Democratic struggle

International Women's Day also commemorated in Yogyakarta

Detik.com - March 8, 2003

Bagus Kurniawan, Yogyakarta -- International Women's Day (IWD) which falls on this day, Saturday, was also commemorated in the city of Yogyakarta. Around 30 or so activists from the Poor People's Front for Struggle (Front Perjuangan Rakyat Miskin, FPRM), the People's Democratic Party (PRD) and a number of non- government organisation activists commemorated IWD at the roundabout of the Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta.

The action in Yogyakarta was not only joined by women activists but was also supported by male activists from the PRD and FPRM. Although the action was held at the northern intersection of the UGM roundabout the small number of activists did not cause a traffic jam.

Security officers who were present from the sectoral police of Gondokusuman and West Depok only safeguarded the area and directed traffic.

As well has holding speeches, they also carried a number of PRD and FPRM flags along with posters stating that women reject the recent price increases by the government of President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Vice-president Hamzah Haz, because the principle victims of this are women workers.

They also warned that there has been an increase in discrimination against women and exploitation of women workers. Women workers have became the most marginalised under the present capitalist system. This is despite the fact that they make up the largest portion of the labour force in Indonesia. However they also represent the social class which has been most damaged.

According to the coordinator of the action, Arie Ariyanto, the action rejected recent price increase and demanded an immediate decrease in prices which have sky rocketed. In addition to this, they are calling for actions against imperialism which is planning to invade Iraq.

"Overthrow the puppet regime of Mega-Hamzah and form a government of the opposition and for a government of the poor", said Arie. (asy)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Women's Defence Alliance holds demo in Central Jakarta

Detik.com - March 8, 2003

Yulianti, Jakarta -- As planned, on Saturday hundreds of protesters from the Women's Defence Alliance (Aliansi Perempuan Menggugat, APM) held a demonstration in commemoration of International Women's Day.

The demonstration by around 500 involved students, non-government organisation activists, Cakung workers [who were locked out of their factory when the owners fled the country], the Muara Angke family [who's land was turned into a luxury housing estate], the People's Democratic Party and the National Student League for Democracy.

The action at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout began at around 3pm to be followed by a "long-march" to the International Monetary Fund offices then the presidential palace.

During the action in which the majority of participants were women, they displayed banners which read: "Women Against Liberalism and the Neo-Liberal Regime", "Women Reject Price Increases" and "Reject the Draft Laws on Labour".

In a statement, APM explicitly rejected the economic and political policies of the government of president Megawati Sukarnoputri and Vice-president Hamzah Haz who are serving the interests of foreign capital. They also rejected militarism because in all conflict which occur women become the targets of rape.

APM also called for the government to reduce the prices of basic goods, because as a result of the price increases, it has become difficult for housewives to manage the household budget. APM also criticised the increases to the cost of education which has caused many children to drop out of school.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Students/youth

1000 BEM activists demonstrate, Bandung grid-locked

Detik.com - March 6, 2003

M. Munab Islah Ahyani, Bandung -- As many as 1000 activists from the Students Executive Council (BEM) from all institutions of higher education, except for the Bandung Institute of Technology, demonstrated in front of the West Java parliament today. For the umpteenth time, BEM declared its mistrust of the elite. As a result of the action the streets of Medan were totally congested.

As well as giving speeches, the students also erected banners reading "The Elite Don't Think About the People", "Revolution or Death" and "Reduce Prices".

In the speech, BEM stated that they reject foreign intervention in Indonesia, they no longer trusted the elite or the policies of the government and demanded a reduction in prices and an end to the dual function of the military.

At the end of the speech, they laid a wraith of flowers then held a long march to the Bandung city centre. They passed though Jl. Diponegoro, Jl. H. Juanda, Jl. Merdeka and Jl. Aceh then returned to their respective campuses.

Security forces safeguarded the peaceful action and as of filing this story the action was still continuing.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

BEMs cancels action against Megawati

Jakarta Post - March 4, 2003

Jakarta -- Student Executive Bodies (BEMs) from universities in Greater Jakarta canceled planned demonstrations on Saturday against President Megawati Soekarnoputri's administration, saying they were worried about the possibility of repressive police measures.

A spokesman for the student activists, Sudarto, expressed his disappointment that the police continued to prevent students from approaching Megawati's official residence.

"Although we meet all the necessary procedures, the police always act repressively when we approach Megawati's residence," Sudarto was quoted by Detik.com news portal as saying on Saturday.

The spokesman said another reason for the cancellation on Saturday was that students were tired from the near continuous demonstrations they have been involved in.

He said the students would rest so they were prepared to continue with their protests and rallies in the future.

Aceh

Military involved in Aceh's Takengon incident: Kontras

Jakarta Post - March 8, 2003

Jakarta -- A fact-finding team of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) have discovered that the local military was allegedly involved in the recent attack on the office of the Aceh peace monitoring team in Takengon, Central Aceh.

The military, however, denied the allegation and described the Kontras report as "absolute rubbish".

According to the team's report, released to the press in Banda Aceh on Friday, some Army soldiers as well as trained militiamen were among the angry mob who launched the attack on the monitoring team's office.

The monitoring team is part of the Joint Security Committee (JSC), a tripartite body supervising the implementation of the cessation of hostilities agreement signed by the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in Geneva on Dec. 9, 2002, to end the 26-year conflict.

According to the report, the local military had prepared some 500 militiamen, several of whom were believed to be members of the Army's Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad), in Bukit regency of Takengon, Central Aceh, around 8:30 a.m., and transported them under security escort to join some 2,500 civilians from Bandar district in the Buntul Kubu area.

"Thousands of civilians, along with the militiamen and soldiers, staged a protest in front the JSC office while yelling for the dissolution of the Committee, which they accused of unfairness in handling their complaints on GAM's violations of the peace agreement.

"Four JSC members -- one from Indonesia, one from Thailand and two from GAM -- tried to negotiate with the angry mob and held a dialog at Meusara Alun field in Blang Kolak, one kilometer from the JSC office. JSC members, at the time, were being guarded by five TNI soldiers from Kostrad's 431 battalion and dozens of Mobile Brigade personnel," the report said.

The dialog turned violent when protesters attacked the JSC members and torched a car belonging to the JSC, the report said.

"In efforts to stop the violence, several soldiers fired warning shots while giving a signal to protesters to go on with their action. A police personnel even drove the protesters closer to the building and JSC members," the report said.

A Thai member of the monitoring team was injured, the GAM flag was burned and a JSC car was torched. The situation remained tense until the angry mob dispersed at around 2pm.

According to the report, some 400 of 3,000 protesters were militiamen who had been trained and armed by the military. They were living in the villages of Pondok Kresek and Pondok Sayur in Bukit regency, and the villages of Pondok Gajah and Pondok Baru in Bandar regency, all in Central Aceh, the report said.

GAM has accused militiamen and the local military of being behind the violent protest.

Several witnesses said that militiamen were actually responsible for the incident, including the attack on the monitoring team's members. The report also said that a day before the incident, militiamen had intimidated the locals to join the protest, otherwise they would be blacklisted as GAM supporters.

Central Aceh is one of several regencies which have proposed the formation of a new province to prevent the whole province from being influenced by the separatism issue.

Meanwhile, Aceh military spokesman Lt. Col. Firdaus Komarno described the Kontras report as "absolute rubbish." "The Indonesian Military did not engineer that incident. The accusation of a military-trained militia is nonsense. It is untrue," Komarno said.

He blamed the attack on "an accumulation" of disappointment by local residents over continuing extortion by GAM. "But if the public want to fight GAM ... should we stop them?" the military spokesman said.

Separately, Komarno said residents have found the severely tortured bodies of two men who were abducted near Takengon hours after the office attack.

Komarno said that, based on witnesses and preliminary investigations, GAM was responsible for the abduction. Some witnesses even saw the abductors taking turns raping one of the men's wives, he said. GAM could not immediately be reached for comment.

An estimated 10,000 people have been killed in the 26-year conflict in the province on the northern tip of Sumatra island. The number of killings has fallen greatly since the peace pact, the first to be monitored by foreign observers, came into force.

In Jakarta, 54 Aceh clerics called on the Indonesian government to stick to the peace accord and support the Henry Dunant Centre in facilitating peace in the province. They also warned of a possible breakdown of the peace accord, since both the military and GAM had misinterpreted it in favor of their own interests.

GAM is enemy of the state: Army chief

Jakarta Post - March 6, 2003

Jakarta -- Army chief Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu said the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) is not only an enemy of the Indonesian Military (TNI), but is also an enemy of the state.

"Every separatist movement will have to face the people [of this nation]," Ryamizard was quoted as saying by Antara when addressing a function marking the 42nd anniversary of the Army's Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) here on Thursday.

Ryamizard said GAM must not be allowed to polarize the TNI. "The indications are very clear. They always corner the TNI, which is trying hard to maintain the state's unity." He also said certain groups were helping the separatist movement. "For us [TNI], it is clear that every movement that might endanger the state's unity has to be fought," he added.

Ryamizard said the TNI would never consider violating the law. "The TNI always thinks and behaves for the sake of this nation's unity," he said, ordering all Kostrad members to remain focused and alert.

Aceh opens first Indonesian Islamic sharia court

Reuters - March 4, 2003

Banda Aceh -- Indonesia's first Islamic courts for criminal cases were opened in the staunchly Muslim Aceh province on Tuesday as part of efforts to calm separatist passions in the area.

The sharia courts in Aceh are upgrades of the province's existing 19 religious courts, a legal institution set up across Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, to handle marriage or inheritance-related matters, but not criminal cases.

In some countries, sharia law includes stoning to death for adultery and amputating hands for theft. An expert said that was unlikely to come any time soon in Indonesia, but did not rule it out as an eventual possibility.

"If there is a thought that [those punishments] can be implemented straight after the establishment of the sharia court that is a wrong idea. Stoning and amputating will not be imposed just like that," said Hakim Nyak Pha, a legal expert from the Aceh Tradition Institute and Syiah Kuala University.

"It can happen but it would take some arduous processes." The head of Aceh Legal Aid, lawyer Rufriadi, told Reuters: "I say it is quite impossible because it will breed resistance. How can worshipping be so repressive? It's about us and God, isn't it?" He said if such harsh punishments were ultimately legalised he doubted they would ever be imposed in practice.

Jakarta allowed the establishment of the sharia courts in Aceh, where thousands have died in a decades-long simmering rebellion, as part of an autonomy package announced in 2001 that gave more powers to authorities in the province, including freedom to impose Islamic laws on Muslims. There is no plan to set up similar courts in other provinces.

Some 85 percent of Indonesia's 210 million people are Muslim, but Islam here has long been a more moderate version of that practised in the Middle East, after blending with traditional cultures across the main island of Java and other parts of the country.

"The establishment of the sharia court will indeed affect our legal system, our ways of life in this nation. But we believe due to the trust we have among us ... the sharia court will develop nicely" in Aceh, said Indonesian Supreme Court chief justice Bagir Manan in a speech at the opening. However, Aceh's local government has only completed the sharia-based regulations for Islamic institutions while rules on punishment for vice and serious crimes are still being drafted.

Indonesia has been striving for decades to keep Aceh -- on the northern tip of Sumatra island, some 1,700 km from Jakarta and with a long tradition of separatism -- part of the country.

A peace agreement in December between Indonesia's military and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels has sharply reduced the violence, but many say it remains to be seen if it will hold.

Some analysts say implementing sharia law is not that high on the list of what Acehnese want from Jakarta.

"This is merely ceremonial. Some people want to position the Aceh problem as a religious one, not a human rights one nor an issue of injustice," said Indra Jaya Piliang, a political analyst at the Centre of Strategic and International Studies. "What the Acehnese want is a regulation to determine their own leaders ... their future. This is being delayed by the elite."

GAM say military condoned attack on peace monitors' office

Agence France Presse - March 4, 2003

Aceh separatist rebels have accused Indonesian security forces of condoning a militia attack on the office of a peace monitoring team in hopes of wrecking a ceasefire in the province.

Two monitors -- one from the Indonesian military and one from the rebel side -- were injured when a mob attacked the office of the Joint Security Committee (JSC) overseeing the truce in the Central Aceh town of Takengon on Monday. The mob also vandalized the office, torched two cars and damaged another.

"The peace agreement has once again been sullied by the actions of thousands of Javanese militia members who had been mobilized by certain parties not wanting peace in Aceh..." said a statement by Sofyan Dawod, military spokesman for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM).

Dawod said the attack on the building and the peace monitors "appeared to be well organized and the Indonesian security authorities did not take any action whatsoever." He said the incident began at 9am and lasted until 4pm. "It is impossible that the intelligence of the Republic of Indonesia had no advance knowledge of this." Dawod said the Indonesian delegation had from the start objected to a JSC presence in Central Aceh on the grounds there was no conflict there.

But he said the real reason for the objection was to cover up the presence of the militia, made up of migrants from Indonesia's main island of Java.

"This incident was clearly the work of migrants from Java, many of whom have become armed militias. It is these same militias who have forced people to take part in the action by threatening those who object with the torching of their homes," Dawod said.

He said all three rebel representatives at the office were injured. Only one was seen being taken to Banda Aceh for medical treatment.

Aceh military spokesman Firdaus Komarno said Monday the protest resulted from locals' frustration with the JSC over its failure to act promptly on reports of extortion by rebels.

A peace deal mediated by the Swiss-based Henry Dunant Centre went into force in the province on December 9.

Aceh: Activist was jailed for 'crime' of solidarity

Green Left Weekly - March 5, 2003

Pip Hinman -- Australia-based Scottish academic Lesley McCulloch and US nurse Joy-Lee Sadler were arrested in Indonesian-occupied south Aceh on September 11. They were beaten, harassed and jailed for five months and four months respectively on charges of "violating" their visas.

According to McCulloch, politics was the real reason for the lengthy investigation and the attempt to bring espionage-related charges against her. McCulloch is widely respected for documenting the extensive illegal economic activities of the Indonesian military and police in Aceh. Green Left Weekly spoke to McCulloch soon after her release.

Jail must have been horrendous. What sort of support did you received from Acehnese friends?

The five months were split into two periods. For the first three months, we were held at the police station in south Aceh. I was subject to much intimidation and harassment there, while Joy was not.

From the beginning, the police were quite sympathetic to Joy. She was already sick when we arrived at the station and there was a feeling that she was in trouble only by virtue of her association with me, whom they accused of agitating for the disintegration of Indonesia. In the judge's summing up, he sentenced me to one month longer [than Sadler] because he said I was a danger to the state! This three-month period was also stressful as we had no visitors. Anyone who tried to see us would be interrogated, so we told people to stay away. Indeed, most were too afraid to come.

The second stage of my detention -- the last seven weeks before being released -- was spent in prison in [provincial capital] Banda Aceh. The physical living conditions there were much worse, but the level of intimidation dropped markedly. The staff were locals who were generally sympathetic to the Acehnese cause. Finally, we were able to meet with friends.

The support of local Acehnese was amazing. When Joy was so sick they were able to bring her medicines, but the local hospitals refused to treat her because of her HIV+ status. When Joy was released, and I was alone for one month, they gave me moral and practical support. I really cannot thank them enough!

What's your assessment of the peace negotiations. Has it stopped the military and police violence?

Since the signing of the new cease-fire agreement on December 9, the official number of deaths and arrests have decreased. Even the Legal Aid Institute reports that there has been a dramatic decline in the number of new cases.

The problem with the peace agreement is that it can only be part of the solution. For example, it doesn't address one of the major demands of the Acehnese: justice for past abuses.

It also seems that the number of violations of the agreement reported by local people is much less than the number that are taking place. This is because the military and police visit villages and towns after a violation has been reported to the Joint Security Control to try to find out who reported it. This has understandably created fear and a reluctance by people to report violations.

How best can Western governments assist the Acehnese people's desire for democracy and peace?

The British and US governments don't want independence for Aceh, but the majority of the Acehnese still desire it.

The peace agreement and process must remain something the Acehnese feel ownership of. The international community should be patient, their role being to facilitate a safe environment within which the Acehnese can pursue their own agenda.

What is the state of the democracy movement in the present difficult conditions?

The lack of democratic space in Aceh is a serious problem. Many hoped that the cessation of hostilities agreement would allow space within which civil society could find its voice, something that has been suppressed for so long. This has not been the case. Those who agitate for change are still being arrested.

Nazar from the Aceh Referendum Information Centre is a very good example of this. He is facing a jail sentence because of his success in mobilising people to support a referendum. Kaustar, a leader of the Acehnese People's Democratic Resistance Front, is in hiding from the authorities for similar reasons.

We must help Nazar and Kaustar, and all the others who want to bring about peace in Aceh via political means.

Mob attacks peace monitoring office in Aceh

Straits Times - March 4, 2003

Banda Aceh -- A mob yesterday attacked the office of an international peace monitoring team in Aceh, injuring one Indonesian soldier and one rebel representative, police said.

Indonesia's military commander in Aceh said the crowd gathered after residents accused the monitors, from a security committee supervising a December 9 peace deal, of failing to respond to complaints against Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels.

Some 6,000 people gathered at the office of the monitoring team in Takengon, the main town of Central Aceh district, Aceh Military Spokesman Lt-Colonel Firdaus said.

The anger, he said, was directed at GAM for demanding a huge ransom for a local coffee grower the rebels had abducted and kept hostage. Local journalists put the mob at around 5,000 people.

But Mr David Gorman, spokesman for the Henry Dunant Centre (HDC) which monitors the implementation of the peace accord it had brokered between Jakarta and the GAM in December, put it at more than 1,000 people.

After surrounding the office, the mob suddenly attacked it, vandalising it, intimidating and threatening the members of the monitoring team before Indonesian security personnel came and evacuated the monitors. Two cars were set on fire and another vandalised, Mr Gorman said.

The nine members in the office were three Indonesians representing the government, three representing the GAM and three Thai officers representing the HDC.

Two members of the team were injured by the mob, Lt-Col Firdaus said. One is a representative of the Indonesian side, a military police major, and the other a representative of the GAM in the team, he added.

Witnesses in Banda Aceh, who saw the two injured men arrive on board a helicopter and taken to a military hospital, said the GAM representative, Mr Husni Jalil, had a swollen face and could not walk by himself. The Indonesian soldier was bleeding from his nose.

Mr Gorman said the HDC will send a team to Takengon to investigate the incident within the next two days. "We condemn this incident and we will take it very seriously. A case like this can harm the peace process in Aceh," he said.

GAM deputy military spokesman Isnandar Paseh suspected the attack was targeting their representatives. The attack "was surely coordinated by the Pujakesuma militia and the threats were mostly against the international and GAM members of the team", he said.

Mob harasses peace monitors in Aceh

Reuters - March 3, 2003

Jakarta -- Nearly 4,000 angry Acehnese surrounded an office staffed by peace monitors including three Thai soldiers in the restive Indonesian province on Monday, threatening the group until police whisked them to safety.

Indonesia's military commander in Aceh said the crowd gathered after residents accused the monitors, from a security committee supervising a December 9 peace deal, of failing to respond to complaints against Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels.

Officials from the Henry Dunant Centre (HDC), which brokered the landmark pact between the rebels and Jakarta, said two of the eight monitors had been slightly hurt in the incident in central Aceh, which lasted more than two hours.

They said the two were a government soldier and a rebel representative. Parts of the office in Takengon town were ransacked in the first attack on any monitors since they spread out through the province, they said.

David Gorman, Indonesia head of the Geneva-based HDC, condemned the incident. "We strongly condemn this type of act. We take any matters that threaten the monitors, extremely seriously," he said.

It was not clear if all eight were in the office at the time, or if the group would remain in the town. There were three Thai monitors, three from GAM and two from the government, HDC officials said.

Aceh military chief Major General Djali Yusuf said the residents had alleged a coffee farmer had been kidnapped by the rebels, forcing them to cough up ransom money. "The people reported this to the JSC, but there was no response. Finally they got angry and wanted to chase the JSC out, but the situation is now calm," Yusuf said, referring to the joint security committee.

HDC officials said most of the anger appeared to be directed at the GAM and government representatives.

Diplomats have said the December 9 agreement was the best chance in decades to bring lasting peace to Aceh, although there have been a number of violations blamed on both sides and some government officials have warned the pact could be in danger.

Aceh is 1,700 km northwest of Jakarta on the tip of Sumatra island. It is one of Indonesia's two separatist hot spots. The other is Papua in the east.

In the two years leading up to the pact an estimated 4,000 people -- civilians, government troops and rebels -- were killed in the long-running conflict in the oil and gas-rich province. Since the pact, violence has dropped markedly.

[With reporting by Telly Nathalia.]

West Papua

FBI faces tough task with murder probe in Papua

Far Eastern Economic Review - March 13, 2003

John McBeth, Jakarta -- The troubled task of clearing the way to resume limited military cooperation between the United States and Indonesia now lies in the hands of agents of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation.

The investigators are tasked with determining if the Indonesian army was responsible for a deadly assault on a mist-shrouded Papua mountain road last August 31 that killed two Americans and an Indonesian schoolteacher, and injured 11 others, mostly Americans. The ambush took place just down the road from one of the world's largest gold-and-copper mines, operated by Freeport Indonesia, a subsidiary of US miner Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc.

Indonesian police have blamed the military for the killings. The military denies that its men were involved in the attack, and has carried out two separate investigations, which proved inconclusive. No arrests have been made.

In a country where the circumstances behind momentous historic events remain shrouded in mystery and most high-profile investigations fizzle out, the FBI has a tough job ahead. At stake is the next step on the road to resuming military ties: a US Senate pledge of $400,000 for Indonesian military officers through the newly revived International Military and Education Training programme. The training programme, known as Imet, was scrapped in the wake of a 1991 massacre in an East Timor churchyard, when soldiers shot dead 57 people.

Two senior US officials interviewed by the Review say that FBI investigators in Papua will have to determine if troops carried out the ambush, and if so, if it was ordered by military leaders or was the work of low-ranking elements of the military involved in a botched extortion plot. "We don't have a basis for concluding it was the [Indonesian military]," says one of the officials. "A credible outcome" in the Papua investigation, says the other, "will affect not only Imet, but the whole relationship, meaning it can go forward from there."

Both officials support the view that Imet should be resumed, as do others in Washington who argue that continuing to suspend such aid prevents a new generation of officers from developing the skills needed to build a more professional army. Last year, Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld encouraged the resumption of military ties with Indonesia to benefit the US global war on terrorism. The US officials make it clear, however, that the outcome of the Papua investigation will only affect the future of Imet. The resumption of military cooperation will go no further, they insist, unless Indonesia clears the bigger hurdle of East Timor.

US Congress has banned military contacts until Indonesia punishes officers involved in a military-led militia rampage that killed hundreds in the wake of East Timor's vote for independence in 1999. Three generals are now on trial on charges of complicity in the killings. The courts have yet to convict any senior military officer in connection with the incident.

Says Sen. Patrick Leahy, author of the human-rights conditions on US assistance: "We want better relations with the Indonesian military, but they need to show that they want to reform. So far there is no evidence of that ... As in so many cases, the military has been an obstacle to justice." In Papua, the US officials say, the critical test is to make sure that the FBI receives full cooperation, even if the case remains unsolved. "If the FBI gets full cooperation and there is still a mystery," then the killings in Papua will no longer be "a basis for policy" that would prohibit military cooperation, says one of the officials.

An FBI agent in Washington familiar with the investigation says that Indonesian cooperation with the FBI has gone well. Freeport pays a 650-man combined-forces task force to guard the mine, but in the wake of the ambush the company is drawing up memorandums with the army, police, air force and navy defining more clearly the nature of its relationship with the four services, according to a person familiar with the discussions. Freeport declined to answer questions related to the FBI investigation. The US officials say the FBI investigation is open-ended. Whether the FBI finds who is responsible may depend simply on patience.

Prosecutors seek jail terms for Papua murder

Reuters - March 5, 2003

Surabaya -- Indonesian prosecutors demanded on Wednesday a two- and-a-half-year jail term for the highest-ranking special forces soldier on trial for the murder of a top Papua independence leader in 2001.

Seven members of the army's elite Kopassus force are on trial over the killing of Theys Eluay, an advocate of separation from Indonesia through peaceful means.

The case is seen as a test of Jakarta's ability to tackle rebellion in the remote province, formerly known as Irian Jaya.

Papua is one of Indonesia's two separatist hot spots. The other is Aceh province in the nation's far west.

Papua was incorporated into Indonesia in 1963. In 1969, a UN- run poll held among local leaders including Theys resulted in a vote to join Indonesia.

Prosecutors also demanded a similar prison term for another mid- ranking officer and terms ranging from two to three years for five lower-ranking soldiers. Military prosecutors said they could not prove the primary murder charge against Lieutenant-Colonel Hartomo but said the highest-ranking defendant ordered Major Doni Hutabarat and five of his troops to hurt Theys.

"The subsidiary demand for [Hartomo] is a jail sentence of two years, six months. He ordered others to conduct violence," prosecutor Colonel Hariyanto told a military court in Surabaya, Indonesia's second largest city. Kopassus has insisted it did not order the killing.

Hariyanto had previously told the court that a Kopassus officer, identified as Hartomo, had told two of the accused to accompany Theys home in his car after the Papuan leader had had dinner with the local Kopassus chief.

Prosecutors sought a three-year jail term for private Ahmad Zulfahmi, one of the men in Theys's car, who they said suffocated him following a row over Jakarta's promise to offer more autonomy to the resource-rich province. Theys was found dead in his overturned car beside a remote road.

"The demand for [Zulfahmi] is three years in jail and dismissal from the army. [He and two other defendants] have been proven guilty of torture causing the victim to lose his life," Hariyanto told the court. He sought two-year jail terms for the other two defendants, one a low-ranking and the other a middle-ranking officer.

Defence lawyers argued that Zulfahmi did not suffocate Theys but only tried to silence him as he was screaming during the quarrel.

"It was a misunderstanding. [Zulfahmi] put his hands on the victim's mouth after the screaming. When the defendants left the victim he was only in a fatigued condition," said Hotma Sitompoel, one of several civilian lawyers helping the defence.

Unpremeditated murder charges carry a maximum jail term of 15 years in Indonesia while the maximum penalty for torture causing death is seven years.

Anti-war movement

Huge anti-war rallies to come

Jakarta Post - March 8, 2003

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- Jakarta and Surabaya will see a wave of mass rallies in a couple of days to show Indonesia's strong opposition to a possible attack on Iraq.

Influential Muslim preacher A.A. Gymnastiar, popularly known as Aa Gym, will lead thousands of Muslims to the streets to voice their opposition to a US-led military strike on Iraq.

"The event is set to show that thousands of Muslims will join in a mass rally to protest any military solution to the Iraq crisis, and that the rally will go on peacefully," Aa Gym told The Jakarta Post by telephone on Friday.

He further said that around 100,000 Muslims would join the mass rally which would start at Istiqlal Grand Mosque and travel down along Jl. Thamrin to Monas.

All rally participants would perform a mass prayer for world peace at the grand mosque before marching to Monas, he added.

"We will read out a letter calling for the US to avert a war against Iraq, and then I will go alone to deliver the letter to the US Embassy," said the popular cleric.

He claimed that US Ambassador to Indonesia Ralph L. Boyce had confirmed his readiness to accept the letter personally at the embassy. "The Ambassador called us to say that he was ready to receive the letter," said Aa Gym.

Separately, the largest Muslim organization Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) said earlier that around one million Muslims would perform a mass prayer for world peace in Surabaya, East Java, on Monday. NU Chairman Hasyim Muzadi said that during the mass prayer, participants would also pray for national repentance so that the nation could solve all problems plaguing the country.

The government also renewed Indonesia's stance on the Iraq crisis, saying it was unnecessary for the UN Security Council to issue a second resolution to end the crisis, because Iraq was quite cooperative with UN inspectors in dismantling its weapons of mass destruction.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda said on Friday that the UN weapons inspection team should be given more time and that there was still a chance to solve the crisis peacefully.

"We are against the second resolution on Iraq proposed by the US, as the draft implies that Iraq has failed to cooperate with the inspection team. Indonesia's position remains firm, that we would like to see more time given to the inspection team to finish their tasks," he remarked after a meeting with President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

The UN Security Council is expected to hold a plenary meeting late on Friday to discuss the proposed draft of a second resolution, which will allow the use of force to disarm Iraq.

France, China and Russia, three of the five permanent members of the council that had veto rights, have said that they will exercise their rights to block US efforts to attack Iraq.

Washington, however, said that they were ready to use force in disarming Iraq, even without the approval of the UN Security Council.

"Indonesia insisted that Washington should not make any unilateral actions against Iraq, should the second resolution not come to pass," Hassan remarked.

The president made an official statement rejecting a war, and called on the US to exercise self-restraint in solving the crisis in the Middle East.

The government has also made preparations to evacuate its citizens from Middle East countries should war break out in the near future.

Adm. (ret) Widodo A.S., chairman of the Joint Team Handling Impacts of the Iraq Crisis, said that his team was ready to face the worst possible scenario in Iraq, including the evacuation of around 35,000 Indonesians employed in eight countries in that region.

"The preparation are ready, and the eight countries bordering with Iraq have assured the safety of Indonesian workers in a state of emergency," Widodo said after briefing the president on his recent visit to the Middle East.

PRD rejects Washington's imperialist war

Green Left Weekly - March 5, 2003

James Balowski, Jakarta -- On February 24, hundreds of demonstrators from the People's Democratic Party (PRD) took action against US plans to attack Iraq.

The demonstration began at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout in central Jakarta then moved to the presidential palace via the British embassy, the UN headquarters and the US embassy.

At the US embassy, PRD chairperson Haris Rusli Moti, PRD general secretary Natalia Scholastika and the chairperson of the Indonesian National Front for Workers' Struggle Dita Indah Sari presented a statement to an embassy representative.

Speaking at the rally, Moti warned the Indonesian people to be on guard against Western imperialism's policies of foreign debt and military aggression, which are driven by the US. These policies are result in the privatisation of state industries, cuts to price subsidies for the poor and the exploitation of Indonesia's natural resources.

"They destroy countries with their theories of development, which are used to drain wealth while building permanent economic dependence on the imperialist countries", Moti told the crowd. "After the targeted country nation is trapped beneath massive foreign debts, the imperialist governments force the victims to sell state assets and reduce subsidies to pay for the interest on the debt." Moti went on to explain that when this process fails, the US resorts to war. He described US plans to attack Iraq as "a war of capital ... The US and its allies want to take over Iraq's [oil] wealth by using issues of religion and terrorism".

'War on terrorism'

Jakarta passes tough anti-terrorism laws

Straits Times - March 8, 2003

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Indonesia has removed major obstacles in its efforts to crack down on terrorism with parliament's recent approval to endorse two presidential decrees into anti- terrorism laws.

Passed on Thursday, after being issued four months ago in the wake of October's Bali bombings, the decrees prove Jakarta's long-time critics wrong for accusing it of not doing enough to fight terrorism. Unlike in the past, the Bills received support from most factions in parliament.

Kudos to the government and parliament, said political analyst Bantarto Bandoro. "There seemed to be an awareness and consensus within the parliament to restore international and domestic confidence in Indonesia," he said.

There may have been pressures from both within and without the country for the need for a stronger legal basis to crack down on terrorism, he said.

"The possibility of US aggression against Iraq has caused anticipation of more terror acts, especially in Indonesia," Mr Bantarto said. And Indonesia needs a legal basis immediately to facilitate the counterterror efforts."

Legislator Firman Jaya Daeli of the Indonesian Democratic Party- Struggle said: "Tackling the threats of terrorism is one of our nation's biggest challenges now, and this calls for a systematic approach to prevent, investigate and uncover the network of the terror groups. But we did not have a law on terrorism, and we were afraid that a legal vacuum would make our war on terrorism ineffective." Previously terror-related cases were treated like criminal cases in Indonesia's judicial system.

The newly endorsed laws authorise the death penalty for some terrorist acts and detention without trial. They were made retroactive to cover the Bali bombings. Also, intelligence reports can now be used as evidence, and the intelligence agency can arrest terror suspects.

The government has vowed to get ready an amendment Bill by next month to tweak the two laws a little. This might see the introduction of some checks on the powers given to the intelligence agency. The change will also make counterterrorism operations more transparent and accountable.

But while the new laws are welcome, convincing the Indonesian public will be tough. They have not forgotten the abuses of power that took place during the 32 years of the Suharto regime.

Some legislators even doubted the effectiveness of the laws in putting terror suspects behind bars, saying their endorsement processes were flawed.

Legislator Alvin Lie of Reform Faction, one of the two factions which rejected the laws, told The Straits Times: "According to the Constitution and the parliament's regulation, a presidential decree issued during an emergency situation must be approved by parliament as soon as possible.

"Since it was issued in October, we have met many times in between recesses, yet we never discussed the decrees for reasons I don't know, this means the decrees should have been invalid by now."

But the biggest concerns about the new laws are that they would be misused to suppress the opposition. Human-rights groups have warned that an arrest by the intelligence body could lead to extrajudicial arrests. And militant Muslim groups have expressed fears of being targeted by the laws.

Government & politics

Election 2004: Indonesia's next big chance

Asia Times - March 7, 2003

Tony Sitathan, Singapore -- After last October's bombing in Bali, Indonesia's foreign investment was hit hard, sliding to a record low. According to the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM), foreign direct investment (FDI) approvals plummeted by 35 percent to US$9.7 billion last year from $15.06 billion in 2001.

Many hope that the FDI slide will be reversed when foreign investors realize that Indonesia is not a political hotbed of contention, nor is its economy inherently unstable like some in South America and Central Africa. "When you compare the banana- driven economies of South America or the political turbulence in Central Africa, Indonesia still has tremendous natural resources and is ... a member of the Non-Aligned Movement and ASEAN that has both the support of the West as well as its fellow Asian member countries," said Agung Wahana, economics professor at the University of Gajah Mada in Central Java.

He was also confident that once the general elections are over in 2004, Indonesia will be better prepared to plan for its future and rebuild its national economy that has so far been plagued by rampant corruption. "You just take the case of Bulog, the state logistics agency that is responsible amongst many things for distributing cheap rice to villagers. During the recent floods it was discovered to the anger of many villagers that broken rice of up to 65 percent was distributed. Such quality of rice is not fit for human consumption but only for poultry feed," he said. "There are no checks and balances and the state coffers are plundered to provide Bulog such subsidies so that government officials can afford to line their own pockets without any concern for the poor villagers," he added.

It's not a new phenomenon, but it is hoped that such things will be ruled out when the new government comes into power next year. But Indonesians will have few real choices in the election, as the incumbent parties, according to several political analysts, are already firmly entrenched.

According to political analyst Peter Sayers, who has been based in Jakarta for the past three years, there seems to be a dearth of good candidates as well as parties that are free from blemish. "There are the incumbent parties like the Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle [PDI-P], Golongon Karya [Golkar], United Development Party, National Awakening Party, National Mandate Party and several other parties that are on the sidelines, like the People's Democratic Party, National Labor Party, Crescent and Star Party and the Army coalition. However, all of them offer something altogether different from the rest. What they offer seems to be keeping the status quo intact despite the fact that it would be the first time in history that the general public instead of the powerful Assembly would be electing their president," he said.

For many the 2004 presidential elections will be a watershed election that many hope will usher in a new period of national economic growth, distasteful as it may seem but similar to the economic growth as experienced under former president Suharto. Indonesia achieved steady economic growth of more than 6 percent for almost a decade and during that time the Jakarta Stock Exchange (JSE) saw market capitalization of companies reach almost US$117 billion by 1997. "Compare that to now, where even achieving a 2 percent growth for 2003 is uncertain while JSE market capitalization has dropped by almost 70 percent," remarked Iwan Yoniton, a stockbroker from Bahana Securities. "Indonesia needs a sense of unity and a common goal to accomplish its mission. With so many differing views prevailing among the various parties and the constant infighting between party stalwarts, there is a serious lack of national solidarity needed to drive Indonesia forward."

Even now the unity between the various parties and their factions has caused splits among the various political parties. Two of the largest parties, PDI-P and Golkar, are already facing intense internal pressure to change.

Golkar is experiencing a generational power struggle between the older, more conservative elements of the party that support Akbar Tanjung as its secretary general and the younger elements that prefer to elect someone without close affiliation with Suharto's regime. Akbar Tanjung has been indicted for corruption, accused of diverting funds intended for Bulog to Golkar during elections. He has refuted the indictment and is seeking to quash it in the Supreme Court of Appeals. PDI-P on the other hand is embroiled in an internal power strife between various ministers who are seeking to discredit one another. Kwik Kian Gee, State Minister for National Development Planning, has openly declared his own party, PDI-P, to be the most corrupt in the country. He said that such high levels of corruption would cause the party to disintegrate even before the 2004 elections.

Such grim charges were caused by what he felt was the ineffectiveness of combating corrupt tycoons who he said were nothing more than criminals who headed "black conglomerates". He was also displeased with a newly passed rule that allowed those who misused state loans to settle out of court once they had reached a payment deal with the government.

Kwik stirred up a hornets' nest in Jakarta, where money politics runs thick, when he decided to break with the party whip. He got an immediate reaction from Laksamana Sukardi, the state minister for state enterprises supervision, as well as several other PDI-P stalwarts including Taufik Kiemas, the husband of President Megawati Sukarnoputri; Taufik promptly labeled Kwik a traitor as well as being senile.

According to a source within the rank and file of PDI-P there have been unconfirmed reports that Megawati's party has managed to amass as much as Rp72 trillion in funds collected by party sympathizers as donations as well as by illicit means for its electioneering war chest. According to Zulfikar Hussain, a prominent lawyer in Jakarta, money politics is a necessary element in elections to buy votes. "Normally whichever party can give the most money to those in the Assembly and their cohorts of supporters determines success or failure. It has been going on since the days of Suharto but only now, due to the growing importance of regencies, legislators and assemblymen, the fee for [party] support has magnified by leaps and bounds," he said.

Money politics aside, it would be interesting to see Megawati's reaction when she sees the full and complete audit of personal assets and wealth of all senior state officers, including ministers, before the 2004 elections. It is to be hoped that she is prepared for many from her party to be called up for an explanation. Then there is the silent majority that is still waiting to cast its vote. Will they elect the still popular incumbent President Megawati and her party for another four years? Or will they be looking for someone more articulate and forceful in making decisions, someone who can take charge and call a spade a spade?

"By combining the leadership styles of an industrious motivator like the Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra or paternalistically forceful like the former president of the Philippines Fidel Ramos or being politically adept to domestic changes like the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad or as forward-looking as former Singapore prime minister Lee Kuan Yew is what someone would call a 'rounded personality' to take on the wings of government in Indonesia. But again having such qualities in a single person is rare," maintained Sayers. It would be easier to find a team of ministers that has such qualities and just one capable president to run a stable Indonesia without any political hangovers. More important, the next president has to create the right investment climate for foreigners to participate in and promise high returns on FDI besides promising peace and stability.

Singing general guns for Indonesia's top job

Straits Times - March 6, 2003

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Indonesia's former military chief Wiranto has been making a not-so-quiet pitch for the top job in the country.

The charges of crimes against humanity filed by Timor Leste's prosecutors last week are unlikely to be a major obstacle in his bid to do so. But few are willing to bet yet that he will emerge as one of the strongest contenders for the post when elections take place next year.

Analysts say that most Indonesians want to forget about how their country lost one of its provinces, so the Timor Leste-related charges will mean little domestically.

In fact, despite strong indications of the military's possible involvement in the razing of Timor Leste -- then East Timor -- in 1999, Indonesian human rights tribunals have to date registered more acquittals than convictions against the officers charged.

The same may apply to Gen Wiranto, who spoke out in his own defence recently, saying he tried to prevent violence from breaking out as the people of Timor Leste went to vote for independence.

But his case aside, the general has been winning hearts and minds as he goes about networking with various political and social groups in the country.

His campaign really began over two years ago when he launched a CD titled For You My Indonesia in October 2000, a collection of folk tunes sung in karaoke fashion that clicked with Indonesians at home and abroad.

The soaring sales countered criticism from Western observers who sniggered at the public relations stunt.

And the singing general gained further mileage by donating the proceeds from the sales of the CD to the Indonesian Red Cross and refugees driven from their homes by conflicts that ravaged several regions at the time. The goodwill this has generated still persists.

But Gen Wiranto knows his success depends solely on how he navigates the country's fractious political landscape in the months ahead.

He has been fostering ties with both established and new political parties. At the top of his list is Indonesia's second- largest political party, Golkar, which floated his name as one of the five potential presidential candidates. Sources said the Wiranto camp has lobbied numerous cadres of Golkar, particularly at the regional level.

Likewise, the general has made headway with some labour groups, among them the worker-based Indonesian Workers' Congress Party, which named him as its candidate in 2004. He has also approached students and non-government activists.

Tempo magazine last month quoted Indonesian intelligence agents as saying that he had also attended meetings in Jakarta and other cities with dissident figures.

The agenda focused on fanning perceptions that the current government has failed in its bid to reform the country, with a strong hint that things would be better if he got the top job.

Other media reports have suggested that Gen Wiranto also has close ties to Muslim hardline groups, including those who organised the recent protests against government policies, such as the price hikes that were imposed in January.

Daily Republika said in a column last Saturday: "Wiranto is beginning to be accepted as a possible element to head opposition to the present government." But despite all of this, observers say Gen Wiranto still faces an uphill battle and has to win support from a broader segment of the populace if he wants to run next year.

Said political analyst Rizal Mallarangeng: "Wiranto lacks a natural base of power. He is working hard to get support, but so is everybody else."

Megawati slams female quota law for Parliament

Straits Times - March 2, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri has criticised a new law, requiring at least 30 per cent of parliamentary candidates in elections be female, as demeaning to women, a report said on Sunday.

"I do not agree, because such a quota can give rise to the notion that women can only exist [in politics] because of charity," President Megawati was quoted by the state Antara news agency as saying in Manado, North Sulawesi.

Speaking to members of her Indonesian Democracy Party of Struggle (PDIP) there, she said that women should be elected into parliament on their own merits.

The Indonesian Parliament last month passed a new electoral law that provides that at least 30 per cent of the candidates running in parliamentary elections, including the next one set for June 2004, be female.

Many have hailed the quota as an "affirmative action" that would be good for the advancement of women in this country, the world's largest Muslim-populated country.

Just 45 of the Parliament's 462 elected members are women and Mrs Megawati herself was initially barred from the presidency partly on the grounds that a woman should not lead the world's most populous Islamic nation.

Game show on presidential hopefuls is latest TV hit

Straits Times - March 3, 2003

Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Got what it takes to be Indonesia's President? A new television programme allows presidential wannabes to find out, and also to see how popular they are on top of that.

The game show Who Wants To Be The President, now into its sixth week, has proven to be an instant hit with the Indonesian public, chalking up higher-than-usual viewership ratings for a political programme.

Several well-known figures, including the country's ousted leader Abdurrahman Wahid, have been featured in the Monday night show which is aired by private Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia (TPI).

Of the five who have been in the spotlight in the hour-long show, former Cabinet minister Adi Sasono, leader of the new Freedom Party, has fared the best so far. He managed to persuade 72 per cent of respondents that he was the answer to the country's political and economic woes.

Economist Dr Sjahrir, who founded the New Indonesia Party last year, trails him with 66 per cent support.

The episode which featured Mr Abdurrahman chalked up the highest viewership. It also had the highest number of calls for the phone poll -- 9,000, three times the usual number.

He however was not too hot with the public. Only 42 per cent voted in his favour, the poorest performer so far. The former president was impeached by Parliament in 2001 for mismanagement and alleged graft.

TPI said the show was created in anticipation of the country's first direct presidential election next year.

Production supervisor Husni Atamimi told The Straits Times: "We wanted a groundbreaking show to mark TPI's 12th anniversary, and because of the momentum of the coming 2004 election, we thought this would be good."

Produced jointly with independent production house Solusi, the show quickly gained popularity, with ratings going up to as high as 5. Usually, shows of this nature struggle to get a 3. A popular local show can average 7.

Solusi president Abrar Din Ilyas told The Straits Times: "We realised that TV viewers ... were tired of hearing people talk about politics." The show offers something more than just the usual political analysts and commentators, he said.

They feature real people who are potential candidates, he added. Indeed, the idea of accessibility to these candidates attracts people. Previously, presidential candidates were sacrosanct -- the ordinary Indonesian does not get to talk to them.

While the programme is a bit of fun for the people, they also say that it gives them a feel of potential candidates. Contestants are not restricted to serious contenders, as seen from the appearance of Mr Jaya Suprana, a businessman who is also a comedian and philanthropist, in last week's show.

There have been no major presidential contenders so far. Most of those who have appeared have been the second-tier politicians.

But expect some big names later this year, the producer said. "They're probably buying time while seeing how the others fair in the show," said Mr Husni.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri's sister and biggest critic, Ms Rachmawati Sukarnoputri, is due in the show later this month. The President's potential rivals, including National Assembly Speaker Amien Rais, have also agreed to appear.

Cabinet ministers Yusuf Kalla and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, both of whom have made public their desire to run for election, are likely to do so too.

As for the President herself, she has, to date, resisted calls to appear on the show.

10,000 ex-political prisoners form political party

SCTV 6 Liputan.com - March 2, 2003

Semarang -- Based on intelligence data, there are presently 10,000 ex-political prisoners from the categories A, B and C across Central Java/Yogyakarta, who have established political parties. They have also joined together in non-government institutes and foundations with aims and motives which it is suspected could create problems for the country. Based on this investigation, the government has been asked to publish [the names] these groups. The request was made recently by the Diponegoro IV military commander, Major General Cornelis Simbolon at a commemoration celebrating the anniversary of the Regional Military Command IV in Semarang, Central Java.

One of the parties formed by ex-political prisoners which was included in the list included the People's Party of Struggle (Partai Perjuangan Rakyat, PPR). In Central Java alone, the party already has 13 branches, followed by 12 in East Java and nine in West Java. Moreover they have reportedly spread to France, Germany, Holland and Australia. As well as the PPR, other parties of ex-political prisoners include the Indonesia Party (Partai Indonesia), the Indonesian Nation Party of Struggle (Partai Perjuangan Bangsa) and the Islamic Community Party (Partai Umat Islam). Not only that, there are those who have joined organisations such as the Association of Victims of the New Order (Paguyuban Korban Orde Baru) and the Defense and Liberation Action Committee of Ex-Political Prisoners (Komite Aksi Pembelaan dan Pembebasan Tapol-Napol). There mission is to reinstate and rehabilitate the victims of the New Order regime.

Category A political prisoners are those directly involved in the September 30 Movement/Indonesian Communist Party. Category B meanwhile, is divided into B1 and B2, that is those who are considered to be party cadre or activists from left-wing mass organisations. Generally, this group was exiled to Buru Island in the Maluku islands. Category C is made up of C1, that is those who were involved in the "1948 Mediun Affair", C2 who are referred to as sympathisers and C3, their mass supporters. These are people who have been jailed and dismissed from their jobs or have been freed but are under city arrest and are obliged to report [regularly to the authorities]. (MTA/Solikun)

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

Housewives terrorized for reporting reduced aid

Jakarta Post - March 8, 2003

Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- Several housewives from Cipinang Besar Selatan subdistrict in East Jakarta said they have been intimidated by two subdistrict officials after they reported a reduction of rice aid for the poor from the Jakarta City Council.

Sumiyati, one of the women, said that Cipinang Besar Selatan subdistrict deputy head Kadarusman, accompanied by a public order officer, visited her house on Friday morning and told her that police officers would soon meet her.

"He [Kadarusman] did not explain why the police officers would come, but the tone of his words indicated that I had made a mistake," Sumiyati told The Jakarta Post.

Fearing that there would be police officers coming to arrest her, Sumiyati telephoned activists from the Jakarta Resident's Forum (Fakta). Some of them immediately came, but no police officer arrived till later that evening.

Sumiyati, who was previously reluctant to mention her real name, visited the council on Friday together with Fakta activists. She told the councillors that the subdistrict officials had cut the allotment from 20 kilograms per family per month to only 8 kilograms. And the rice was sold at Rp 1,300 per kilogram, instead of Rp 1,000, the price set by the government.

Cipinang Besar Selatan subdistrict head Ari Sonjaya confirmed Sumiyati's report that each poor family in the neighborhood unit (RT) 15 of community unit (RW) 2 in his subdistrict only received 8 kilograms per month. But he claimed that he knew nothing about the threat by his deputy against the protesting women.

Ari even said that he did not blame the women. "What is regretful is the fact that they reported it to the city council. Why did they do it? The councillors will not give additional rice although they report the case to them," Ari told the Post.

According to Ari, such a practice could happen as the number of poor families in the community unit II is more than the data owned by subdistrict. In the data, there are 26 poor families there, but the real number of poor families was 162, he said.

Based on the subdistrict's data, community unit 2 received the smallest allotment compared with the other nine community units in the subdistrict. According to the data, the largest number of poor families who deserved the cheap rice was in community unit 6 where 306 poor families lived.

About the price of the rice, Sofianus Harjo, a staff member responsible for distributing the rice in the subdistrict, said the additional price was for transportation from the subdistrict head's office to the people's houses. The rice for the poor program managed by the National Logistics Agency (Bulog) was launched in January 2002. That year, the agency distributed a total of 2.35 million tons of low-priced rice to 9.79 million poor families.

The rice should be sold at the price of Rp 1,000 compared to the market price which was Rp 3,000. Under the program, each family would receive a total of 20 kilograms per month throughout the year. This year, Bulog plans to distribute a total of 2.35 million tons of rice to about 9.2 million poor families.

House lists big names in corruption at Pertamina

Jakarta Post - March 8, 2003

Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- A House of Representatives (DPR) special committee of inquiry into corruption at state oil firm Pertamina alleged on Friday a number of former ministers and cronies as well as family members of former president Soeharto were involved in various graft cases at the company.

They include former state minister of technology B.J. Habibie, former energy ministers Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Soebroto, former finance minister Radius Prawiro, businessman and Soeharto's crony and friend Mohamad "Bob" Hasan, sons Bambang Trihatmodjo and Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra and daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana.

Reading out a report to a House plenary session, Committee chairman Emir Moeis called on law enforcers to arrest those responsible for state losses of at least US$113 million from various Pertamina projects.

Emir recognized that some of the cases had been investigated by the police, and the cases had gone to the Attorney General's Office. They included cases involving Ginandjar. But some others are still untouched.

"The Attorney General's Office should cooperate with the National Police to arrest the suspects," Emir said, reading out the committee's final report during a plenary meeting here on Friday.

The reading of the report was marked with interruptions from numerous legislators from various factions.

The first came from Sidharto Danusubroto of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) faction, who demanded that Emir, also a legislator from PDI Perjuangan, mention those implicated in those cases.

Emir then complied and went on mentioning names of those implicated in those irregularities and this prompted protests from other legislators, mostly from the Golkar Party faction.

Samsyul Bachri of Golkar, for example, emphasized that some people mentioned in the report had not been declared suspects but were only witnesses, and therefore, their names should not be read out. This Golkar protest was launched apparently because of the exposure of Golkar's executive Ginandjar, who was involved in the Technical Assistance Contract (TAC) along with Supraptono. Both Ginandjar and Supraptono had been declared suspects.

But Emir went ahead to read the names of those allegedly involved in Pertamina graft cases.

In the case of Exxor-I Balongan project, Emir said there were three suspects: Thabrani Ismail, Ping Tamanis, and Eri Odang. Pin is now a Singapore citizen and Eri is in the United States.

Emir added that other figures implicated in this project were Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Kho Kian Kie, former economic minister Radius Prawiro, and former mining minister Soebroto.

In the case of Perta Oil, an affiliate of Pertamina with Nusamba, Dakab foundation, Supersemar foundation, and Humpuss, Emir disclosed that Soeharto's former golfing buddy Bob Hasan and son Tommy were involved.

Furthermore, Bambang Trihatmodjo, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Yosep Dharma Putra, Rosano Barrack of Bambang's Bimantara, and former Pertamina director Faisal Abda'oe were involved in the trans-Java pipeline project.

Former state minister of research and technology B.J. Habibie, along with Yosep Brata, Tachril Sapi'ie, Mohamad Hasan, and Faisal Abda'oe, were also listed among the figures involved in the construction of the gas piping project in East Java.

Emir acknowledged that during its work the committee had difficulty tracing documents related to the graft because "many of the cases took place a long time ago".

"Some people related to those cases have moved overseas, to Singapore and to the United States. So it is hard to bring them to Indonesia," Emir said, adding that such constraints had prompted the committee to seek more time to finish their investigation.

The committee had worked from September 27, 2001 through FebruAry 21, 2003, questioning 27 witnesses. However, interruption after interruption slowed Emir's reading of the report. This prompted House deputy speaker A.M. Fatwa to stop the session and ask the committee to complete the report and present the report in another plenary session in the next House sitting.

Human rights/law

People's Lawyers Union attacked three times

Detik.com - March 3, 2003

Gita Fajar P. Mega, Jakarta -- The People's Lawyers Union (Serikat Pengacara Rakyat, SPR) which is handling a class action case over price increases to fuel against President Megawati Sukarnoputri, will send a pre-litigation letter to Megawati and Indonesian police chief General Da'I Bachtiar following three attacks on their offices by unidentified assailants.

Speaking to Dekik.com on Sunday, SPR spokesperson Habibburachman described the attack in while eating dinner at a cafe approximately 500 metres from the SPR office in Jagakarsa, South Jakarta.

At around 10pm on Saturday evening, Habib was suddenly attacked by six unidentified people. "I was kicked from behind and hid with a Chaka stick which fractured by left elbow", said Habib.

Habib said that before the incident, his office had been terrorised since early morning. First at 10am, a person rang the SPR offices and threatened to kill SPR members if they did not withdraw the class action.

"Because we were worried that there would be an attack we evacuated the office. At 5pm, we returned and received a similar threatening phone call. But because no attack transpired, we decided to return to the office at 9pm", said Habib.

Habib suspects the perpetrators of the attack are the same people who had attacked the SPR office twice before on February 19 and 25.

"I'm not accusing PDIP [Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, Megawati's ruling party] members but it is certain that there is a relationship [between the attack and] the statement made by PDIP leader Jacob Nuwa Wea which said that PDIP cadre would confront students [if they continued to insult PDIP]", he said while appealing to PDIP leaders, particularly Jacob not to issue such provocative statements.

Because of this continued Habib, they would send a pre-ligigation letter to Megawati and Bachtiar demanding that they arrest the perpetrators and masterminds of the attack within 14 days from today.

Acceding to Habib, the president and police chief have been negligent in carrying out their duties as protectors of state citizens and have violated Article 28, Paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution. "Fully investigate the incidents of terror against SPR, arrest the perpetrators and the masterminds and provide us with a guarantee of protection. If they have not been arrested after 14, we will present a civil suit against the authorities to the Central Jakarta state court", he explained.

Next Thursday the Central Jakarta State Court will go into session to determine the validity of their class action against the price increases to fuel.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

Focus on Jakarta

Jakarta's firetraps

Straits Times - March 3, 2003

Robert Go, Jakarta -- The majority of Jakarta's 151 traditional markets are firetraps and could suffer the same ill fate as the Tanah Abang textile centre, much of which went up in flames last month, city officials said.

These government-run markets are key outlets for small traders and millions of poor people, but as much as 60 per cent of them are housed in decades-old, poorly maintained and unsafe buildings.

The city lacks funds, so these complexes do not get adequate safety features such as hydrants, sprinklers, water pumps or designated fire escapes.

As more Indonesians are forced out of jobs during the country's continuing economic slump, the markets have taken more importance as venues for those who join the informal economy and eke out a living as small-time traders.

Overcrowding is the obvious result. Traders use every inch of available space and even spill out into the streets surrounding major market complexes.

They also mess around with the markets' ageing electric networks, often using simple, unsafe and exposed wiring to provide lighting for their stalls.

Refuse piles up as it is not collected regularly, adding to the risk factors on the list. After the four-day Tanah Abang blaze -- which ate up 5,500 kiosks in a market that has an estimated yearly turnover of US$1.6 billion -- Jakarta Fire Chief Johnny Pangaribuan said that his men had to fight against odds as they tried to put out the fire.

They encountered rusted-shut hydrants and waterless pumps. Hoses were finally run directly to a nearby river to give firemen some ammunition against the blaze. Traders and onlookers also had poor fire-fighting training.

Instead of clearing the way for the 200 mobilised firefighters, traders blocked passages as they tried to evacuate their goods, while huge crowds gathered outside to watch the inferno and billowing smoke.

The fire department has evaluated as many as 30 markets in recent weeks and the situation there, said Mr Johnny, is "distressingly similar" to that in Tanah Abang.

Mr Lihardin Sipayung, a public relations officer at PD Pasar Jaya, the government company that manages the markets, told reporters that many of the older market buildings are indeed "vulnerable to fire".

The newer buildings, however, are properly equipped and should be safe, he said.

The Tanah Abang complex has been hit twice before by large fires during the past three decades.

It is the second market in Jakarta to go up in flames this year after 500 traders lost their kiosks in the Senen market in January.

While officials can identify the problems but offer few solutions, government critics and advocates for the poor see the fire hazard within the markets as yet another sign of how Jakarta has poor city managers.

Ms Wardah Hafidz of the Urban Poor Consortium questioned how the city uses taxes collected from traders, parts of which are meant for maintenance and repair jobs on the market complexes.

She said: "So far, city officials seem to not care about how the poor live. This is yet another example of their failures. They are collecting quite a bit of money from traders, but spend little on proper maintenance. The government does not take responsibility when disasters like this happen."

News & issues

Bali still picking up the pieces

Asia Times - March 5, 2003

Johanna Son, Kuta -- Nearly five months after the Bali bombing, the site of the blasts is curiously clean, areas of emptiness in stark contrast to the maze of stores, cafes and hotels that have long marked Indonesia's idyllic -- and now wounded -- haven for tourists.

Green sheets of galvanized iron fence off what was once the Sari Club, which was packed with mostly Australian tourists when the bombs went off on October 12 in Kuta district and killed 202 people from 20 countries. The area across the Sari Club, once Paddy's Bar, is empty too, save for young banana trees, planted, locals say, to ease the victims' entry into the next life.

A few tourists stop by the site, peering at the messages scribbled on a white cloth put up on the green fence. "Indonesians love peace," one of them says. Some half-wilted flower offerings for the dead lie against the fence. "The tragedy", one Balinese calls it. "The bomb", says another. "That incident", others say.

But whatever they call it, the October attacks remain very much with Bali, a majority-Hindu island of 3.4 million people off the eastern end of Java island in this predominantly Muslim country. Until the blasts, Bali had considered itself free from the violence that had hit other parts of Indonesia in the post- Suharto era.

Tourism is the most obvious casualty, with serious economic implications for an island that is heavily dependent on tourism and gets a million visitors a year. Bali accounts for 40 percent of Indonesia's more than US$5 billion earnings from tourism a year.

Now the streets of Kuta, a crowded hub of beaches, hotels and bars, are much more quiet, almost like a sleepy Sunday morning.

Tourists from Europe and Asia do come to such towns as Sanur and Ubud -- Indonesian statistics say that in January, the largest group of tourists was Japanese, followed by Taiwanese and then Singaporeans, and Australians who brave the travel warnings.

But it is just not the same, sigh vendors of handicrafts, wood carvings, native batik textiles and other items.

"It's been two weeks and I have not been able to sell anything," said Christine, who has had to take a pay cut in the last few months. "My boss, he is angry at me because I have no sales." And when the vendors at Ubud central market do make sales, these days they seem to take more seriously the traditional ritual they make for better business -- they tap the bills they receive on their goods for a longer time than they used to. "For good luck," they explain, "for good luck."

The Bali Hyatt hotel in Sanur has had to lay off more than 100 staff, about a quarter of its employees. Some wings of the hotel have been closed.

"Thirty percent occupancy is a very, very good rate at this time," said a hotel manager in the area. "Some have 20 percent, some have no guests."

Efforts are under way, from neighboring countries such as Singapore and Australia, to jump-start tourism. Since October, Bali has been visited by several Southeast Asian leaders in solidarity with Indonesia, and has hosted a range of international meetings and seminars. Tourist arrivals dropped by at least 60 percent -- some say 90 percent -- after the blasts, but Indonesian officials say arrivals started to pick up early this year.

"Maybe Asian tourists are braver than Westerners," remarked a vendor at the Ubud market. "The owners of these places [bars and cafes] do not know what they have to do to bring back the trust of tourists," a local journalist, Amul Huzmi, wrote in the Bali Today newspaper.

Asked whether Bali's tourism can go back to what it was before, taxi driver Nyoman Sudarman said, "It will take time."

But even time is going by fast, said Rucina Ballinger, a US-born dancer who now gives educational tours in Bali and has lived here for two decades. "There is a social bomb about to happen" if things do not improve economically, said Ballinger, who is married to a Balinese and has taken Indonesian citizenship.

Many are giving the economy a three-to-six-month space to recover after the blasts, and it is nearing the end of this period. Because Bali depends heavily on tourism, there is not much by way of an alternative to this trade. There is a bit of exports of furniture and wood products and textiles, but otherwise other people are in semi-subsistence agriculture.

Tourism also supports many small businesses, down to the production of flower garlands that adorn hotels to the taxi drivers who drive visitors around. Hotel and guesthouse employees rely more on the tips they get instead of their salaries. Ballinger says these contribute to the income they use for their families, or to carry out rituals that are so much a part of daily life in Balinese Hinduism -- and have helped preserve a large part of the local culture in the face of mass tourism.

Thus, the damage to tourism in the wake of the October attacks has raised questions about overdependence on one industry and worries about the future. "Maybe we have too much of this, but right now I don't know what we are to do," commented a local resident.

Many Balinese have reacted not so much with anger at the bombers, which authorities put at 15 and say belong to radical Islamic groups from Java. But Ballinger said, "We looked inside and asked if we have too much tourism, and drugs and prostitution."

Perhaps part of their reaction to the wound caused by the October attacks has been to draw a clearer line between local Balinese and non-Balinese, especially those from the main island of Java. For instance, asked whether there is prostitution, a sales clerk said, "Yes -- but the prostitutes are mostly from Java."

As Bali authorities prepare for the trial of the suspects in the bombings, a report last week from the English-language Jakarta Post newspaper said: "There has been tension in predominantly Hindu Bali toward the suspects and their lawyers, as most blame the bombing, which has crippled the economy, on Javanese Muslims."

Bali officials are keeping an eye on the suspicious entry of non-Balinese for fear of groups disrupting the trial, expected to start this month. Some 3,000 police officers, supported by the military and traditional Balinese security guards, are expected to provide security during the trial.

But Sudarman says there is no intention of revenge among him and his friends. Nevertheless, they talk about it in order to let their frustrations out, instead of turning violent.

"We talk about it because if we don't do it that way, there might be trouble. People joke and say, 'If we get our hands on you [the bombers], you'll see,'" he said. "But we just talk that way."

Environment

Suffocating haze returns to West Kalimantan

Jakarta Post - March 6, 2003

Pontianak -- Haze from forest and bush fires returned here on Thursday, forcing some residents to wear masks, head of West Kalimantan provincial metereology office Suwardi said on Thursday.

"The smoke reduced morning visibility around the West Kalimantan provincial capital of Pontianak to less than two kilometers," Suwardi told AFP, adding that it forced many motorcyclists and residents to don masks before venturing out.

Despite warnings from authorities, small-scale farmers living around the provincial capital continued burning scrub to clear land, Suwardi said.

The haze, an annual hazard for millions of Indonesians and sometimes their neighbors, is largely from fires started illegally to clear land for replanting.

In 1997, thick haze caused by forest fires in Indonesia blanketed parts of Southeast Asia for months, causing serious health problems and traffic hazards, and disrupting commercial flights. Using fire to clear land has been illegal since 1999 in Indonesia, but prosecutions of violators are rare.

Indonesia bans sand exports to curb rampant mining

Reuters - March 6, 2003

Jakarta -- Indonesia said on Thursday it had imposed a ban on sand exports to all countries in a bid to curb rampant mining which was causing damage to the environment.

"We have decided to stop sand exports from Indonesia to any country, including Singapore," Trade and Industry Minister Rini Soewandi told Reuters.

She said a decree on the ban was issued on February 28 but did not give further details. A trade ministry source said they had not decided how long the ban would last but would review it later. The ban will likely have a major impact on neighbouring Singapore which needs to import around 1.6 million cubic metres of sand a year for reclamation projects. Malaysia imports around 600 million cubic metres a year.

The sand is mostly used to support the building sector and for coastal reclamation. Indonesia temporarily halted sand exports for three months in February last year for the same reason, but the ministry source said there was considerable smuggling of sand then.

The source could not provide any figures on how much Indonesia earns from sand exports, but said it was not a key export.

Extensive sand mining in Indonesia, especially in the Riau islands off Sumatra, has also been blamed for the destruction of natural habitat in parts of the province and even for the disappearance of several small islands offshore.

Sumatra's rare species threatened

Jakarta Post - March 4, 2003

Apriadi Gunawan, Parapat, North Sumatra -- Ninety local and foreign environmentalists warned against the possible extinction of a total of 226 flora and fauna species in Sumatra because of intensive deforestation and development, and rampant poaching. According to the environmentalists, the government has no alternative but to review its environmental policy to save the rare species, otherwise the large island, which is known for its rich biodiversity worldwide, would witness an environmental catastrophe over the next five years The environmental experts and activists, some from India, the Netherlands, Japan and Britain, convened here for five days for a meeting jointly sponsored by International Conservation and the Leuser Management Unit to assess the conservation program and management plan in Sumatra.

Barita Oloan Manullang, a senior species-conservation specialist, confirmed that during the five-day meeting that ended on Friday, the experts and activists identified 90 species of flora and 176 species of fauna which were under threat of extinction. The list would be handed over to the Indonesian government for further action.

"We have no powers but a deep concern for Sumatran biodiversity, which, if not conserved, will disappear in a relatively short time. The government has the authority to enforce the law and to make environmental policy," he said, adding that the meeting had concluded that the threats had reached alarming levels.

Barita said that the Sumatran forests were home to tens of thousands of Sumatran tigers, rhinos and elephants ten years go but at the present, the number of individuals belonging to the protected species was little more than 2,000, scattered throughout the remaining forested areas along the Bukit Barisan mountain range stretching from Aceh to Lampung.

"The number of Sumatran tigers and elephants remaining is little more than 2,000, while the number of Sumatran rhinos is less than 50. The latter are only found in national parks in Riau, Bengkulu and Lampung," he explained, saying that rare reptiles and amphibians like the Sumatran Iguana had already disappeared.

Elisabeth Widjaya, an environmental researcher from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), said that over the last two years as many as 44 species of flora had become extinct while 18 others were under threat of extinction.

"The flora species facing extinction include what is locally known as rukam and bamboo, which were both easily found on the mainland several years ago," she said.

Barita blamed the extinction of the rare species on rampant poaching, logging, forest overexploitation and increasing development activities.

"The government must pay proper attention to these rare species. Otherwise, they will certainly become extinct over the next five years.

"The government must take action against individuals, companies or any institutions found guilty of destroying the environment, and it must review all laws threatening the flora and habitats of rare fauna in forest areas on the island," he said.

He also urged the government to set up a single authority, to handle environmental and biodiversity conservation, instead of numerous ministries as at present, so that the issuance of conflicting regulations and rulings on the environment could be avoided.

Human activities threatening flora ad fauna in Sumatra: 1. Road projects traversing the Gunung Leuser National Park in Aceh 2. Rampant illegal logging in numerous national parks in Sumatra 3. Intensive conversion of forests into farmland and plantations in Riau, South Sumatra, Lampung and Bengkulu 4. The granting of government-protected forest areas to farmers in Lampung 5. Rampant poaching of rare species in national parks for trading on the international black market.

Islam/religion

'Immoral' dancer Inul adopted by Muslim cleric

Straits Times - March 6, 2003

Jakarta -- A charismatic Muslim cleric in Indonesia has adopted as his foster daughter a singer whose dancing has stirred controversy in the country.

Islamic authorities in several provinces have banned Inul Daratista from performing her "erotic" and "immoral" dances. But cleric Zainal Abdul Ghoni of South Kalimantan province has taken her under his wings and invited her to attend his Islamic classes.

Inul performs in the dangdut style -- a popular music genre with strong Arabic and Indian influence.

She agreed to become his foster daughter and attended one of his classes at his home in Banjarmasin, where she was staying after a dangdut concert. The cleric prayed for her to be strong and patient in the face of widespread condemnation.

The Indonesian Ulemas Council, the leading authority on Islam, has advised the singer to repent and stop her dance routine.

Inul has shot to national fame and her CD sales have soared due to the publicity over her dancing style. The bans have added to her popularity.

Armed forces/police

Draft TNI bill will legitimise moves to violate constitution

Detik.com - March 7, 2003

M. Rizal Maslan, Jakarta -- The Coalition for Democracy is of the opinion that granting powers to the commander of the armed forces (TNI) to mobilise troops in an emergency situation, without a decision of the President, is a move to give legality to the TNI commander to take a political decision in violation of the Law on the State Defence and the 1945 Constitution.

The Coalition made this clear at a press conference in Jakarta on Monday, 3 March, responding to the draft bill, in particular the highly controversial Article 19. The Coalition is composed of a number of commentators, activists and human rights activists, including lain Kusnanto Anggoro, Todung Mulya Lubis, Bambang Widjojanto, Munir, Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, Chusnul Mariyah, Fajrul Falakh, Rizal Sukma, Syamsudin Haris.

In its statement, the Coalition said that granting such powers would legitimise moves by the TNI commander to take a political decision by seizing the authority to mobilise the armed forces which, according to article 14 of Law No 3, 2002 regarding State Defence, is the sole authority of the president together with parliament.

This is true also of the stipulation regarding the declaration of a state of emergency which, according to Article 10 of the 1945 Constitution, falls within the authority of the President acting with the approval of the DPR, which would subsequently be formalised in a special law.

This unilateral assessment of the social and political situation makes clear once again the ideological stance of the TNI as the sole arbiter of the interests and safety of the nation and state.

The Coalition believes that it is not for the TNI commander, the chief of police or the head of the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) to have the authority to adopt political decisions that are the sole authority of the government and cabinet.

"The attempts that have been put made in the past few days to defend Article 19 of the draft TNI law have confused the armed forces political role with the possible emergence of threats, while failing to draw any distinction between military strategy and military operations," the statement said.

Matters such as quelling mass unrest or handling natural disasters, as mentioned by the commander of the TNI, are not part of the basic tasks of the TNI. The TNI cannot be mobilisied autonomously without a political decision having first been taken.

According to the Coalition, any move to handle armed threats under Article 19 ignores the principle that military power may only be used in proportion to the escalating threat. Arguing that these powers would only be used to force back foreign forces making intrusions into Indonesian territory is just an attempt to defend the inclusion of this article. Responding to such intrusions is simply part of the routine operations of any force included in a joint operation.

"In other words, the draft as it stands will roll back the process of democratisation and efforts to reform the armed forces", the statement said. The Coalition also said that the draft law could strengthen the position of the TNI as an independent institution.

"The controversy that has arisen over this article means that it should be deleted from the draft. This would safeguard the professionalism of the TNI as a force for the defence of the state and protect it from political interests," the Coalition for Democracy said in its statement.

Indonesian military shoots for more powers

Asia Times - March 7, 2003

Richel Langit, Jakarta -- Using threats by poorly equipped separatist movements and prolonged religious conflicts as a pretext, Indonesia's powerful military is seeking to regain the domination it previously enjoyed for more than three decades during the Suharto dictatorship.

A bill submitted by the military leadership to the government recently shows that the military, which has long been accused of human-rights violations across the country, is seeking authority to declare a state of emergency and deploy security personnel to conflict-torn areas without prior approval from the president.

The bill contradicts both the newly amended constitution and the National Defense Law, which stipulate that only the president in his or her capacity as the supreme commander of military has the authority to declare a state of emergency and order deployment of troops to conflict-torn areas. And even then, the president is required to secure prior approval from the House of Representatives (DPR) or report the decision to the House within 24 hours. Under the bill, the military would have the power to skirt both of these provisions.

As the bill, said to have been drafted by a team of five army generals, does not give a clear definition of what constitutes a state of emergency, some analysts and pro-democracy activists have expressed fears that the draft may provide solid legal grounds for a power-hungry military to launch a coup d'etat against a legitimate government. Military officers have consistently ruled out such fears.

The draft is a serious challenge to the country's move toward democracy, especially the pursuit of civilian supremacy over the military. It is also a political maneuver and an attempt by the military to intervene in the political sphere. The bill, if endorsed, will plunge the country into another military dictatorship such as the one partly blamed for Indonesia's current prolonged multi-dimensional crises.

Regardless of whether the DPR endorses the bill or not, the draft clearly demonstrates attempts by the military, whose political clout was clipped after Suharto's downfall in May 1998, to claw back power that now constitutionally belongs to the president.

Since the controversial bill was reported by the national media late last month, the military leadership has vehemently defended it, saying it needs such authority to deal with ethnic and religious conflicts across the country and possible social unrest ahead of general elections next year.

At least 230 political parties have registered with the Justice and Human Rights Ministry to participate in the elections in 2004, when the country is to hold its first direct presidential election. Golkar, the political bandwagon of former dictator Suharto, has listed three former military officers -- the current coordinating minister for political and security affairs, General (retired) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono; the current minister for transportation, Lieutenant-General (retired) Agum Gumelar; and former military chief General (retired) Wiranto -- as potential presidential candidates. President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) has quietly enlisted Yudhoyono as Megawati's running mate in the election, while the National Awakening Party (PKB), which was declared by former president Abdurrahman Wahid, has narrowed down its list of presidential candidates to Yudhoyono and noted Muslim scholar Nurcholish Madjid.

Analysts and pro-democracy activists have predicted that political conflicts will worsen this year and peak during the election campaign, between March and July 2004. Such conflicts, no matter how small, would seriously affect overall security conditions in the country, which is already confronting prolonged religious violence in Ambon and Poso in Central Sulawesi as well as low-level separatist movements in Papua and Aceh provinces.

The role of military, which once dominated Indonesia's political life, has been gradually and systematically reduced since the forced resignation of Suharto in 1998. The military, particularly the army, supported and became part of Suharto's repressive regime for more than three decades, with many military officers occupying strategic positions in the government or enjoying lucrative business cartels.

However, since the fall of Suharto, demands for the military to return to the barracks and become a professional armed force have mounted and its business endeavors have been limited. Since 2001, the military's role has been limited to defending the country from external threats, while the police have been given the task of maintaining peace and order in the world's biggest archipelagic country.

Last August, the People's Consultative Assembly, Indonesia's highest legislative body, agreed to scrap the military's and police's free seats in both the Assembly and the House by 2004. Should military and police officers want to join the legislative bodies, they have to contest in general elections, for which they have to resign from the service.

However, several big parties have openly thrown their weight behind the new military bill that would, in practice, bring the military back into the country's political arena. Golkar, which has the second-largest faction in the House, and the National Mandate Party (PAN), the fifth-largest, have said they see no problem with giving the military authority to declare a state of emergency and deploy troops anywhere in the country. Golkar is headed by House Speaker Akbar Tanjung, who was sentenced to three years in jail for corruption involving the State Logistics Agency (Bulog) in 1999. PAN, on the other hand, is led by the chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), Amien Rais, once a staunch critic of the military's political role.

President Megawati's PDI-Perjuangan has so far been silent on the controversial bill despite enlisting Yudhoyono as Megawati's running mate.

Defense Minister Matori Abdul Djalil promised on Wednesday to revise the controversial bill but, given his small influence over the military, articles giving military leaders power to declare a state of emergency and deploy troops are likely to stay.

Megawati, who theoretically can still change the draft before it is submitted to the House for deliberation, is likely to heed to military's demand, realizing that she cannot survive without the military's backing.

With virtually all big political parties endorsing the draft, the controversial bill stands a fair chance of being endorsed by the House to curry the powerful military's favor. If the bill is endorsed and enacted into law, the military will not only return to the country's political arena but will also become a super- institution with powers far exceeding those of the president.

Mob ransack police office, kill officer

Jakarta Post - March 5, 2003

Jakarta -- Dozens of alleged members of the Indonesian Military (TNI) killed a police officer during an attack on a police station in East Jakarta on Tuesday night.

City Police chief Insp. Gen. Makbul Padmanagara confirmed the attack on Wednesday, saying the police and military police were investigating.

The mob ransacked the Makasar police station about 11:30 p.m., destroying the office's windows. The mob stabbed the officer, identified First Brig. Salmun Panjaitan, who later died at a nearby hospital.

Police, who arrived at the scene after the incident, found a green raincoat believed to belong to one of the attackers. "The raincoat could be owned by anyone," Makbul said.

Meanwhile, Air Force operational commander Rear Marshall Herman Prayitno said he would fire air force officers if they were found to be involved in the attack.

The attack was believed triggered by an earlier police investigation of a sexual harassment case involving a military officer.

Military's latest move a bid to fool the clock?

Jakarta Post - March 3, 2003

Imanuddin Razak, Jakarta -- Army chief of staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu fired a lethal shot on February 20 when he addressed a media conference, suggesting that the military's security role be reinstated due to the threats of separatism and other security disturbances in the country.

His statement came as a surprise, as the issue involved the national military (TNI), but was stated by the chief of the Army, only one of the three forces that constitute TNI.

The statement also contradicted a 2000 decree issued by the People's Consultative Assembly, the country's highest legislative body, which limits the military to a merely defensive role.

While the public had yet to recover from the first shock, the press got hold of the draft military bill, which included clauses that would give the Army a leading role in the military and the military chief authority to deploy military personnel in an emergency without the president's approval.

Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, a member of the joint team preparing the draft and a researcher at the National Institute of Sciences (LIPI), warned against a powerful Army and a possible abuse of power by a TNI commander if the controversial issues were not reviewed by the House of Representatives.

The first chapter of the bill stipulates that the current military doctrine and operational strategy be based on its territorial function, which the TNI had abused to keep its grip on politics during the 32-year regime of the New Order.

Just last year on August 11 the Assembly's annual session closed with an "outstanding and historic" recommendation that the military and the police quit their "granted" seats in the legislature beginning 2004. Servicemen who enjoyed allocated seats in the legislature without contesting in the elections for the last three decades, will be granted suffrage and will be required to leave the service should they choose to enter the political arena.

Should the House endorse the proposed chapter on the Army's role, the results of last year's annual Assembly session will become meaningless, as the revival of TNI's territorial function might also lead to the revival of its presence in both the House and the Assembly.

Although it has not yet become the unified stance of TNI, there has been growing concerns at its headquarters in Cilangkap of the need to reinstate its seats in both the House and the Assembly. This is because, politically, the TNI would need such seats as a legal entry point to become involved, and even play a significant role, in the decision making-processes at the legislative bodies.

TNI's fight to win back the above seats is interesting in the context of next year's general elections.

Although the next elections will still apply the proportional system, in which voters will vote for political parties and not for individuals as in the district system, the fact that several retired military officers have been tipped as potential candidates by some political parties for the 2004 elections, has provided many voting options to the public.

Retired generals like former TNI chief Gen. (ret) Wiranto, former commandant-general of the Army's Special Forces (Kopassus) Gen. (ret) Agum Gumelar, and incumbent Coordinating Minister for Political Affairs and Security Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono are among the candidates proposed by several political parties, including the second largest Golkar Party.

The nomination of candidates with military backgrounds was likely a response to expressions from some people of a wish to return to the "better times" experienced under the "repressive" regime of Soeharto, also a retired general.

The failure of Soeharto's three civilian successors including the incumbent president Megawati Soekarnoputri to comply with the reform agenda, including the eradication of corruption, has added color to the situation, and may even narrow down the available menu of potential candidates.

The argument for establishing a constitutional basis to arm TNI with the authority to unilaterally mobilize troops in a state of emergency, has some grounds according to the military perspective -- the country is perceived to face not only the internal threat of separatism, but also external threats to its security.

Some top military officers have argued that TNI had always faced a difficult position each time it has had to deal with any security threats. Ever since human rights became more of an issue here, they have said troops have become haunted by the requirement that human rights should be a consideration in any actions undertaken.

Televised scenes of generals facing court trials over alleged rights abuses may have incited more doubts among troops of how they should act. The officers cite such an excuse as one reason for their sluggishness in responding to security threats.

The proposed controversial chapter in the military bill was also likely inspired by the move by US President George W. Bush, who proposed a strategy to protect America from terrorism last year. This strategy included a proposal for a greater role of the US military in domestic security, following the September 11, 2001 attacks on Washington and New York, and its ensuing global campaign against terrorism.

While TNI has formally declared its commitment to reform, meaning that they would now adopt a non-political role, there is also an unwritten but widely accepted agreement among military elements that it would do all it could to maintain the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. It has been internally accepted that TNI could take the initiative in measures necessary to prevent the country from disintegrating. This was probably the reason why Ikrar signaled that such an overriding authority of the TNI chief to be able to make a unilateral decision on military deployment could lead to the deployment of troops to unseat a ruling president.

Again, a question should be addressed to the House and Assembly legislators as to whether they have the "arsenals" to trace and deal with the trappings of the bill, if it is forwarded to the House.

Otherwise, their failure to address this issue will only confirm the importance of having a district system in the elections after 2004 -- because the current proportional system would again prove to net legislators who are faithful to the political parties they represent, and not to their constituents.

Party leaders back bill that empowers TNI

Jakarta Post - March 4, 2003

M. Taufiqurrahman, Jakarta -- Leaders of two political parties have thrown their weight behind a controversial bill giving the Indonesian Military (TNI) greater power in deploying personnel to conflict-torn areas.

Chairman of the Golkar Party Akbar Tandjung and chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN) Amien Rais said on Saturday that it was reasonable for the military to take extra-constitutional measures in the event of an emergency. Golkar is the second biggest faction in the House of Representatives (DPR), while PAN is the fifth largest.

Giving greater power back to the military to take extra- constitutional measures in a state of emergency was justifiable, if it was aimed at maintaining the country's unity, said Akbar, who is also House Speaker.

"When immediate action is needed to restore order in some areas, but at the same time, there is no way to get direct approval from the president, the military has the right to deploy its personnel," Akbar said after a meeting for the party's top brass here on Saturday.

Akbar, who was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to three years in jail by the Central Jakarta District Court for his role in a scandal involving the National Logistics Agency (Bulog), was referring to Article 19 of the military bill. The article authorizes the TNI commander to deploy troops to strife-torn regions without the prior approval of the president.

Amien, who is also chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the country's highest legislative assembly, defended the article, saying the military leadership needed such authority.

"The TNI commander needs the power to deploy troops to protect the state from a sudden threat without having first to ask for the president's approval," Amien was quoted by Antara as saying in Yogyakarta on Saturday.

Amien, who was once a strong critic of the powerful military, said that it was an exaggeration to say that such power would tempt the military to seize power for itself.

Amien defended the military by saying that it would not have the courage to stage a coup d'etat, as the people would rise up against such a move. "The fear of the possibility of a military comeback proves that many of us are still traumatized by past experiences," Amien said. TNI, Amien said, would not misuse its might, as it was fully aware that its origins lay with the people.

The bill, which was drafted by the military-dominated Ministry of Defense, is now with State Secretary Bambang Kesowo for President Megawati Soekarnoputri to sign before it is submitted to the House for deliberation. The bill, if approved, will contradict the amended 1945 Constitution, which stipulates that the president, in his or her capacity as TNI Supreme Commander, has the sole authority to declare war and order a military deployment to a war zone.

The Constitution, which MPR members amended during Amien's tenure as chairman, also states that the president also has the power to impose curfews in troubled areas after obtaining approval from the House.

The bill also runs contrary to Law No. 3/2002 on state defense, which clearly states that the president has the authority and responsibility to deploy TNI personnel, after securing approval from the House.

Strong opposition has also come from analysts, who cautioned that the bill provided room for TNI to make a comeback onto the country's political stage.

The widespread opposition stems from the New Order era, when the powerful military unswervingly supported former president Soeharto's repressive regime for more than three decades. Their dominating political role, however, ended with Soeharto's forced resignation in May 1998.

MPR members had also agreed to end the military's presence in the assembly in 2004.

Economy & investment

Rumour-mongers in Indonesia scare off investors

Straits Times - March 4, 2003

Robert Go -- When Singapore Technologies Telemedia (STT) paid 5.62 trillion rupiah (S$1.2 billion) for Indonesia's second- biggest telephone company last December, the story should have ended there.

Since the beginning of the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s, no foreign company has spent more money on a single Indonesian acquisition. With many investors not even glancing this way, one would imagine that STT would receive a warm welcome.

But several hundreds marched in Jakarta last week demanding inquiries into the Indosat deal. Politicians are also taking swipes at one another over it, each for his own political purposes.

Dr Amien Rais, speaker of top lawmaking body MPR (People's Consultative Assembly), branded State Enterprises Minister Laksamana Sukardi a traitor for selling a "strategic national asset". Mr Laksamana's lawyers have filed character-assassination lawsuits against Dr Amien.

The debate doesn't stop at questions of nationalism. Former president Abdurrahman Wahid, known for making controversial remarks in the past, has accused government officials of taking "commissions". To date, he has produced not a shred of evidence to back up this claim. But that has not stopped rumours.

Ironically, the rumours hurt Indonesians more than anyone else. After all, that Indonesia benefits from privatisation is a no- brainer.

The government gets cash to plug huge gaps in the state budget. This year alone, Jakarta targets 8 trillion rupiah from privatisation. New management can also clean up the notoriously inefficient and corruption-prone state firms and kick off expansion or moderni- sation programmes.

So, why is the process so slow and controversial? Blame it on the legacy of the Suharto era, when shady transactions happened alongside, or before, public deals, say observers. These have become so deeply ingrained that many find it hard to believe that much has changed, despite all the talk of reform.

Government officials have dismissed these charges and challenged the naysayers to prove allegations. But still the rumours keep swirling, fanned no doubt by those who stand to gain politically from doing so.

It would be scarcely surprising, then, if investors grow wary of getting involved in Indonesia's privatisation schemes. Pity. That would be yet another example of internal squabbles costing Indonesia dearly and slowing its pace of economic recovery.

With or without IMF?

Jakarta Post Editorial - March 4, 2003

Highly debatable are both the rationale used by the team of more than 30 economists to support their recommendation for abruptly ending Indonesia's reform program with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the policy measures they outline for achieving annual economic growth of 6 percent to 7 percent in the post-IMF program period.

The team of economists, headed by former chief economics minister Rizal Ramli, asserted last week that the IMF-supervised program, instead of helping to stimulate recovery, had driven the economy into an even deeper crisis because the reforms were based on a mistaken diagnosis of the economic woes.

The team believes that if Indonesia were unshackled from the IMF's tight oversight, or IMF policy-making colony, as many politicians perceive the program, the government could raise Rp 524 trillion (US$58 billion) in additional revenues between 2003 and 2005 for pump priming to raise annual growth to the pre-1997 crisis level of 6 percent to 7 percent.

Strangely though, the policy measures recommended by the team to achieve the robust-growth scenario are essentially the very reform programs that Indonesia has endeavored to execute under the IMF facility, with little progress since 1998.

The robust-growth projection, as the team elaborates in its post-IMF program, requires, as preconditions: effective, strong national leadership dedicated to the people's welfare and quicker realization of tax and civil service reform, institution- building, reduction in the stock of domestic debt, revision of the investment law, optimal use of public funds (minimizing wasteful spending), economic decentralization, debt renegotiations with major creditors and a conducive investment climate.

Just peruse the string of government reform agreements with the IMF and their attachments, known as the Supplementary Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies, since early 1998, including the ones negotiated by Rizal Ramli, while he was the chief economics minister in 2001. You will find in the documents similar policy programs, clearly defined with matrices of target schedules.

The problem, though, is that many of the policy measures have been delayed. Worse still, the government has often backtracked on its reform commitments or reversed measures deemed to be politically or socially unfeasible. Things have also been complicated by the learning process in democracy and local autonomy.

Moreover, many of the measures, such as tax and civil service reform, institution-building and reduction of wasteful spending (inefficiency and corruption), are meant to be medium-term processes as they are impossible to achieve fully within one or two years.

The question, then, is how the end of IMF oversight could contribute to building a more effective and stronger national leadership and to accelerating the execution of the desired reform measures. Would President Megawati Soekarnoputri and her government benefit from an additional injection of stronger leadership or would the House of Representatives suddenly profess a higher sense of urgency and crisis in the absence of IMF supervision? After all, the IMF has neither obstructed nor prohibited the government from implementing the kind of reforms recommended by the economists.

True, as the economists asserted and many other international analysts have observed, the IMF made several major mistakes in 1997 and 1998 in its simultaneous handling of the economic crises in Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea.

Most notable of the misguided policies in Indonesia, which have been extensively discussed, were: too austere fiscal and monetary policies, which worsened the recession and set off mass rioting and social and political instability; the ill-timed closure of 16 banks in November 1997, with no prior establishment of blanket guarantees for bank deposits, which triggered massive runs on most other major banks; delayed restructuring of corporate debts, which crippled most businesses and worsened the banking crisis.

These mistakes, according to many analysts, made the Indonesian crisis more severe than it should have been and the recovery more drawn-out than it needed to be. But these mistakes would not have been so devastating if then president Soeharto had not so stubbornly resisted reforms, in order to defend the interests of his family members and cronies, and subsequent presidents had been able to deliver on their reform commitments.

Anyway, the IMF has now learnt its lessons. Analysts' complaints that the IMF programs imposed too many conditions that were beyond its core competence have been addressed. The IMF has streamlined and focused its conditions on policies that are critical to achieving macroeconomic objectives and has increasingly emphasized the importance of national ownership (national political consensus) of policy reforms.

The government now has more freedom and leeway in designing reform measures that it considers socially and politically feasible.

But then, in retrospect, the IMF should not be blamed entirely for its too-comprehensive reform (conditions) agenda that it imposed on Indonesia. In fact, it was the reformist ministers in the Cabinet who urged the IMF to include in its conditions, notably in 1997 to 1999, many reform measures against corruption, collusion and cronyism. The ministers wanted to use IMF leverage to pressure the government to do what they had long wanted to implement but had failed to achieve due to strong resistance from within the government.

It is now futile to continue recrimination and debate on who is right and wrong in handling the crisis. It is simply an accumulation of mistakes piled atop other mistakes by both the IMF and the Indonesian government, with each side's errors compounding the other's.

There is no benefit to be gained now by abruptly ending or dropping out of the program with the IMF. There is no other alternative for stimulating a sustainable recovery than implementing all the reforms agreed with the IMF, with or without IMF supervision. The government may, instead, unnecessarily risk losing market and creditor confidence.

Most importantly, the government should improve its policy-making credibility and reform-executing ability, to show to the market that it is capable of putting its own house in order without the need for international oversight.