jakarta Post - July 10, 2003

Jakarta -- The Central Jakarta District court sentenced Hidayat Lukman, alias Teddy Uban, to five months in jail plus 10 months probation for assaulting Tempo weekly news magazine journalist Ahmad Taufik.

Hidayat, one of those who attacked Tempo, was charged with violating Article 335 of the Criminal Code, as he allegedly encouraged others into acts of violence against Tempo journalists. The charge carries a maximum punishment of one year in jail.

The verdict was lighter than the prosecutor's demand, which had asked the court to sentence him to six months imprisonment with nine months probation.

Some 200 supporters of tycoon Tomy Winata staged a violent demonstration on March 8 at the Tempo offices on Jl. Proklamasi, Central Jakarta, protesting against a Tempo article titled Ada Tomy Di Tenabang (There is Tomy in Tenabang), which suggested Tomy was somehow involved in the Tanah Abang market fire in February.

Presiding judge Sunarjo was of the opinion that the demonstration did not constitute an attack because no physical damage was involved.

Regional/communal conflicts

Poso peace tested after bomb blast

Jakarta Post - July 11, 2003

Erik W. and La Remy, Palu -- Peace in the Central Sulawesi town of Poso, once wracked by bloody sectarian fighting, was put to the test on Friday after a homemade bomb exploded in a food stall, injuring four people.

One of the victims, identified as Sutrisno, 40, sustained serious wounds in the blast on Thursday night, and had his right leg and left hand amputated, police said. The other three -- Tini Alimin, 36, Melki, 33, and Fela, 2 -- are being treated in the intensive care unit of Poso general hospital.

The police said the bomb was contained in a bag found in the Cafi Victoria food stall located on Jl. Trans Sulawesi, Poso. An unsuspecting Sutrisno opened the bag, thereby triggering of the blast, they added. The explosion forced the authorities to tighten security for motorists traveling to and from Poso, with police checking passing vehicles.

The motivate behind the blast is not yet known. Poso Police deputy chief Sr. Comr. Rudy Tranggono said he had deployed additional personnel to hunt down the bombers.

Local police officers said they believe the bomb was planted in the food stall as it reportedly sold alcohol. Rampant distribution of liquor in Poso was blamed for the first eruption of the two-year-long religious conflict there in 2000.

Central Sulawesi Police chief Brig. Gen. Taufik Ridha flew on Friday morning to Poso, where he vowed to soon arrest the bombers. He said that no suspects had been identified as yet, and appealed to the public to give the police time to solve the case.

Despite Thursday's bombing, Taufik claimed that peace had actually been restored in Poso, but admitted that a certain group of people still wanted to create chaos. He said that around 2,000 security personnel would remain on guard in Poso to prevent renewed violence.

Local community leader S. Pelima questioned the security forces' failure to prevent the bombing. "Many security personnel have been deployed here, but the victims continue to fall. What're they here for? He dismissed as "camouflage" the police claim that security had been restored in the town since early this year.

Pelima demanded that the police and military improve their work so as not to allow any more attacks to occur. "If there are still people falling victim to bombings and mysterious shootings, this means the security restoration operation launched in early 2002 has failed." He said many unidentified outsiders had arrived in Poso recently and that they were believed to be behind the latest bombings and shootings.

Earlier on Wednesday, Yulius Ledo Pamimi, a 32-year-old resident of Saatu village in Poso, was shot dead by a sniper. Police are still in the dark about the culprits as the bullets that killed Yulius could not be recovered because his family refused to permit an autopsy to be performed.

Another bomb also exploded two weeks ago in Kawua village, Lage subdistrict, when local residents were holding a traditional dance party. No injuries were reported in this blast. In May, two other people were also shot dead by snipers in another part of Poso.

The renewed violence comes after months of relative peace in the region. In February 2002, Muslim and Christian leaders signed a peace deal to end the fighting that by that stage had killed some 2,000 people.

Fresh violence could erupt in Maluku, warns military

Straits Times - July 7, 2003

Ambon -- Even as the military campaign to quell the separatist movement in Aceh shows no sign of coming to a speedy end, fresh trouble is brewing in another trouble spot -- Maluku, where separatist and sectarian violence is threatening the province.

Maluku's Pattimura military commander Major-General Agustadi Sasongko Purnomo hinted there were groups that were interested in stirring up trouble and renewing the conflict in the province.

He identified two of them as the South Maluku Republic (RMS) separatist movement and its military wing, the Maluku Liberation Front (FKM). "Another is a group of people who will take advantage of the instability," the military chief told reporters after attending the 42nd anniversary celebration of the 733rd Infantry Battalion here.

He said the province still had to deal with the problems that ensued following the 1999 religious unrest, and this would need the full participation of all elements in society to prevent past conflicts from re-emerging. "Should the ideological, political, economic, social, cultural and security problems remain unsolved, they will trigger new conflicts here," Maj-Gen Agustadi said.

Quoting intelligence reports, the two-star general said the groups he was referring to included people who were behind the latest acts of terror in the provincial capital.

Ambon has been coping with the possibility of renewed terror following recent discoveries of bombs in public places. The latest incident was the discovery of an armed bomb in the Mardika area. The bomb failed to explode as the police bomb squad managed to deactivate it in time.

But the military chief said it was difficult to identify the motives behind the latest bomb threats as they were different from those of the RMS/FKM, which had tried to set up a separate state. "We're hunting these people ... We, therefore, would ask for public help and for them to contact us if they know the whereabouts of the perpetrators," Maj-Gen Agustadi said.

Maluku police chief Brigadier-General Bambang Sutrisno agreed and offered to help the military to uncover the groups involved. The military chief also hinted at the existence of some 300 weapons -- both military standard issue and homemade -- among the opposing groups in Ambon.

"We'll conduct spot raids on suspected places to confiscate these weapons," he said. "I hope those possessing weapons will voluntarily hand them over to us. And those who know that their neighbours have guns, ammunition or explosives should also report them to the nearest military or police post."

Serious sectarian violence broke out in Maluku in January 1999, which left more than 5,000 people dead and forced hundreds of thousands to flee. The central government in February last year brokered a peace deal between the two warring camps, but sporadic violence has continued.

More than 80 per cent of Indonesia's 212 million people are Muslims, but in some eastern regions, including Maluku, Christians make up about half the population or are in the majority.

Local & community issues

Selapanjang residents plan to demonstrate at airport

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

Multa Fidrus, Tangerang -- Villagers from Selapanjang in Tangerang have threatened to stage a protest at the Soekarno- Hatta International Airport. The residents have been demanding compensation since they were evicted from their land due to the airport's expansion project which began last year. The project was operated by PT Angkasa Pura II.

"We have been patient so far. We'll stage a demonstration at the PT Angkasa Pura II head office [at the airport]," local community leader, Suwadi, said on Tuesday, adding that the deadline is the end of this month. If the villagers go ahead with the rally it could cause major disruption and flight delays as a result of traffic jams.

Last month a group of ojek (motorcycle taxi) drivers demonstrated at the airport because PT Angkasa Pura II was preventing motorcyclists from entering the airport. The rally caused airport employees and flight crew to arrive at work late and flight schedules were thrown into disarray.

The assistant for administrative affairs to Tangerang's mayor, Affandi Permana, confirmed on Tuesday that the 400 residents or 80 families involved had yet to receive compensation for their land.

"We can understand their impatience as they have waited a long time for compensation," Permana, who is a member of the Team of Nine responsible for clearing the land, told The Jakarta Post.

He said that the mayoralty and the airport operator had allocated funds for the residents but that approval by the State Minister for State Enterprises, Laksamana Sukardi, was needed before the funds were distributed.

Permana said Laksamana hadn't approved compensation for the villagers due to his busy schedule and included Laksamana's recent overseas trips accompanying President Megawati Soekarnoputri as part of that busy schedule.

PT Angkasa Pura II spokesman Wasfan claimed that the disbursement of compensation for the 80 families had started last month but he failed to disclose the amount of the compensation or the number of families who had benefited from it. The company had reportedly offered the residents compensation of Rp 150,000 (US$18.3) per square meter for their land.

Dozens of families in Kresek Asin and Jati Jengkol villages in Tangerang are also waiting to receive compensation for land they lost due to the airport's expansion.

PT Angkasa Pura II and Tangerang's mayoralty appropriated 1,600 hectares of land belonging to residents living around the airport.

The airport operator plans to expand the airport from 1,800 hectares to 3,400 hectares, developing the extension of terminals III and VI. The expansion to the airport would allow for the accommodation of up to 100 million passengers annually by 2020.

Mob torches police station in South Sumatra

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

Jakarta -- An angry mob set fire to a police station in South Sumatra province in protest against the police's failure to curb a series of crimes, leaving one person wounded, an officer said on Tuesday.

The attack took place on Monday night when around 300 residents of Karangjaya subdistrict, Musirawas, South Sumatra, demonstrated against a string of unsolved crimes, local police spokesman Abu Sopah told AFP. He said the crimes included motorcycle thefts.

Karangjaya police station, which was guarded by only six policemen, was set ablaze along with a police motorcycle. Sopah said one protester was wounded by a stray bullet after police fired warning shots to break up the crowd. Police detained 32 people, including three of the ringleaders, after the attack.

In May, a mob attacked and ransacked a police post in West Java after a policeman allegedly shot dead a bus driver following a traffic accident; and last November, angry residents in South Sumatra burnt down a police station after officers hunting escaped prisoners mistakenly killed a villager.

Incidents of "mob justice" have been on the rise in recent years across the crisis-plagued country as the crime rate has continued to rise. Suspected thieves and robbers are often set on fire or beaten to death, but prosecutions of the vigilantes are significantly rare. Criminologists and other expert analysts have blamed the incidents on police ineffectiveness and poor law enforcement.

Human rights/law

Megawati takes a page from Suharto

Asia Times - July 12, 2003

Jim Lobe, Washington -- Two of the world's largest human-rights organizations say the government of Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri is filling the country's jails once again with political prisoners, only five years after all prisoners of conscience were released with the ouster of former president Suharto.

In separate reports released on Thursday, London-based Amnesty International and New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) called for the release all political prisoners and the repeal of Suharto-era legislation used to prosecute and imprison activists who are merely engaged in peaceful political expression.

"Moves toward greater political freedoms and respect for freedom of expression are being undermined by the prosecution and imprisonment of peaceful political, labor, independence and other activists," said Brad Adams, the director of HRW's Asia division.

"With less than one year to go before Indonesia's first direct presidential elections, to be locking up individuals who criticize the government is an alarming development for the electoral process," he added.

Since 1998, according to the two reports, at least 46 people have been imprisoned for political expression -- 39 of them since Megawati became president two years ago.

The increased repression, according to the reports, is taking place behind a veneer of a new democratic government and greater freedoms than existed during the Suharto period. In many ways, according to activists interviewed by the two groups, that makes the trend more difficult to fight.

"Under Suharto, there were thousands of political prisoners and everyone knew about it," said defense lawyer Habib Rachman, who was interviewed by HRW. "People would go to the prisons every day to visit them out of solidarity. Now, no one knows about it and they are forgotten.

Most human-rights concerns are instead focused on the situation in rebellious Aceh province, where the armed forces (TNI) launched what is being described as a brutal counter-insurgency operation in May. Although journalists -- except those who have been "embedded" with TNI forces -- have been excluded from the natural-gas-rich province, reports of hundreds killed and scores detained, beaten and tortured have leaked out in recent weeks amid growing concern among both Indonesian and international human-rights groups.

But attention should also be paid to what is happening to ordinary political activists who are being prosecuted in Jakarta itself under provisions that still exist in the country's criminal code that, for example, punishes "insulting the president or vice president" with up to six years' imprisonment. Other crimes under the act include "sowing hate" against the government.

Since late 1992, according to the two groups, at least 14 political activists have been sentenced to prison and three others are facing trial under the law. In most cases, the defendants have been arrested after they participated in peaceful political demonstrations.

"Repressive legislation used under the authoritarian regime of former president Suharto has no place in a country which claims to be set on a path towards a fully fledged democracy," said Ingrid Massage, who heads Amnesty's Asia and Pacific Program.

Last October, Nanag and Muzakkir, two young political activists, were found guilty by a Jakarta court and sentenced to one year in prison after expressing their dissatisfaction with the pace of political reform by stamping on pictures of Megawati and her vice president, Hamzah Haz.

Their treatment provoked a major debate in the domestic media about the implications of the prosecution. An investigation launched by HRW, however, found that they were neither the first nor the last to be prosecuted under the laws that actually date from the colonial period.

This spring, for example, Ignatius Mahendra, chairman of the Yogyakarta branch of the National Democratic Students' League, and Yoyok Eko Widodo, a member of the Street Buskers Union, were among the latest to be imprisoned under charges of insulting the executive. Each was sentenced to three years in prison after being found guilty of burning portraits of the president and vice president.

Last week, Muhammed Nazar, a political activist in Aceh, was sentenced to five years in prison for "spreading hatred against the government" by participating in peaceful pro-independence meetings this year.

"Draconian colonial-era laws -- which most Indonesians assumed had been relegated to the dustbin of history -- in the Indonesian Criminal Code have been dredged up to facilitate politically motivated prosecutions, and once again are being used as a political tool to silence dissent," the HRW report said. It added that the trend was "particularly worrisome" in view of next year's scheduled parliamentary and presidential elections.

"The repeal of these laws is long overdue," Amnesty's Massage said. "Any legal provisions that criminalize peaceful political activities must be repealed as soon as possible." She also called for Megawati to commit herself publicly to cease all such prosecutions which "call into question [the] commitment to a pluralistic society based on respect for human rights".

The HRW report, titled "A Return to the New Order?", suggested that the prosecutions are related in part to Megawati's weak political position. She took office only after her predecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid, resigned, and she has come to depend heavily on the TNI as a major source of support, particularly given her uneasy relationship with the Islamic parties in her coalition government.

The military has used Megawati's weakness to enhance its political clout behind the scenes and promote new legislation that would further entrench its role and power in policing and other civilian functions. One proposed article would permit the military to take action against any activities deemed to constitute a threat to the nation's sovereignty, or territorial integrity, without civilian or even presidential oversight.

Indonesia blasted over political prisoners

Reuters - July 9, 2003

Jakarta -- Growing numbers of Indonesians are being jailed for their political views under "draconian" laws that call into question President Megawati Sukarnoputri's commitment to political openness, two leading rights groups said.

Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said in a statement the convictions were an alarming development leading up to Indonesia's first direct presidential election next year.

In the aftermath of former autocrat Suharto's downfall in 1998 following three decades of iron rule, all political prisoners were freed. Since then, the two organizations said at least 46 prisoners of conscience had been jailed, with 39 under Megawati, who took power in July 2001.

"Under the veneer of democratization and away from the spotlight on the war on terror and military action in Aceh, a quietly growing trend is emerging of regressive policies aimed at curtailing political dissent in Indonesia," Human Rights Watch said in a separate report accompanying the statement.

"Draconian colonial-era laws -- which most Indonesians had assumed had been relegated to the dustbin of history -- have been dredged up to facilitate politically motivated prosecutions and again are being used as a political tool to silence dissent."

Human Rights Watch said it was concerned Megawati was dismantling fundamental rights to freedom of expression to spare herself and her government from public criticism. Indonesia has generally seen a flowering in media freedom and public protest since Suharto fell, although the periodic convictions have begun to raise eyebrows. Megawati herself at least once expressed irritation at frequent street protests that hit Indonesia over myriad issues.

In response to criticism Jakarta was clamping down on freedom of expression in Aceh, the Foreign Ministry last week said it was an exaggeration to suggest democracy was at threat or that Aceh was closed to monitoring because of some high-profile cases.

Indonesia launched a military offensive in rebellious Aceh in May and put curbs on foreign media reporting the conflict.

The two rights groups expressed concern about use of a law that allows imprisonment of up to six years for insulting the president or vice president. Since late 2002, at least 14 activists had been jailed under this code, they said. Some had burned portraits of Megawati or her deputy.

"Repressive legislation used under the authoritarian regime of former President Suharto has no place in a country which claims to be set on a path toward a fully-fledged democracy," said Ingrid Massage of Amnesty.

Both organizations said in many cases arrests had been made without warrants and detainees had been denied access to lawyers, and in some cases, subject to torture and other ill-treatment.

'Preserving KNRI is more important than human rights': Minister

Detik.com - July 8, 2003

Jakarta -- Minister of Defence Matori Abdul Djalil has criticised a number of NGOs which only talk about human rights when considering the situation in parts of Indonesia in which conflicts are raging.

He said that the Unitary State of Indonesia is more important than human rights. Defence Minister Matori expressed this opinion during a discussion about the situations in Aceh and West Papua with the Malaysian ambassador, Hamidon bin Ali, on Tuesday, according to a press release issued by the Defence Ministry.

He is quoted as saying: "Of course, it's alright to think about human rights but the more important thing is to think about the territorial integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia , NKRI." He denied that this meant trivialising the importance of human rights. Human rights should always be given priority, he said, "provided that they do not undermine NKRI. Because conditions differ, the application of human rights in Indonesia cannot be the same as their application in western countries," he said. (djo)

[Comment: Defence Minister Matori is the second civilian politician to occupy the position as defence minister. He is clearly nothing more than a figurehead for the government department otherwise totally run by the military. Tapol]

Focus on Jakarta

Increasing social pressure triples suicide cases

Jakarta Post - July 12, 2003

Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- Increasing social pressure in Jakarta is believed to be the main factor in people committing suicide, experts say, in response to a tripling in the number of suicide cases reported by the police.

In the first semester of 2003, suicides had tripled to 62 from last year's 19 over the same period. Police reports say that most people committed suicide by hanging themselves, while some used other methods, including drinking poisonous substances, cutting blood vessels, jumping from high-rise buildings or setting themselves on fire.

Financial difficulties were the dominant reason for people wishing to end their lives. Other causes included the breakup of relationships and family-related stress.

Psychologist from the University of Indonesia Sartono Mukadis blamed the significant jump in suicides partly on tough urban living conditions.

"Jakarta has very few places where people can chat and share their feelings. At the same time, social pressures on people to move up the social ladder grow stronger. People already under stress cannot relieve their frustration and discontent," he said on Thursday.

Sartono revealed that his study was carried out in Batam island, Riau, last year, where 34 suicides were reported within 10 months. He said that the high incidence of suicide in Batam was closely related to hostile conditions on the island, where solidarity within ethnic groups there had been severely undermined. "Similar circumstances could occur in Jakarta, where people from different ethnic groups and social status live side by side."

Urban planning expert from Trisakti University Yayat Supriyatna said that Jakarta had become a more stressful city due to increasing social, political and economic problems. He related the stress to chronic problems that had to be overcome by Jakartans, following the crisis that severely hit the country's economy in mid-1997.

In 1998, Jakartans had to cope with the bloody May riots, which led to the resignation of former president Soeharto. In 1999, political tension was heightened during the general election, and it was then followed by massive flooding that affected most areas in the capital in early 2002.

"Jakarta has become a stressful metropolis; it is a really unhealthy place to live," Yayat said. He also blamed Jakarta's unhealthy state on overcrowding, which had led to a deterioration in the quality of people's lives.

Data from the city administration shows that the city's population density can be more than 14,000 people per square kilometer (sq km). In some areas, like Tambora, North Jakarta, and Senen, Central Jakarta, the number of residents can reach 20,000 per sq km.

Jakarta's population is about 18 million people by day and 11 million by night, due to inward commuting from adjacent urban area in Greater Jakarta.

News & issues

Mega signals new direction for Intel

Laksamana.Net - July 15, 2003

Speaking at a ground breaking ceremony for the new Batam intelligence academy on 9 July, she said "in today's global world, the use of intelligence expertise can not be limited solely to the military, police and other government organizations, but is also needed for civilian purposes."

"Intelligence gathering," she added, "is widely practiced in economic fields, such as trade and finance, both at the national and international levels."

This appears to represents a paradigm shift within the intelligence community, given the previous hegemony of Army officers in the intelligence community over the last three decades.

Even from the early days of Indonesian independence, the intelligence organizations were initiated by the Army and were militaristic in character.

The early dominance of the military was understandable, since most of the first generation of Indonesian intelligence officers were trained by the Japanese military occupation and its Indonesian force, Peta.

Peta was in itself the creation of a Japanese intelligence agency, Sambobu Tokubetsu-han (Special Task Unit), usually known in Indonesia as Beppan.

Peta officers who underwent more advance intelligence and special warfare training were the instructors in the Yugekitai or I-go Kimutai (First Task Force), an institution geared more towards the type of intelligence used in traditional warfare rather than in guerilla war.

The Yugekitai intelligence training course produced two streams, intelligence officers who came through Army Intelligence proper, and those who came through the Military Police. Among Yugekitai graduates were Zulkifli Lubis, Sudirgo and Nichlany Sudarjo.

Lubis was widely known as a dominant figure in intelligence circles through the revolutionary period and the 1950s, although he was quickly deposed by his rival, then Army Chief of Staff Gen. A.H. Nasution, because of his subsequent involvement in the rebellion in West Sumatra in 1958.

It was Lubis who organized for the first time a republican intelligence group in Yoyakarta, presumably within the Army headquarters or the Ministry of Defense. Lubis first organization was called Special Military Intelligence (Penyelidik Militer Khusus).

In 1947, Defense Minister Amir Syarifuddin ordered a number of different intelligence groups brought under one roof as part of the Defense Ministry. Again, Lubis and the graduates of Yugekitai officer training became the most significant group as A Group.

A Group provided the basis for the post-revolutionary generation of Army intelligence officers, with one stream entering Army intelligence proper like Sutopo Yuwono, and another stream passing on through the Military Police Corps, such as Nichlany and Sudirgo.

Both of these groups continued to play a major role in dominating the State Intelligence Coordinating Agency (BAKIN). Sutopo Yuwono became head of BAKIN and Nichlany was one of his deputies.

During Guided Democracy, a number of new national level intelligence organizations and groups were set up. Among the most significant was the Central Intelligence Board (BPI), headed by Subandrio from its inception in 1959.

When the Supreme Operational Command (KOTI) was announced in 1963 to replace the cabinet, BPI was intended, at least in the eyes of the military, to be part of the operational staff for the anti- Malaysian campaign.

But Sukarno and Subandrio turned it into much more. They saw a threat from the Army under Gen. Nasution, who wanted an integrated intelligence service under the command structure of the military.

In the latter part of the Guided Democracy, BPI became something of a personal political vehicle for Subandrio, who at the time became First Minister and Foreign Minister. His swing to the left provoked resentment from the anti-communist mainstream Army leadership.

When Sukarno was overthrown by the Army led by Suharto in 1966 following the so- called 30 September movement (G30S) which killed six generals, BPI and Subandrio disappeared from the national political scene.

As soon as Sukarno's hand-over of power to Suharto on 11 March 1966, the BPI building was occupied by intelligence units under the Defense and Security Ministry. The Army was concerned to secure the entire troubled intelligence apparatus through an integrated organization, and established a new military body, the State Intelligence Command (KIN).

Its main task was to take over the functions, but not the personnel, of BPI. Caretaker President Suharto was its first head, and Yoga Sugama, who at the time was still in Army intelligence, became Suharto's Chief of Staff of KIN.

In 1967, KIN was reorganized into BAKIN, with a broader brief to coordinate the workings of all intelligence organs, military and civilian. Suharto was still in charge as its head, with day-to day control under Deputy Head Sudirgo.

In 1970, Sutopo Yuwono took over as head of BAKIN. In 1974, following an internal split among the Army top brass, Sutopo was deposed from BAKIN. Yoga Sugama, who at the time was military attachi in Washington, took over.

Under the leadership of Sutopo and Yoga BAKIN was dominated by the first generation of Japanese-trained intelligence officers like Nichlany and Maj. Gen. (Ret) Rujito.

As the intelligence agency directly responsible to Suharto as president, BAKIN, though nominally a civilian organization, was always under military control and staffed at the senior level by serving or retired military officers.

Since its inception, BAKIN was synonymous with the politicized military of Indonesia. It displayed a flair for aggressive intelligence, counter intelligence and covert operations with a combination of deviousness in plotting and was often brutal and malicious in its political interventions.

This bad reputation reached its peak when Ali Murtopo joined BAKIN as deputy head for psychological warfare and covert action.

When Maj. Gen. Sudibyo replaced Yoga in 1989, the protigi of then Defense Minister and Armed Forces Commander Gen. L.B. Murdani turned BAKIN into an organization much more closely integrated into the military bureaucracy.

BAKIN under Sudibyo became a model of the special forces intelligence stream that came to dominate the Army under Murdani.

The opportunity for the special forces to dominate the intelligence game came when Murdani, as the highest military authority, was ordered by Suharto to neutralize the personalized and private Special Operations under Murtopo by reorganizing the bureaucratic intelligence and security apparatus.

Murdani became the leading figure in a new body, the Armed Forces Strategic Intelligence Agency (BAIS), established in 1983. BAIS became the military body formally responsible for the collection of intelligence, both external and domestic, and covering military, political and social areas of life.

The term "strategic" was understood to refer to the broad interests of the state, rather than a narrow definition referring to military affairs or international geopolitics.

As the centralized operational intelligence-gathering body closely articulated with the resources of the Armed Forces, BAIS had an operational arm stretching from the line of army intelligence assistants from the office of the Army Chief of Staff down through the Regional Military Commands, Resort Military Commands and the District Military Commands.

With the appointment of Murdani's protigi Sudibyo as head of BAKIN, the intelligence was not only militarized in its body and its working principles, but in personnel as well.

Murdani and BAIS were as militaristic as its predecessor BAKIN. Unlike BAKIN, which draw the best intelligence operatives from various background of society, including his former enemies, BAIS was manned solely by military personnel.

With the incorporation of the special forces red berets of Kopassus into BAIS, the intelligence units of Kopassus became involved in intelligence-based state terror campaigns.

Cases in East Timor, West Irian and extra-judicial killings of criminals in 1983-1984, showed that the red-beret elite shock troops were involved in police-type security operations leading to the arrest and detention or disappearance in counter- insurgency operations and the mysterious killing of 600 alleged gangsters in the first half of 1983.

Even in 1997-1998, when Kopassus was under the influence of Suharto's son in law, commander of the Army Strategic Reserve Command Prabowo Subianto, 14 political activists were kidnapped.

Though Prabowo himself was protected from investigation and wrongdoing, several red-beret personnel were implicated in the actions. When Suharto finally was forced to resign in May 1998, de facto the military lost its relevance as an independent political force. Thus, BAKIN and BAIS as the intelligence agencies under the military structure, also lost their initiative as the political outlet for generals from Suharto's inner circle.

In terms of culture, the mindset of the military intelligence officers in both BAKIN and BAIS remained unchanged. They did not want to face the reality that the military no longer has an outlet to play politics and no longer has the legal foundation for justifying their political role.

Internal security, an excuse that gave the military legitimacy to play politics for over the last three decades, now has been taken over by the Police.

The main function of BAKIN in intelligence gathering and analysis has yet to be transformed into a civilian-type intelligence community such as the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) or Britain's M-16.

BAKIN under the leadership of Hendropriyono also lost its initiative, realizing finally that as long as the military character still influences the working principles of BIN, the intelligence agency remains immovable.

As demonstrated through the nationwide hunt for terrorist suspects in the Bali bombing, the intelligence division of the police is looking more professional than the military-based BIN.

Coming soon to Indonesia: Spy schools

Straits Times - July 10, 2003

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Indonesia is soon to open two schools where students will learn how to break into buildings, hack into computers, and bug phones, among other unusual skills.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri broke ground yesterday for what might be called the world's first Spy Us. One is being built in Batam Island and the other in Sentul, West Java, not far from the nation's capital.

When they open in about 10 months, they will award formal bachelor's and master's degrees in what is being described as "intelligence science".

The country's State Intelligence Agency head, Mr Hendropriyono, said in Batam on Tuesday: "Indonesia will be the first country to open institutions offering such degrees. Realising the increasing security threats around the world, we have to respond to the problems by formulating the art of intelligence as a science." Students are expected to come from the military and government, as well as other fields.

Subjects will include information technology as well as espionage activities, and will be taught primarily in English.

Two of the country's best known institutions of higher learning, the University of Indonesia (UI) and the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB), will help develop programmes for the spy colleges. The 10-hectare school on Batam will include a firing range, a gymnasium and a 50-m swimming pool, the officials said.

As many as 100 students now enrolled at UI and ITB, from Indonesia and other Asean countries, will form the first graduating class from the spy colleges.

Officials also described the schools and plans surrounding them as a way to improve the training of agents amid criticisms that the country's intelligence-gathering abilities lag behind those of other countries.

Environment

NGOs claim widespread support stop mining in forests

Miningindo.com - July 14, 2003

In Jakarta Monday July 14 a coalition of environmental groups and NGOs formed to oppose mining in Indonesia's protected forest areas issued a press statement claiming widespread support from regional government administrations and communities throughout Indonesia.

The group, consisting of JATAM, WALHI-Friends of the Earth; Indonesian Centre for Environment Law; WWF Indonesia; Kehati; PELANGI; Forest Watch Indonesia; MPI; POKJA PSDA; PELA called on Indonesia's parliament to honour the intent of Forestry Law 41/1999 and uphold the ban on mining operations within land areas classified as protected forest. The coalition is led by Australia's Mineral Policy Institute (MPI) and locally by Jatam and Walhi, both with strong ties to the Sydney-based group.

The press statement continues as follows: "The last fortnight has seen a whirlwind of protests from provincial governments, indigenous peoples, environmentalists and academics opposed to a foreign-dominated mining industry and Indonesian cabinet push to expose protected forests to open cut mining.

"Officially, a decision now rests with the Indonesian House of Representatives to maintain the integrity of protected areas enshrined in the Forestry Law no. 41 of 1999, or else overturn the ban on open-cut mining in protected areas, in accordance with lobbying from mining companies and their sponsoring national embassies.

"In accordance with the breadth of the threatened areas, opposition to mining in protected areas has been recorded in the past week from public and officials throughout the nation including Bandar Lampung and Riau (Sumatra), Banjarmasin, Pontianak, Samarinda, and Palangkaraya (Kalimantan), Surabaya, Mojokerto and Semarang (Java), Sumbawa Besar (south-east Indonesia), Makassar, Kendari and Palu (Sulawesi). Below are three examples to demonstrate the depth of the opposition movement.

Placer rejected in Borneo

"Kalimantan [Borneo] forests are world famous as the home of one of humanity's closest relatives, the orangutan, whose name literally means "people of the forest". Sadly, the forests on which orangutans and Borneo's indigenous Dayak peoples rely are being rapidly destroyed by illegal logging, plantations and mining, with 44% of its forests degraded in just 12 years.

"That's why the lobbying by Canadian mining company Placer to mine for gold in the protected forests of South Kalimantan's Meratus Mountains has caused dismay and outrage.

"Indigenous Dayak Meratus and Dayak Samihim representatives issued a passionately worded letter of protest, signed on 25th June 2003 in which they set out compelling reasons for rejecting the Canadian mining giant's plans to exploit their land. Placer's lobbying also sparked a demonstration in the South Kalimantan provincial capital on the 1st of July, demanding government action to reject Placer's lobbying.

"This led to a declaration of the Provincial Government's opposition to the plans of Placer's Indonesian mining company, PT Meratus Sumber Mas. The Provincial Government also called on the Indonesian national parliament not to permit mining in the Meratus protected forest.

Rio Tinto/Newcrest asked to leave Sulawesi

"Elsewhere in the archipelago, in Palu, capital of central Sulawesi island, a parallel story is unfolding of indigenous opposition bolstered by community and provincial government protests against Rio Tinto's and Newcrest's lobbying to build a gold mine in the Poboya Protected Forest Park. Sustained Palu community opposition including protests directly against Rio Tinto has yielded separate statements by both the provincial House of Representatives (2 July 2003) and by Prof Aminuddin Ponulele, Governor of Central Sulawesi that they will refuse any central government attempts to permit the mine to go ahead.

"I'm not opposed to mining per se, but I do oppose mining which impoverishes the community. Why mine if the community has to pay for the impacts?" asked Governor Aminuddin.

"The threat posed by heavy metals, dust and other mine wastes to the Poboya Protected Forest Park and the water supply for 200,000 residents of Palu is too great a risk according to Governor Aminuddin, who was quoted by local paper Radar Palu on 3 July 2003 requesting Rio Tinto/Newcrest's joint venture company PT Citra Palu Minerals to leave Central Sulawesi province.

UNESCO's rebuff to BHP Billiton

"The threat to protected areas is sufficiently acute to have prompted a rare official intervention from the usually apolitical UNESCO Asia Pacific office in Jakarta (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation). UNESCO's letter appeals to Indonesian parliamentary committees currently considering government plans to mine in protected areas, with specific reference to tiny Gag island in West Papua where BHP Billiton plans to build the biggest nickel mine in the world and dump mine waste into the sea.

"The letter explains that an IUCN/UNESCO international Workshop in Hanoi in February 2002 chose the Raja Ampat archipelago including Gag Island as one of seven sites to consider for World Heritage listing from a field of 25 potential sites in Southeast Asia.

"The extraordinary biodiversity findings in the Raja Ampat/Gag area listed 505 species of coral, which is an extraordinary 64% of all known coral species in the world. In addition, scientific findings also listed 1,065 fish species -- amongst the highest fish diversity in the world. UNESCO's intervention is a blow to BHP Billiton's lobbying to overturn protected forest status and the company's plan to use STD -- Submarine (ocean) Tailings (waste) Disposal, despite it's claims to have reformed after the PNG Ok Tedi disaster.

"BHP's Ok Tedi mine in Papua New Guinea caused severe, long- lasting pollution of the Fly River, and local communities successfully sued BHP for multi-millions of dollars in damages.

International civil society, academics speak out for forests

"Turning the tables on hypocritical foreign government pressure asking the Indonesian government to weaken protected areas, over 1,100 letters have arrived from individuals and organisations in 43 countries in support of forest protection.

"Apart from groups of renown such as the Sierra Club and the Orangutan Foundation, other letters addressed to Indonesian President Megawati include testimonials such as this from Beth Partin, who heard of US mining company Newmont's push to expand into Indonesia's protected forests: "I live near Denver, Colorado where Newmont is based. In Colorado, we live every day with the damage caused by mining, for example, the Alamosa River was poisoned more than a decade ago by a cyanide leak and after years of cleanup is only beginning to show signs of life."

"To date around 6,000 sets of three postcards addressed to each of the House of Representatives (DPR,Ed.), the Forestry Department and the Minister for Mineral Energy and Resources have been signed and sent by ordinary Indonesians as an expression of support for existing environment protections against mining.

"Student environmentalists have staged protests at the Australian Embassy in anger at Australian and other foreign government lobbying on behalf of mining companies. Protests have also been held at the House of Representatives and the Forestry Department, with more planned.

"The student's actions are supported by statements opposing mining issued by groups of academics including a declaration of opposition to mining in protected areas issued on 3 July 2003 by heads of forestry education at five prestigious universities: Bogor Institute of Agriculture, Gajah Mada University, Mulawarman University, Hasanuddin University and Lampung University. Students and academics highlighted the total economic contribution made by sustainable forestry and environment protection, which according to Indonesia's national budget, outweighs that of mining, with much more potential untapped.

Health & education

Two million women have abortions each year

Jakarta Post - July 7, 2003

Jakarta -- An estimated two million Indonesians have abortions each year, mainly through unsafe procedures, a researcher told an abortion seminar in Yogyakarta on Saturday.

State-owned Gadjah Mada University (UGM) social researcher Muhadjir Darwin said that women chose to put their lives in danger and break the law by terminating their pregnancies for a range of reasons, including being unmarried or for financial reasons.

Muhadjir, a staff member from UGM's center for population studies, was quoted by Antara as saying that two million abortions annually was 30 percent of the total pregnancy rate in Indonesia. The world ratio was 25.6 percent, he said.

Data showed that most abortions involved single women, rape victims or married women whose contraception had failed, he said. The majority of abortions were done by unskilled health workers in dirty conditions, which added to the death rate. Muhadjir said the country's strict abortion regulations were obviously failing.

The status of abortion is currently before the House of Representatives. Religious groups are against the idea to legalize abortion, saying that all humans, once able to live and grow, have the right to live. Some non-governmental organizations (NGOs) take a more moderate stance, saying that women have the right to decide.

Under current law, abortion is allowed only if the pregnancy endangers a woman's life. However, illegal practices of abortion remain, especially in major cities such as Jakarta and Yogyakarta.

Some surveys have shown an increase in the number of unwanted pregnancies among Indonesian women, especially teenage girls. "Either we admit or not, abortion is widely practiced in Indonesia as a birth control method," Muhadjir said.

He said times had to change. "There is a need to change our legal stance to accommodate the need [of abortion] or we'll continue to put our women's lives on the line," he said.

Children as young as 13 engaged in drugs trade: ILO

Agence France Presse - July 8, 2003

Children as young as 13 are engaged in the drugs trade in the Indonesian capital and about four percent of all users are aged under 17, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) said.

The findings are part of its survey of the five worst forms of child labour, which also cover the trafficking of children for prostitution in Java island and child labour in offshore fishing in North Sumatra, in gold mining in East Kalimantan and in the shoe industry in West Java.

The ILO said its survey, conducted with local universities and other groups, shows that children enter prostitution between the ages of 15 and 17. Parents and other relatives play a part in trafficking them.

It gave no figures. But the ILO in a report last month said more than 10,000 children aged under 18 work as prostitutes in five major cities in Indonesia.

In the shoe industry, "children aged 13 to 16 work long hours in cramped, dusty workshops," the ILO said in a statement. Often they are exposed to hazardous substances such as glues and leather dust.

Children aged 13 to 17 also work long hours in dangerous conditions in offshore fishing for wages of between 200,000- 500,000 rupiah (24-61 dollars) a month.

Those working in East Kalimantan gold mines "are exposed to multiple hazards, such as cave-ins, (becoming) trapped in underground mines, exposure to dust and chemicals and long working hours," the ILO said. Diving for gold could cause nose and ear bleeding.

The UN agency said the Indonesian government is committed to eradicate the worst forms of child labour. A four-year programme would be launched this year, with its 4.5 million dollar budget coming from the United States and Germany.

The ILO said projects in the shoe industry and fishing had already made progress, with some 5,500 actual or potential child workers steered into informal education or other jobs since December 1999.

Aid & development

Megawati to relaunch billion-dollar projects

Straits Times - July 10, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri is scheduled today to re-launch a number of development projects, worth billions of US dollars, which were shelved in the wake of the 1997 economic crisis.

The various projects include a power generation venture in Central Java, the construction of a number of toll roads in East Java and a flood control project in Jakarta.

The re-launching ceremony will be held at the site of the Tanjung Jati B power plant project in Jepara, Central Java, one of the projects to be revived by the President.

The 1,329 Megawatt power plant, which was half-finished prior to the crisis, changed hands several times until Japanese construction firm Sumitomo agreed to continue the project in a joint venture, PT Central Java Power, with Indonesian state electricity company PT PLN.

Japan Bank for International Cooperation has agreed to provide US$1.65 billion in loans for the development of the project.

During the ceremony, Megawati will also relaunch the development of three toll roads in East Java worth 4.92 trillion rupiah. The development of toll roads will improve traffic flow in Surabaya and its surrounding areas.

Another giant project to be re-launched by the President is the East Canal flood-control project in Jakarta.

The three projects are expected to be completed in 2005, 2006 and 2007 respectively.

Meanwhile, a senior government official said the Indonesian government will intensify bilateral talks with Japan, the United States, China, India and Australia this year to seek the possibility of entering into free trade agreements (FTAs) with these countries.

Mr Tri Marjoko, director for bilateral cooperation at the Ministry of Industry and Trade said that such a move was also aimed at preventing buyers from these five countries from shifting their orders from Indonesia.

Despite progress, Indonesia ranks low in human development

Jakarta Post - July 9, 2003

Endy M. Bayuni, Jakarta -- The good news is that Indonesia has been making progress in almost all facets of human development. The not so good news is that the country still rates poorly in the fight to improve the lives of its people when compared to other countries, including most in the region.

Indonesia ranked 112th in the Human Development Index published in the Human Development Report 2003 which studied the development of 175 countries and was published on Monday.

The report published by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) said that between 1990 and 2001, Indonesia had significantly improved people's access to clean water and sanitation, had moved toward gender equality and increased the numbers of girls enrolled in school and significantly decreased its child mortality rate. The number of those living in poverty had dropped.

Indonesia's record on students enrolled in primary education however has not been good. Between 1990 and 2001 the numbers regressed. While the report does not give a reason for the decline, it is known that millions of children in Indonesia could not go to school in the late 1990s because the economic crisis.

The report looked at the progress of nations around the world in reaching "Millennium Development Goals", which almost all country leaders, including Indonesia's, had pledged to pursue before the turn of the century.

The eight Millennium Development Goals were:

• To halve the number of poor people (defined as living on less than US$1 a day) by 2015, and to halve the number of people suffering from hunger
• To ensure all boys and girls complete primary schooling
• To eliminate gender disparity in schools by 2015
• To reduce by two-thirds the mortality rate of children under five
• To halt and reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other major diseases
• To promote sustainable development policies
• To halve the number of people without access to drinking water
• To develop global partnerships for development.

The UNDP report, which quoted data published in 2001, says 7.2 percent of the Indonesian population still live in extreme poverty, and 26 percent of children under the age of five are underweight for their age. The report says 6 percent of the population is undernourished, an improvement from 9 percent in 1990.

The number of school-age children enrolled in schools dropped from 98 percent to 92 percent, according to the report.

The report found girls are still struggling to get an education. The ratio of girls to boys attending primary school remained unchanged at 0.95 between 1990 and 2001; girls also have less access to college education, with the ratio of girls to boys at 0.75.

Gender equality is still an issue in Indonesia with the female share of nonagricultural employment improving only slightly to 30 percent (from 29 percent); and the proportion of legislative seats held by women declining to 8 percent from 12 percent in 1990, (in spite of a woman president since 2001).

Indonesia made significant progress in the health sector despite the severe economic crisis of the late 1990s. The mortality rate of under-fives declined from 91 per 1,000 births to 45, and infant mortality rates declined from 60 per 1,000 births to 33. However, the maternal mortality ratio remained high at 470 per 100,000 births.

Indonesia's environmental record continued to be poor with a higher emission of carbon dioxide and rising consumption of ozone-depleting substances in he last 10 years or so. But water access and sanitation in Indonesia seemed to depend on location. Sixty-nine percent of the rural population had sustainable access to drinking water in 1999, against 62 in 1990; the ratio for the urban population fell from 92 to 90 percent.

Indonesia scored 0.682 in the Human Development Index. In the region, it rated above Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Papua New Guinea but below all other Southeast Asian countries. In comparison to other large countries, Indonesia ranked below China but above India.

"Indonesia is on track," commented Romeo Reyes, program development advisor at UNDP's office in Jakarta. "But it needs to do more to achieve the millennium development goals."

Armed forces/police

Outspoken general raises human rights fears in military

Associated Press - July 9, 2003

Daniel Cooney, Jakarta -- The soldiers who killed a peace- advocating separatist leader were "heroes." Two Germans shot by troops were "stupid" for vacationing in a strife-torn part of the country.

The comments by Indonesia's Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu have thrown the spotlight on the tough-talking presidential loyalist who some tip to become military chief.

The remarks have also raised questions about the message military commanders are sending to their troops about human rights amid fears that military reforms have stalled five years after the downfall of a military-backed dictatorship.

"There is a total atmosphere of impunity where soldiers think they can get away with murder, because effectively they can," said New York-based Human Rights Watch researcher Charmain Mohamed.

The military, looking to have a US-ban on military sales lifted, insists its human rights record is improving. It has established rights classes for officer-cadets and printed handbooks for them, listing rights regulations and the Geneva Convention. "We respect human rights and things are getting better," military spokesman Brig. Gen. Tono Suratman said.

But critics say the military's latest campaign in rebellious Aceh province where soldiers, as well as rebels, have been accused of extra-judicial killings and other abuses has shown little has changed.

Villagers have told The Associated Press that troops have shot to death dozens of civilians, including children, since the new offensive began May 19. Men wearing police uniforms have sexually abused women in remote villages, according to the National Human Rights Commission.

When members of the state-sponsored body said last month that they had received reports of a mass grave, army chief Ryacudu said: "Ask them to come here. I will knock their heads off." Also last month, soldiers shot two Germans, killing one and wounding the other, who were camping on a beach in Aceh. Troops opened fire after the two did not respond to calls to identify themselves, Ryacudu said, before adding that he thought the couple were "dumb and stupid" for camping in the region.

After a string of media reports of alleged military atrocities in Aceh, authorities restricted reporters from visiting the region. Contact with the rebels has been outlawed.

"I don't think any Indonesian military campaign will ever have [the] effect of winning hearts and minds in Aceh," said a visiting senior US official, who spoke on condition of anonymity. "They hate the military there." The armed forces are also not popular in Papua, a province on the eastern tip of sprawling Indonesia, which is home to a small group of separatists, armed mainly with bows and arrows and spears.

Seven special forces soldiers were found guilty in the 2001 killing of Papuan independence leader Theys Eluay, who advocated a peaceful secessionist struggle. They were sentenced to between two and three years in prison after Ryacudu described them as "heroes." Military involvement is also suspected in the killings of two US teachers and an Indonesian colleague last August in Papua, according to a police investigation. No one has been charged.

US military relations with Jakarta were suspended in 1999 after Indonesian troops and their militia proxies killed hundreds of people and destroyed much of East Timor after it voted to secede from Jakarta in a UN-sponsored referendum. Washington has said ties won't be restored until the military shows a greater respect for human rights.

Requests to interview Ryacudu, who commands 230,000 troops, were declined. The 53-year old has served in military posts across Indonesia, including in East Timor. Military observers describe him as a loyalist of President Megawati Sukarnoputri and tipped him as a serious contender as the next military chief.

One of his most recent high-profile acts was in 2001 when, as commander of the army's elite strategic reserve, he ordered 2,000 troops and tanks to assemble in a downtown Jakarta park next to the presidential palace during a standoff between then-President Abdurrahman Wahid and the legislature.

The military supported the parliament, which a day later ousted the president. With loaded guns aimed at the palace, Ryacudu leaned against one of the tanks and told the AP at the time that the deployment was a routine exercise and not meant to intimidate the president.

International solidarity

Aceh's failed peace process

Green Left Weekly - July 9, 2003

Pip Hinman, Sydney -- The Indonesian government has an almost "pathological hostility to separatism", Dr Ed Aspinall, lecturer in South-East Asian Studies at Sydney University, told a forum on July 2.

Organised by the Young Lawyers of NSW and the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), Aspinall was joined on a panel by Keith Suter, chair of the NSW ICJ, Nurdin Abdul Rachman, a human rights volunteer in Aceh, and Trini Sualang from the Indonesian embassy.

Aspinall argued that it was the downfall of Suharto that ignited the drive for political reform, which formed the backdrop to President Abdurrahman Wahid's attempts to establish dialogue with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and to reform the military (TNI), including the dismantling of the territorial command structure.

But by 2000, and with large parts of Aceh under GAM control, the TNI reform campaign had begun to slow. In 2002, GAM agreed to the special autonomy law and Jakarta wrongly believed this would end the struggle for independence.

Currently, the TNI is trying to reconsolidate its position in society, hold on to security policy and, in the process, "scotch any ideas about reform", Aspinall said.

While there's an underlying misgiving across Indonesia about the military operation in Aceh, he continued, there's also a fear of challenging the TNI.

The TNI's high command has declared that their mission is to "exterminate" not only GAM, but anyone suspected of sympathising with the independence movement, including human rights organisations.

But this will be difficult, Aspinall believes, if not futile. After three decades of fighting, when GAM was declared to be finished a number of times, it has always resurfaced, each time with more support.

Sualang, described the military operation in Aceh as a "humanitarian law and order" campaign. She ascribed all the violence in Aceh to GAM, and said that the TNI had changed, as now "soldiers were being briefed on human rights" and "provided with a pocket book" on the subject.

Asked why journalists and human rights workers were being denied access to the province, Sualang denied this was the case. A parting comment from her embassy colleague seemed to sum up the Indonesian government's attitude: "Of course, we have to have a strong military. If we didn't, we would be a 'failed state'."

International relations

Jakarta in uproar over US jets' breach of airspace

Straits Times - July 9, 2003

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Yet another jet saga is brewing in Jakarta with senior officials and military brass demanding explanations, and possibly apologies, from Washington.

The problem: five American F-18 jets are said to have inappropriately breached Indonesian airspace over the Java Sea last Thursday.

The furore arising from US warplane manoeuvres underscores Jakarta's sensitivity and concern towards America's show of military might and the extent to which anti-American sentiment has taken hold among Indonesians.

Yesterday, Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra said: "If the US breached our territory, we will send a protest note -- so the Americans respect our sovereignty." General Endriartono Sutarto, Armed Forces commander, told reporters he had submitted complete dossiers concerning last Thursday's incident to the government.

Vice-President Hamzah Haz said the US should avoid such an incident in future as it would "elicit responses" from the Indonesian people.

Local media over the weekend highlighted the story of how the five American F-18 Hornets were discovered as they flew over Bawean Island, directly north of Surabaya and Madura Island in East Java.

The US Embassy in Jakarta said the warplanes were escorting an aircraft carrier, two frigates and a tanker. An embassy spokesman said the US military had informed Indonesia of the convoy's movements within its waters.

But front-page headlines in major Indonesian papers had other stories to tell, such as: "Manoeuvre American planes provocative", "Americans refuse to be blamed" and "Indonesian and American jets almost clashed". The Indo Pos newspaper carried a page one picture on Sunday of the Indonesian pilots who flew the American-built F-16 fighter planes that intercepted the US jets last week.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Marty Natalegawa told The Straits Times yesterday that his office was compiling information on the incident. He declined to say whether Jakarta would lodge a formal protest.

"What is clear is that there were no hostilities expressed by both sides during the encounter itself, and that we are still seeking clarification on this issue. We will express ourselves once we have that information," he said.

Indonesian Member of Parliament Alvin Lie said Jakarta's response to some extent showed the level of concern over the Americans' recent aggressive attitude towards other countries.

"We note America's expansionist policies," he said. "First Afghanistan, then Iraq, then Iran. Washington is showing aggressiveness on North Korea and in Africa. Perhaps we worry that Indonesia, with its large Muslim population, could be the next target for American attention."

Analysts doubt the F-18 incident will lead to a major row with Washington but say the Indonesian reaction is very much in line with the growing suspicion in the country about American motives and policies.

Politicians mindful of next year's elections may want to weigh in with tough stances towards the Americans, observers said.

Military ties

UK tanks roll on Indonesian rebels

The Observer (UK) Sunday - July 13, 2003

Antony Barnett -- The British Government faces fresh embarrassment over its controversial policy of selling arms to Indonesia as the first evidence emerged of the Indonesian military using UK-made tanks to crush a rebellion in its Aceh province.

Friday's edition of Indonesian daily Suara Pembaruan published a photo of two Scorpion tanks, made by the Coventry firm Alvis, in offensive operations in Pidie sub-district, north Aceh, while an Indonesian military commander told The Observer he knew the Foreign Office in London would "have a fit".

The spectre of British-made tanks involved in the conflict is acutely embarrassing for the Blair Government, which came under pressure to block the sale after it was elected in 1997. Yesterday a Foreign Office spokesman said an investigation would be launched. Despite pledging to introduce an ethical foreign policy, then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook allowed the export of these tanks because he claimed they had received assurances the equipment would not not be used for internal repression. The decision by the Indonesian military to use them in this bloody civil conflict is a clear violation of those promises, and human rights groups are demanding the British Government intervenes.

Indonesian generals have repeatedly said they do not intend to abide by non-binding assurances made to the British Government about the use of weapons. Earlier this month Colonel Ditya Sudarsono insisted they would not be used to violate civilians' human rights but would be used offensively. "They will become a key part of our campaign to finish off the separatists," he said. "They will be used for restoring peace to the province." Ditya admitted Britain would be unhappy at the Scorpions' deployment. "Maybe later the British Foreign Minister will have a fit," he said.

US Houses differ over Indonesia aid

Far Eastern Economic review - July 17, 2003

The upper and lower houses of the United States Congress clearly differ over whether to restore training for Indonesian military officers.

At a June 26 hearing before the Asia subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee, congressmen twice asked senior Pentagon officials whether they thought Washington's suspension of military training hurt US interests in Indonesia.

Adm. Thomas Fargo, chief of the US Pacific Command, argued that military training was the best way to provide the Indonesian military with a "model for reform." Doug Bereuter, a senior Republican congressman from Nebraska, urged the Bush administration to "consult more broadly on a programme that should be in our national interest.

These sentiments differ sharply with those of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which voted in late May to withhold $400,000 approved last year for training officers in the US until Jakarta helps complete the investigation into the killing last August of two American teachers during an ambush in Indonesia's remote Papua province. Washington suspended aid to the Indonesian military in the early 1990s because of human-rights violations by its men in East Timor, which was then controlled by Jakarta.