Home > South-East Asia >> Indonesia |
Indonesia News Digest No
25 - July 1-7, 2002
Jakarta Post - July 6, 2002
Rendi A. Witular and Adianto P. Simamora, Jakarta -- The
increasing number of incidents of labor unrest here has not only
affected the flow of foreign direct investment but has also hit
the country's export sector, Minister of Industry and Trade Rini
MS Soewandi warned.
She said on Friday that the latest signs of weakening export
performance was mainly attributed to widespread labor protests
and security problems.
She explained that labor unrest was creating new uncertainties in
the delivery of goods to overseas buyers.
"Many international buyers have decided to shift their orders to
other countries because of security and labor problems here," she
said.
"That's why I have several times expressed my concern on this
labor problem to Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob
Nuawea and asked him to promptly sort it out," she added.
The Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) revealed earlier this week
that exports in May were down by 1.5 percent to US$4.7 billion
from April, and down 1.85 percent when compared to the same
period last year.
It was the first signs of the country's weakening export
performance after exports had started to rise during the past
previous months amid hopes of a quicker economic recovery in the
US and Japan, Indonesia's largest export destinations.
Exports were behind the impressive 4.8 percent economic growth in
2000. Although the government has said this year's 4 percent
growth will mainly be driven by domestic consumption, a stronger
export performance will be crucial to obtain higher economic
growth to create more jobs and lower the current high level of
unemployment, which according to one estimate has reached 40
million.
Electronics, footwear and textiles have suffered a decline in
exports during the first five months of this year. The
electronics sector saw a decline in exports from $2.6 billion to
$2.2 billion; textiles down from $1.2 billion to $1 billion, and
footwear dropped from $706 million to $572 million.
These industries happen to employ huge numbers of workers and
have often experienced trouble with workers' protests.
The Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
economist Djisman Simandjuntak agreed with Rini, saying that many
overseas buyers of Indonesian exports have shifted to China
partly due to local labor conflicts.
Other analysts have said that another factor was the sharp
increase in the value of the rupiah against the US dollar,
which has made Indonesian products less competitive than their
Chinese counterparts, which has a fixed exchange rate system.
Indonesia is competing with China in the export of low-end
manufacturing products like textiles, electronics and footwear.
Djisman said that the government must quickly deliver policies
that could suppress the seemingly unending labor conflict. He
said this could entice new investment into the country's export-
oriented industries.
But the Minister of Manpower and Transmigration instead drew
controversy recently when proposing a new labor protection bill,
which many businessmen and investors said was overly protective
for workers. They said that if approved, it would scare away
investors.
Foreign direct investment (FDI) approvals during the first five
months of this year dropped by 60 percent to $1.67 billion
compared to the same period last year.
Chairman of the Investment Coordinating Board (BKPM) Theo F.
Toemion said that legal uncertainty and labor unrest were among
the factors causing the drop in FDI.
Meanwhile, analyst from Institute for Development of Economics
and Finance (INDEF) Bustanul Arifin, disagreed with the
accusation that labor unrest was the main factor contributing to
the dismal export performance.
"It's just ridiculous to blame the workers for this. Rini is just
being emotional about the decline. She should elaborate on the
policy and overall business climate instead of pointing the
finger at a scapegoat," said Bustanul.
According to Bustanul, the main reason for the weakening exports
is mainly due to the global economic slowdown and Indonesia's
inability to fulfill buyers' orders.
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Bambang Nurbianto, Jakarta -- Workers from dozens of hospitals in
the capital organized a media conference on Thursday to protest
their employers' move to halt their plan to establish workers'
unions as an instrument for promoting their aspirations and
welfare.
Coordinator of the Communication Forum for Hospital Workers in
the Capital (FKPRSJ) Edi Waluyo said the managements' moves
ranged from intimidation and delayed promotion to dismissing
workers who were active in the union.
The hospitals include Pondok Indah Hospital, Jakarta Hospital,
Kebayoran Hospital, Pantai Indah Kapuk Hospital, Setia Mitra
Hospital and Medika Gria Hospital.
Edi, who is also chairman of the Pondok Indah Workers Union
(SPTP) said the management established a rival organization known
as the Employees' Family Association (SPIKK) only a week after
the SPTP was established.
"The management of Pondok Indah Hospital, as stated by the
corporate lawyer, has refused to recognize an independent worker
union established by the workers although it has been recognized
by the government," Edi added.
Edi and another union activist, Muchsin, from Pondok Indah
Hospital in South Jakarta, have been suspended as hospital
employees since May for motivating the other employees to join
the workers union.
Another complaint was expressed by Opet Omahora, a worker
activist from the Jakarta Hospital, who said she and 26 other
worker activists had been suspended from their jobs since 2,000
after they had demonstrated to demand an increase in transport
and food allowances.
"Following the demonstration, 27 worker activists in my hospital
were suspended and the management is seeking our dismissal. At
present, we do not receive a salary although the dismissal has
not been agreed by the government," she added.
Muchsin said management often misunderstood the wishes of workers
to establish a trade union. They always linked trade unions with
demonstrations and violent activities carried out by workers.
"We want to establish the unions, not to provoke the workers into
opposing the management, but to become a forum to promote our
welfare," said Muchsin, who works at the information technology
division at Pondok Indah hospital.
He said like other workers in other sectors, hospital workers
also experienced various problems with their management, ranging
from inadequate salaries or health insurance, discrimination, and
unfair dismissal. Lilien Listiowati is an example. She has been
working at Kebayoran Hospital as a nurse for 11 years.
Ironically, the hospital cannot give her adequate health service
if she gets sick simply because she is a woman.
According to Lilien, the management provides only Rp 7,000 as a
monthly health allowance and should she be hospitalized, the
hospital can only pay out Rp 250,000 for buying medicine.
Lilien, who graduated from a medical academy in 1990, currently
receives only Rp 350,000 in take-home pay from the hospital.
Another example involves Surasno, a worker at Setia Mitra
hospital. He said because of financial problems experienced by
the hospital, many of workers had been forced to retire before
their retirement age of 55. "The hospitals prepared early
retirement compensation for some workers although they had not
agreed to retire," he said, adding that the management's policy
had caused anxiety among the hospital's workers.
Students/youth
Aceh/West Papua
Rural issues/peasant struggle
Neo-liberal globalisation
'War on terrorism'
Government & politics
Corruption/collusion/nepotism
Human rights/law
Focus on Jakarta
News & issues
Environment
Health & education
Armed forces/Police
International relations
Labour issues
Rini claims labor unrest is hitting exports
Hospital staff complain about ban on labor unions
New labor bill adding to investors' jitters
Jakarta Post - July 3, 2002
Jakarta -- PT Indomobil Sukses Internasional, the country's second largest automaker, had planned to hire some 2,000 new workers this year in response to growing demand at home for automobiles. Now it has put these plans on hold because of increasing uncertainty in employing workers here.
Indomobil president commissioner Subronto Laras said on Tuesday this uncertainty was mainly due to unfavorable government policies, which were overly protective of workers at the expense of employers, as reflected in the proposed labor protection bill.
"We were planning to hire more workers ... because demand for automobiles will continue to increase, but with the current uncertainty in government policies we decided to postpone the hiring of 2,000 new workers," he told The Jakarta Post.
Subronto was commenting on the much criticized labor protection bill proposed by Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob Nuawea.
The House of Representatives Commission VII for people's welfare and manpower affairs held a hearing with businesspeople on Tuesday to discuss the bill. Representatives of several business associations and investors attended the hearing.
During the hearing, the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) proposed revisions to 31 of the bill's 208 clauses, which the association considered to be damaging to the business climate in the country.
The clauses stipulate, among other things, that employers must continue to pay the full salaries of striking workers; provide severance pay to workers who voluntarily resign; and cut night- shifts to 35 working hours per week. The clauses also provide for jail terms for violations of labor rulings.
Businesspeople said such overly protective rulings would further damage the investment climate at home and scare off investors from the country, which has been struggling to attract foreign investment since the devastating 1997 economic crisis.
Foreign investors have already been discouraged by the political, security and regional autonomy problems that have plagued Indonesia over the past several years.
"The bill on workers is a substantial issue for investors. If the bill is approved by the House and implemented, then it will be a huge problem for us since the bill provides too much protection for labor at the expense of employers," the secretary-general of the Korean Chamber of Commerce, C.K. Song, told the Post on the sidelines of the hearing.
Song runs a footwear manufacturing company here. Currently, his company employs over 10,000 workers at its factory in Tangerang, Banten province.
Indomobil's Subronto said that over the past two years, many companies here, including Indomobil, had avoided hiring permanent employees to try and avoid any labor difficulties, and were instead outsourcing their labor needs. He said that of Indomobil's some 8,000 employees, about 1,000 were outsourced.
He explained that most companies actually disliked the outsourcing alternative because they had to spend money training workers they would not keep on a permanent basis.
Nation in waiting for labor law
For more than four years the nation has been waiting for a reliable and trouble-free labor law. In 1997, in the waning days of the Soeharto regime, then minister of manpower Abdul Latief proposed a controversial labor bill, which was roundly criticized by activists for stifling workers' rights. There were also accusations that Latief bribed legislators with money taken from the workers' social security program, Jamsostek, to pass the bill into Law No. 25/1997.
After the fall of Soeharto in 1998, then president B.J. Habibie issued Law No. 11/1998 revoking this earlier law until October 2000.
In 2000, during the tenure of president Abdurrahman Wahid, then minister of manpower Bomer Pasaribu, along with the House of Representatives, drafted two worker bills to replace the controversial Law No. 25/1997.
The two bills dealt with labor protection and the settlement of industrial disputes, and allowed for the establishment of a labor court. However, deliberations of the proposed bills were not completed by the deadline of October 2000. The government and the House then issued Law No. 28/2000, which extended Law No. 11/1998 until October 2002.
And now, under President Megawati Soekarnoputri, the government is proposing a new labor protection bill. If the House fails to complete the deliberation of the bill by the October deadline, then Law No. 25/1997 will again come into effect.
Students/youth |
Straits Times - July 2, 2002
Jakarta -- The Indonesian Parliament has rejected a motion to set up a special committee to investigate a graft scandal involving House speaker Akbar Tandjung.
Yesterday's decision sparked dissent outside parliament and police had to use a water cannon to disperse about 300 student protesters.
The clash occurred after protesters toppled a main gate at the parliament building. A photographer was hurt, allegedly by police, during the melee.
Student groups maintain Mr Akbar will escape justice if he merely has to face Indonesia's notoriously corrupt legal system. They say a parliamentary probe would increase political pressure on him to quit politics and expose other key politicians allegedly involved in the affair.
'The legislators are traitors. They are not friends of the reform movement,' one protester said.
Mr Akbar is on trial for corruption. As state secretary under President B. J. Habibie in 1999, he was charged with overseeing a 40-billion rupiah programme to feed poor families in Java.
Mr Akbar, who also heads the Golkar party, has said he appointed a little-known foundation to arrange the food delivery but prosecutors say there is no evidence any food was ever distributed.
Jakarta Post - July 2, 2002
Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- Four photographers and dozens of student activists were injured in a clash between protesting students and police officers during a demonstration at the front gate of the House of Representatives (DPR) here on Monday.
Some 300 students staged the demonstration in a bid to pressure the House to form a committee of inquiry to probe a Rp 40 billion scandal at the State Logistics Agency (Bulog), allegedly involving House Speaker and Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung.
As expected, a majority of legislators failed to back the proposal to form a transparent inquiry into the Rp 40 billion Bulog scandal. The largest faction in the House, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) faction with 153 seats, played a major role in the rejection of the move to set up an inquiry.
Upon hearing that the House had failed to institute a committee of inquiry, the students tried to enter the House compound to lodge a direct protest with legislators, but were blocked by police.
The police and the students pushed and shoved each other, and eventually a short brawl erupted in which four photographers were beaten by police officials. Two police water cannon were used to disperse the protesters.
After the clash, the students moved to the Merdeka Palace to protest against President Megawati Soekarnoputri and Vice President Hamzah Haz for failing to uphold the reform agenda.
Rico Marbun of the University of Indonesia (UI) vowed he would consolidate with student activists from other universities to monitor if the reform agenda were being implemented.
"We will keep on protesting until the annual session in August," Rico told the press. He claimed that 15 protesters were injured, but he did not identify the students involved.
During their protest outside the Merdeka Palace, the students urged Megawati and Hamzah to resign on account of their inability to live up to the reform agenda. They said the failure of Megawati and her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) to support the proposal to establish the inquiry committee was a betrayal of the reform movement.
The students also urged People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker Amien Rais and House Speaker Akbar Tandjung to step down, saying that both leaders were "political clowns".
The protesters buried posters featuring the four leaders -- Megawati, Hamzah, Amien and Akbar -- outside the Merdeka Palace.
Meanwhile, the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) called for a thorough investigation into the incident that injured four photographers. The four photographers were Indra Shalihin from the detik.com internet news portal, Cahyo Paksi Priambodo from the Sinar Harapan afternoon daily, Saptono from the Antara news agency and M. Sholeh from the Media Indonesia daily.
"We urge the Jakarta Police chief to investigate this incident. Violence against journalists will never end if the brutality of police officers isn't punished," AJI's Jakarta chapter advocacy coordinator, Bayu Wicaksono, said in a statement.
Monday's attack on photographers by the police came just a few days after police in Sidoarjo regency in East Java beat up a reporter from the Kompas daily while the latter was covering a demonstration by workers of a factory belonging to PT Maspion in the area. The police have arrested seven police officers suspected of beating up the reporter, Wisnu Dewabrata.
Aceh/West Papua |
Radio Australia - July 4, 2002
The Indonesian Government has denied reports that the extremist Islamic Laskar Jihad army is operating in it's province of Papua, formerly known as Irian Jaya. It's been been investigating claims that the Islamic militants, who were involved in inter-religious violence in the Maluku Islands, had infiltrated Papua, but found no evidence to support the claims. However, Christian religious leaders in Papua insist the militants have set up bases in their province and that they are planning attacks on Christians.
Presenter/Interviewer: Tricia Fitzgerald
Speakers: John Martinkus, journalist
Fitzgerald: Indonesian authorities say reports that the militant Laskar Jihad army is involving itself in the murky world of Papuan politics, are untrue.
The Indonesian Embassy in Australia points out that the Laskar Jihad leader, Jaffar Umar Thalib, has been under arrest for over a month in Java and says Papua's police chief has issued orders for the arrest of any of his followers if they do enter Papua.
But, those claims conflict with reports from a freelance Australian journalist, John Martinkus who's just returned from the province saying he witnessed a night-time Laskar Jihad training session in an isolated camp in western Papua.
Martinkus: In Sorong, which is at the far western tip of Papua I visited a Laskar Jihad training camp there which was outside of Sorong on the outskirts in the transmigration settlements. You know they're basically just open areas full of people wearing black headbands and they do drilling, and they do like sort of martial arts, that kind of thing, and practicing either with weapons or with homemade weapons like muskets and metal tubes bolted to bits of wood that are like one shot guns. And they use them in Ambon and they also use them in Timor.
Fitzgerald: John Martinkus says locals believe Indonesian military and police are giving support to the Laskar Jihad army members.
Martinkus: Papuans who lived out there they were saying that every time training is conducted there members of the police special unit were always in attendance and that also when training was conducted Kopassus members who were based in Sorong had started patrolling through their areas. They basically said that every time there was any guns were found in Laskar Jihad members' houses and they were reported to the police, the matter never went any further. There was also another case of some pro independence Papuans raiding the house of some Laskar Jihad members and finding seven M-16s in there. And then the house would actually belong to a military intelligence captain and also a police officer. And they then came and took weapons away and then of course nothing ever went any further.
Fitzgerald: And if proven true in what is a potentially dangerous development John Martinkus says the Laskar Jihad are recruiting members from Papua's migrant community, Muslim families who have moved to Papua from other overcrowded parts of Indonesia, especially Java.
Martinkus: They are recruiting local Indonesians who've lived in Papua for some time and they're basically telling them that they have to form self-defence groups to protect themselves and also to fight separatism in Papua. And this basically means using them as a shield to intimidate the local Papuans, much the same as they did in East Timor with the militias.
Fitzgerald: John Martinkus says it's not only pro-Jakarta militias who are gearing up for a show-down in Papua. He found that the assassination of the moderate Papuan independence leader Theys Eluay, last year, has stirred up anti-Indonesian sentiment amongst rebels of the Free Papua Army, the OPM.
Mr Martinkus visited OPM camps along the Papua-PNG border. He says the rebels have now torn up an agreement they'd made with moderate Papuans like Chief Eluay to use peaceful dialogue rather than violence in their long-running campaign to separate from Indonesia. He says the rebels are threatening to launch attacks in mid-August when Indonesians will be celebrating their Independence Day.
Martinkus: When Theys was killed, many West Papuan pro- independence people basically said OK, now we've tried the peaceful way, it hasn't really worked. I'm speaking specifically about the OPM. The reaction of those elements who'd previously fought the Indonesians in a military way in the bush has been to say, well look you know now we've tried the peaceful way and now we're going to have to go back to armed struggle. And this is something they in a way reluctant to because it's a very uneven battle, but they feel that that's the only way open to them at the moment and they're talking about re-opening military activities.
Jakarta Post - July 6, 2002
Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- The hard line taken by the government will dash any hope for a peaceful solution to end the decades-long strife in Aceh, official and activists alike said.
Wriyono Sastrohandoyo, Indonesia's chief negotiator in the peace talks with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), said on Friday that the government's decision to step up military action in Aceh would put him in a difficult position to negotiate with GAM.
"Good intentions from both sides to end the conflict is the only thing that could save the peace talks," Wiryono told The Jakarta Post.
He underlined any agreement would only be valuable if both sides abided by the peace agreement, signed by both sides in Geneva, Switzerland.
"As I have always said, it takes two to tango, both sides will have to follow the agreements we have reached to continue the talks," Wiryono said.
He underlined that steps to end the conflict were very important to resolve the issues in Aceh and that both sides had to be committed.
Earlier on Wednesday, Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said that Indonesia was evaluating its peace policy for Aceh and might heighten military operations against GAM.
Calling GAM a terrorist group for the fist time, Susilo said the government had the legitimacy to use the TNI to crush GAM, which has been fighting for an independent Aceh since the 1970s.
The hardline stance had clouded hopes for peace talks involving the government, GAM and other groups in Aceh, which was originally planned for this month.
The Henry Dunant Center, which has been facilitating peace talks between the government and GAM will facilitate the planned all- inclusive talks, refused to comment when asked about the possibility of continuing the planned talks.
"We promised confidentiality to both sides. So, we cannot say anything about the planned dialog," one of the officers of the center told The Post.
Legislator Pramono Anung Wibowo from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) urged the government to be patient and not to rashly decide to take a military approach.
"Dialog should come first. The government has to be patient because we all know violence will resolve nothing in Aceh," he said.
Wiryono said the government had expected the peace talks could partner its security approach. "However, it seems we are moving in a different direction. We have to remember that one death is one too many," he remarked.
Separately, Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda said the talks would be postponed until GAM showed good intentions to end the conflict. "GAM has to change its attitude, not resort to terrorist activities and put forward suggestions and solutions," Hassan said in Manado, North Sulawesi, as quoted by Antara.
GAM chief negotiator Zaini Abdullah said in a statement earlier that GAM was committed to continuing peace negotiations with the government. He accused the government of not being committed to implementing peace agreements, and of resorting to military action.
Indonesian and GAM negotiators have met several times in Geneva and signed several agreements to end blood-letting in Aceh. However, violence has continued in Aceh.
Jakarta Post - July 6, 2002
Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Nationalist politicians back a proposed civil emergency and a likely tougher military action in conflict-ridden Aceh, but legislators from the province oppose such an approach as a means to wipe out separatist rebels.
Politicians contacted here yesterday said they feared that if the separatist movement in Aceh was not suppressed, it would spark the break-up of Indonesia. They also said they would support a tougher military operation.
The head of Parliament's Defence and Foreign Affairs Commission, Mr Ibrahim Ambong, said that he backed a tougher approach by the Indonesian Armed Forces because the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels were a threat to Indonesia and continued to carry out acts of violence.
This week, the government gave its clearest indication yet that it would take a stronger action in Aceh. Chief Security Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, after a Cabinet meeting on Thursday, said for the first time that the government considered the separatists to be terrorists, and hinted that continuing peace talks with the rebels would be difficult.
He referred to a series of civilian abductions and accused GAM of being behind the murder of two local politicians in the last few months. Last week, GAM rebels kidnapped nine sportsmen and nine sailors in Aceh. But the hostages were all released yesterday, the military said.
Several Acehnese politicians in the national parliament said yesterday that they would not support a civil or military emergency in Aceh. They argued that the Acehnese have not forgotten being under military rule from 1989 to 1999, and that any move to declare a state of emergency would be very unpopular.
"The need of the Acehnese community is tranquility, not a declaration of emergency. If it is introduced, people will be tense and the governor is the one who will have to answer for the situation," said Mr Bachrum Manyak, a legislator from the regional parliament.
Analysts in Jakarta also feared that introducing a military emergency would disrupt the peace process and alienate many ordinary Acehnese. "A counter-insurgency operation should be one that wins the hearts and minds of the people more within the framework of the peace process, and include the rehabilitation of the previous victims," said military analyst Riefqi Muna.
GAM and the Indonesian government have been participating in sporadic peace talks for the past two years but without any agreement.
Mr Hasballah Saad, a former human rights minister, argued the money allocated for a military operation would be much better spent on developing the backward and now war-damaged province.
Meanwhile, Indonesia's Foreign Affairs spokesman Marty Natalegawa said that discussions about implementing a state of emergency did not mean Indonesia was unwilling to continue peace talks. "There are efforts at dialogue, efforts to increase prosperity in Aceh and certainly efforts or steps to guard security and stability in the province," he said yesterday.
Agence France Presse - July 6, 2002
Aceh separatist rebels slammed a statement by an Indonesian minister branding them terrorists as an "irresponsible and desperate" attempt to discredit the movement.
Top security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono announced Thursday the government planned to declare a state of civil emergency in Aceh province if parliament approved the proposal and called Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels "terrorists".
Yudhoyono said the rebels merited the terrorist tag because they had carried out a recent series of murders, kidnappings and arson attacks.
"Susilo should not have thrown around such an irresponsible accusation, especially in relation to the killing of the district legislators in which GAM has no interest whatsoever," said GAM field commander Amri bin Abdul Wahab, in a statement received on Saturday.
Two district lawmakers were killed last month. The military has blamed the separatists. "Susilo's statement branding GAM as a terrorist organization is just a desperate effort to change public opinion through the press, while the whole world is very much aware that GAM is not a terrorist organization, but a legitimate independence movement that upholds international law and conventions," bin Abdul Wahab said.
The government and GAM agreed on truces during successive meetings in Switzerland since 2000 but the ceasefires have rarely held.
Bin Abdul Wahab said Yudhoyono was "at the end of his wits" because of what he called the government's failure to cause a rift between GAM's Sweden-based political leadership and those in the field.
He said Yudhoyono's remarks were an emotional outburst resulting from too many casualties suffered by security forces during its military offensives. The commander warned that more "innocent" government troops would lose their lives if Jakarta pursued its anti-rebel operations.
In the latest violence, troops killed two suspected rebels on Friday in a gunfight at Rantau Selamat in East Aceh, provincial military spokesman Major Zaenal Muttaqin said. A rifle was seized from the victims, he said.
The government has in recent days been intensifying its rhetoric against the separatists. On Wednesday President Megawati Sukarnoputri called for stern action against them.
On Thursday GAM released nine crewmen seized from an oil company supply ship and nine athletes and sports officials they abducted late last month. GAM said they were released after they were found to be civilians and not involved in military operations. The nine crewmen were seized Sunday from a vessel headed for an oil exploration field off North Aceh. The rebels previously denied involvement.
GAM has been fighting since 1976 for an independent state in the province. An estimated 10,000 people have been killed since then, 600 of them this year alone.
The Guardian (UK) - July 3, 2002
Richard Norton-Taylor and John Aglionby, Jakarta -- The Foreign Office was urgently investigating reports last night that British Hawk jets had been deployed by the Indonesian airforce in Aceh, against dissidents on a group of islands north-west of Sumatra who are engaged in a brutal struggle for self-rule.
The move follows Indonesian reports that 10 Hawks were used in operations against insurgents designed, in the words of an Indonesian airforce commander named as Colonel Djubaedi, to "restore order" in Aceh. Several thousand separatists have been waging an armed struggle in the region since 1976.
Tapol, the Indonesian human rights campaign, wrote to the Foreign Office minister, Mike O'Brien, yesterday, referring to repeated pledges by the British and Indonesian governments that the Hawk jets would only be used for training and not in counter- insurgency operations or repression.
Tapol said the use of the Hawks was a "blatant violation" of the undertakings. It added that Indonesian military operations in Aceh had continued at an intense level despite peace talks.
Tapol claims thousands of civilians have been killed and serious human right abuses include rape, torture, and forced displacement. The death toll in the last 15 months alone, since the military's most recent offensive, has been well over 1,300, including many innocent civilians.
Last year, the government granted Aceh wide-ranging autonomy but the terms were imposed. The conflict originated after successive regimes in Jakarta, the Indonesian capital, repeatedly refused to keep pledges to grant self-rule to the resource-rich province.
A Foreign Office spokesman said yesterday that it had instructed its embassy in Jakarta to look into the reports. They had serious implications for the pledges given to Britain in the past, said FO officials who also voiced concern about the level of violence in Aceh.
There have also been recent unsubstantiated reports that Hawks have been used elsewhere in Indonesia, particularly in Papua, the Indonesian half of New Guinea island, where many reject the territory's integration into Indonesia more than 30 years ago.
The Labour government approved the sale of 16 Hawk jets to Indonesia despite evidence that they had been used in the violent suppression of civilians in East Timor, which is now independent. Robin Cook, then foreign secretary, cleared the sale of the aircraft to Jakarta, despite widespread human rights abuses by Indonesian forces. He said the deal -- agreed by the previous Conservative administration but in breach of Labour's "ethical" guidelines on arms sales -- could not be blocked for legal reasons.
Tapol referred yesterday to a letter from the FO last year to the Campaign Against the Arms Trade stating that there was "no evidence" that British military aircraft or equipment "of any sort" had been used for counter-insurgency or internal repression in Indonesia, and that Jakarta had assured that "in no circumstances" would it be used against civilians.
The Hawk, which is made by BAe Systems and has been sold to 12 countries, has been embroiled in a series of controversies about British arms sales -- they were flown by the Zimbabwe airforce in the civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo two years ago.
The government was subsequently involved in a bitter dispute over the sale of Hawk spares to Robert Mugabe's government before agreeing to suspend the exports. Two-dozen are being supplied to South Africa in a #400m-deal surrounded by claims of corrupt payments in that country.
Straits Times - July 5, 2002
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- A bloody battle between security forces and rebels in Aceh looks imminent as the Indonesian government yesterday announced plans to declare a state of emergency to crack down on "terrorists" in the strife-torn province.
After months of deliberation, Jakarta laid to rest any hopes that peaceful dialogue was a serious option. And as it caved in to pressure to use military force against the rebels, it also signalled clearly that the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) was getting increasingly powerful.
Security czar Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono told reporters after a Cabinet meeting: "It is our duty to tell the international community -- enough is enough. We have given the rebels chances but it turns out like this. The government wishes to recommend a shift in status from civilian rule to a civil emergency."
The proposal would give the Aceh governor sweeping powers to order arrests, ban the media and restrict demonstrations and other gatherings in an area where more than 10,000 people have been killed since the insurgency began in 1976.
Since 1989, the generals had imposed military rule in different districts in Aceh. The military, however, was forced to pull out large numbers of soldiers in 1999 after being accused of human rights abuses during the 10-year period of occupation.
But with threat assessments growing more alarming in the province, operations moved up from law enforcement to a limited military operation in May 2001 and a separate TNI command earlier this year.
Gen Susilo, conscious that the impending hardline move by the government and military could generate criticism, appealed to the public not to hastily accuse soldiers of human rights violations should anti-rebel operations result in civilian casualties.
The retired four-star general also appeared to be concerned with international reaction. Riding on the anti-terrorist global war, he said that the series of kidnappings and murders allegedly committed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) were "acts of terrorism".
He said: "We have told the world that it is difficult for us to hold dialogue with terrorists. Do the United States and other Western countries talk to terrorists?"
Analysts said that it was now only a matter of time before the government formally declared a civil emergency in Aceh. For a start, Parliament had already given the military its blessings last week to crush GAM.
Mr Amris Fuad Hasan told The Straits Times that legislators had grown wary of considering dialogue as an option. "We have tried to convince the rebels but they don't want to listen to us," he said. "Force is the only solution to ensure that Aceh stays within the fold of Indonesia." More crucially, the TNI had the backing of the palace.
On Wednesday, President Megawati Sukarnoputri told Aceh military commander Major-General Djali Yusuf to take tough action against the rebels. "Any group perpetrating violence and interfering with public order should be dealt with sternly," she said.
Military analysts said that the TNI, which has popular civilian support, also had an obvious advantage in fire power. The problem for the generals, however, could come from the international community that will scrutinise their actions.
Dr Salim Said of the University of Indonesia said: "The US and other countries will pay sharp attention to Aceh. If the military is not careful enough and conducts itself carelessly, it is going to damage its image even more."
Agence France Presse - July 5, 2002
Separatist rebels in Indonesia's Aceh province have released 18 civilians they abducted late last month, a source involved in arranging the release said.
"They were released yesterday afternoon," the source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told AFP Friday, adding they are in good condition.
The victims, nine crewmen seized from an oil company supply ship and nine athletes and sports officials, were freed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) from their hideout at a remote location in East Aceh, he said. They were taken immediately to Medan, the capital of neighbouring North Sumatra province.
GAM, in a statement issued by its exiled leadership in Sweden on Thursday, said the 18 would be released immediately after they were found to be civilians and not involved in military operations.
The nine crewmen were seized Sunday from a vessel headed for an oil exploration field off North Aceh. The rebels previously denied involvement.
The seven athletes and two sports officials were abducted in the province on June 26 while returning from competing in the Aceh Games. Previous reports said nine athletes and two sports officials were missing.
GAM blamed the detention of the 18 on what it called the military's "massive" operations in the province.
The rebels said the 18 were stopped and questioned. "When it was discovered that they were non-residents of the area, we were -- for security reasons -- forced to detain them to ascertain who they are and what they were doing in the area.
"Having determined that they were innocent civilians and in no way involved in military operations, they are released forthwith." GAM said it has ordered field commanders not to harm civilians or civilian infrastructure including schools. The army accuses the rebels of responsibility for torching a string of schools and of toppling power pylons.
The Indonesian government, citing what it called a series of kidnappings and murders by the rebels, announced Thursday it plans to declare a state of civil emergency in the province if parliament approves the proposal.
Rebel spokesman could not be reached for comment on the plan announced by top security minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Yudhoyono described the rebels as "terrorists." He added: "It is our duty to tell the international community -- enough is enough. We have given them (rebels) chances but it turns out like this." GAM has been fighting since 1976 for an independent state in the province. An estimated 10,000 people have been killed since then, 600 of them this year alone.
Reuters - July 4, 2002
Muklis Ali, Jakarta -- Indonesia's government on Thursday branded the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) a terrorist group for the first time, and hinted it may impose a civil emergency in the province of Aceh as violence there was getting out of hand.
"School burnings, civilian abductions and shootings of MPs. The government thinks this is the work of terrorists," Chief Security Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said.
"It's difficult for Indonesia to negotiate with terrorists. Would the US, the West talk to terrorists?" said the former army general, referring to GAM and recent accusations made by officials against the group.
The Aceh rebels along with separatists in Papua province in the country's far east have for long been regarded, by Jakarta and Western governments alike, as independence fighters.
The minister's remarks are likely to heighten tension in the resource-rich northern province, where clashes between rebels and security personnel occur almost daily, making a mockery of a series of ceasefires agreed in the past two years.
GAM representatives declined to comment when contacted.
Yudhoyono said if the rebels, who have been fighting for independence for decades and number in the thousands, accepted an autonomy package unveiled by the government last year then both sides could move to the next stage of peace talks. The last round of talks was held in Geneva in May.
But there had been no progress, Yudhoyono said, adding the government had the legal foundation to impose a civil emergency. That is one step down from martial law and allows security forces to search houses and detain suspects.
'Enough is enough'
"If parliament recommends the government [impose civil emergency], our responsibility is to explain to the world that enough is enough. We have given [GAM] the opportunity for too long, we need to make adjustments now." Thousands have been killed in Aceh as the rebels fight central control they say has exploited the area. The Brussels-based think tank, the International Crisis Group, estimated up to 2,000 people were killed in 2001 alone.
President Megawati Sukarnoputri and other senior officials have told the military to take tough action against the rebels.
Diplomats have said that approach was unlikely to work, and would only alienate more of Aceh's four million people, who have long complained of human rights abuses at the hands of the security forces and GAM.
Even under former President Suharto's 32-year autocratic rule, which ended in 1998, the military failed to defeat GAM.
A civil emergency is still imposed in parts of the eastern Moluccas islands, where savage fighting between Muslim and Christians has killed at least 5,000 people since early 1999.
GAM has insisted it would accept nothing less than independence but Megawati has said that is out of the question.
Suspected GAM members have been holding nine Indonesian crewmembers taken from a boat chartered by a unit of Exxon Mobil in the province, officials said on Monday. The rebels have not commented on the accusations.
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Banda Aceh -- Apparently niggled by the continuing violence in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam province, the government sent a strong signal on Thursday that the military operation in the restive province could be intensified.
Seemingly forgetful of the devastating impact on the Acehnese of 10 years of successive military operations in the province, the government appeared to be saying that the military approach was the most effective way of keeping the country intact.
Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Thursday that the government had almost lost hope as regards peace talks with the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM), as violence continued to plague the province.
"We have to explain to the world that enough is enough. The poor security situation in Aceh has been going on for too long," Susilo said after a Cabinet meeting.
"That is why we have asked the Aceh Military Command to take all necessary steps to deal with the actions of these terrorists," the minister said equating GAM with a terrorist movement.
He said that the government was reviewing the peace policy for Aceh and would likely up the security status of the province to a state of civil emergency should the situation continue to worsen.
"The government has the legal basis, as stipulated in the 1945 Constitution, to send in the Indonesian Military (TNI) to deal with the situation should we upgrade the security status," the minister remarked.
In an apparent attempt to share the responsibility for commencing another military operation, Susilo asked the House of Representatives to issue a political recommendation that the province's security status be upgraded.
"The House should provide us with a recommendation so that we have legitimation to start large-scale action in Aceh," he said. "We do not want the people to put the blame on the military, should we impose a civil emergency in Aceh," the minister remarked.
A persistent low-level separatist campaign in Aceh has been a thorn in the side of the nation ever since the 1970s. Former president Soeharto tried to crush the movement by placing the province under the heel of the military in 1989.
The subsequent 10-year-long military action, accompanied by widespread TNI brutality and human rights abuses, not only destroyed the faith of the Acehnese in the Indonesian government, but also failed to halt the separatist campaign.
After the downfall of Soeharto in 1998, the government tried to change its policy and proposed a dialog with GAM. Jakarta, however, now appears to have tired of this after three years of effort.
Presidential Instruction No. 1/2002, which requires the government to engage in dialog with GAM, expired last month with the government appearing reluctant to extend the policy.
Earlier on Wednesday, President Megawati Soekarnoputri issued a direct order to Iskandar Muda Military Commander Maj. Gen. Djali Yusuf to act resolutely against GAM.
Susilo also said that he would lead a government team to evaluate the situation in Aceh, and would stay in the province for one week. The team would leave for Banda Aceh within the next two weeks.
Meanwhile, Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu on Thursday backtracked on what he had said earlier when he had asked the House to provide a legal basis for the "crushing the rebellion without fear of whether other people's rights were affected." He said on Thursday that: "There is no urgency in imposing an emergency as the security situation in the province is improving." Referring to Megawati's order to take tough measures, he said, "it is enough for the military to pursue its current operations even if an emergency is not imposed in Aceh." The President's order caused consternation in Aceh with many people in the province asking the government not to become emotional in dealing with GAM.
"Megawati's statement does not provide a solution to the Aceh problem," said Nasir Djamil, a local councillor from the Justice faction.
He said more violence would erupt should the government impose martial law in the province. "The people of Aceh will be the victims," he said.
He called on the government to remain cool-headed and to resist the pressure for further military action.
Head of the Legal Aid Institute in Aceh, Rufriadi, said Megawati's calls for "resolute action" and "the elimination of the separatist movement" could be construed as carte blanche for the TNI to disregard human rights.
He said soldiers might take her order to mean they could do whatever it took, which would only lead to more violence. "This [Megawati's statement] is very dangerous," he said, while adding that the President should be more careful when speaking to the military.
Jakarta Post - July 3, 2002
Jakarta -- Five armed people, allegedly members of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), were killed when security officers launched an attack in Bayeuen district, East Aceh, some 460 kilometers away from Banda Aceh, a report said on Wednesday.
Aceh Military spokesman Maj. (Inf.) Zaenal Mutaqin said that the five were killed on Tuesday afternoon in a gunfight with security officers. The military also seized three long rifles from the rebels.
Zaenal told Antara news agency that the military deployed 53 officers for the operation Separately, spokesman with the local branch of the state-owned PT PLN (Persero) Heri Zulkarnaen said in Banda Aceh that in the last eight months, an unidentified group had toppled at least 21 electricity towers belonging to the company in East Aceh.
This action, he added, had caused a major blackout in four regencies in the eastern part of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam and would need at least three months to repair.
Jakarta Post - July 3, 2002
Jakarta -- President Megawati Soekarnoputri on Wednesday instructed Iskandar Muda military Commander Maj. Gen. Djali Yusuf to sternly punish the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM). She also blamed GAM for disturbing the public order.
"Groups who commit violence and disturb public order have to be sternly punished," Megawati told the military commander in a long distance dialog after she attended a ceremony in Cikampek, Karawang, West Java.
Megawati, accompanied by husband Taufik Kiemas, Coordinating Minister for the Economy Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti and Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla, said that she had instructed security authorities to maintain stability across the country, including in war-torn Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (The province formerly known simply as Aceh).
In a series of recent attacks, GAM rebels have been accused of abducting nine crew members of a boat hired by oil and gas company ExxonMobil Indonesia to carry supplies to its offshore oil exploration field.
The rebels have also allegedly kidnapped nine athletes and officers in Aceh Sigli after they had participated in a provincial sporting event. Rebels have also toppled some 21 electricity towers in East Aceh area, causing widespread blackouts in eastern Aceh.
Yusuf said that he had already deployed his Rajawali unit to restore security in East Aceh.
Jakarta Post - July 2, 2002
Jakarta -- The government will evaluate the viability of the current security policy in Aceh before issuing a presidential decree to change the current status of civilian order in the troubled province, a top official said on Monday.
Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the evaluation was partly in response to calls from civilian politicians for the declaration of a military emergency to stop the separatist movement in Aceh.
"The government will be evaluating its policies in Aceh within the next three weeks .... There will be a new policy," he said after speaking at a workshop on integrated responses to regional conflicts.
The statement comes after the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) reaffirmed its commitment to peace talks with Jakarta. In a press release issued from his home in Stockholm, GAM chief negotiator Zaini Abdullah called on Jakarta to respect an agreement signed in May in Geneva, and to allow the Geneva-based Henry Dunant Center and other international mediators to proceed quickly to the next steps of the peace initiative.
But Yudhoyono said the recent escalation in violence in the country's westernmost province showed that GAM was the root of the problems there. He said that whatever the government's new policy, it had to comply with the law and be supported by all parties, including the international community.
Although he said the current integrated policy in Aceh, which includes rebuilding the economy and improving people's welfare, was better than a military approach, Yudhoyono asserted that "without hurting the people, GAM should be stopped". This may be accomplished without sending in more troops, he said, but by increasing intelligence operations and restoring ties with the Acehnese.
The Army's Special Force (Kopassus) reportedly began an intelligence operation in Aceh last Wednesday, while local people say the current situation in the province resembles the decade of harsh military operations between 1989 and 1998.
Agence France Presse - July 2, 2002
Indonesia's military said it was mobilising all available troops in a hunt for Aceh separatist rebels blamed for the abduction of nine crewmen servicing the offshore oil industry.
The army also Tuesday accused the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) of demolishing two electricity pylons in the province, causing blackouts in several areas.
"We suspect GAM, especially the group led by Ishak Daud and active in East Aceh, did the kidnapping," said a military spokesman in the town of Lhokseumawe.
He said the kidnappers and their nine hostages had fled to the east. All security forces in North and East Aceh were involved in the hunt for them.
Daud told AFP the rebels had nothing to do with the abduction. "The entire length of the coast in East Aceh is being tightly guarded by TNI [armed forces] troops, so how can we have done this?" Daud said.
"Besides that, we do not have any interest in cases like this because our duty is to fight for the freedom of Aceh." Daud accused the military itself of staging the kidnapping to give it a pretext for massive search operations.
The Aceh police chief, Inspector General Yusuf Manggabarani, said a total of 9,000 soldiers and police would help try to track down the kidnappers.
The vessel Pelangi was headed for an oil exploration field off North Aceh when it was intercepted Sunday by armed men aboard two fishing boats. They forced the 11 crew to go ashore and abducted nine of them.
The Pelangi was chartered by ExxonMobil to carry oil exploration equipment but the crew were not employees of the company. ExxonMobil is the largest foreign investor in Aceh, Indonesia's westernmost province on Sumatra island. It taps liquefied natural gas in cooperation with Indonesian energy giant Pertamina.
Last year the gasfields were shut down for four months due to security disturbances, causing an estimated loss of 350 million dollars to the joint venture.
GAM and human rights groups have accused ExxonMobil of being implicated in human rights abuses because of its ties to the military. Hundreds of soldiers have been deployed to guard its operations against attacks by rebels.
In February the Kuala Lumpur-based Piracy Reporting Centre said separatist violence in Aceh was a leading contributor to piracy in Southeast Asia, with cases of crew members kidnapped for ransom.
Muttaqin, commenting on the power supply sabotage, said two pylons in isolated locations were demolished by the removal of nuts and bolts. He blamed the sabotage, which was discovered on Sunday and caused a blackout in almost half of Aceh, on GAM.
"This is not the first and will not be the last time they have sabotaged power structures in Aceh. They have already done this five times in the past," he said.
The local branch of the state power company was providing power for two hours a day for North Aceh from an old fuel-generated power plant.
Troops shot dead a rebel during a clash at Peusangan in the Bireuen district on Monday, Muttagin added.
The GAM commander in the West Aceh district, Abu Arafah, said troops conducting an anti-rebel sweep at Alue Mie shot dead an 18-year-old youth on Monday.
GAM has been fighting for an independent state in the province since 1976. More than 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have died in the conflict, including some 600 this year.
Rural issues/peasant struggle |
Jakarta Post - July 6, 2002
Nana Rukmana, Cirebon -- Thousands of sugarcane growers and workers at sugar plants in Cirebon, West Java, rallied on Friday to demand the government reduce sugar imports blamed for the steep fall in sugar prices.
"The government has taken sides with foreign farmers. We're very disappointed," said Mohammad Anwar, chairman of the Indonesian Sugarcane Growers Association (APTRI).
He said sugar prices fell to around Rp 2,700 per kilogram (31 US cents), below the production cost of Rp 3,000. Sugar farmers, he said, usually sold their sugar for Rp 3,200 or more.
Anwar said the influx of imported sugar from countries like Thailand had driven prices down. "Their sugar sells at a much lower price." He said the price of imported sugar was between Rp 2,500 and Rp 2,600 a kilogram and is sold with a 25 percent import tariff.
"This import duty is hurting farmers' welfare," he said, adding the recent import of 3,000 tons of sugar from Thailand through Cirebon had triggered farmers' anger.
Last Wednesday, around 1,500 sugarcane growers and workers of sugar companies stormed the city's port in an attempt to destroy imported sugar. Police interfered and foiled the move.
Anwar said earlier the government should stop importing sugar when local farmers were harvesting their crops.
Production from Cirebon's three sugar companies, PG Sindang Laut, PG Tersana Baru and PG Karangsembung, is enough to supply the city and West Java's north coast. Around 36,000 farmers depend on the local sugar industry for their livelihood, he added.
Analysts have said local sugar producers are inefficient and should have their plants overhauled to compete with overseas producers.
Minister of Industry and Trade Rini Soewandi has said the government will announce a rise in sugar tariffs this week. She did not say how much the increase would be, adding the plan was awaiting approval from the finance ministry.
Neo-liberal globalisation |
Green Left Weekly - July 3, 2002
Max Lane, Jakarta -- The debate between minister Kwik Kian Gie, who is in charge of the National Economic Planning Board, and the other ministers in President Megawati Sukarnoputri's cabinet about extending Indonesia's relationship with the International Monetary Fund is an important development in Indonesian politics. It is also a debate that brings Indonesia closer to world trends.
The economic strategy proposed by the IMF -- along with the World Bank -- has been under attack from many quarters ever since these institutions were formed at the initiative of the US government at the end of World War II. But they have come under particular attack in the last few years. Most interestingly, the criticisms of these institutions have also given birth to a substantial new political movement in the US, Western Europe and Australia: the anti-globalisation movement, or, more accurately, the anti-neo- liberal globalisation movement.
This movement burst onto the scene with the big demonstrations against the World Trade Organisation in Seattle two and a half years ago and has continued to grow since then, with more large demonstrations in many European cities. There have also been several major conferences raising criticisms of the IMF, World Bank and WTO, the largest being the two gatherings at the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil. At the last World Social Forum in January, more than 80,000 people gathered to discuss alternatives to the strategies proposed by the IMF and World Bank.
At the heart of these criticisms is an analysis that during the last 10 years, Western governments (particularly the US) have been using the IMF and the World Bank to push forward a process of centralisation of capital accumulation in the West (and again particularly in the US). There has been no real globalisation of productive investment -- that remains centred in the US, Western Europe and Japan. There is a globalisation of roaming speculative capital which has often caused financial instability but a centralisation of productive investment.
The critique goes: the IMF is using its hold over indebted nations to force developing countries to do away with any protective measures they have against the predatory activities of the stronger Western countries. While the US speaks of free trade, it uses the IMF to open up the markets of weaker economies often at the expense of the development of local national industry and agriculture.
The Indonesian economy is smaller and weaker primarily because it was the victim of 300 years of marauding by Dutch and other colonial powers. All the so-called developing countries are still underdeveloped because of colonialism. Conversely, the Western countries have powerful economies because they were able to enrich themselves and grow during their time as colonial powers.
A country like Indonesia has every right to protect itself against the predatory practices of the West. It is outrageous that the West expects Indonesia to pay the so-called foreign debt of US$70 billion. The West took much more than that during the previous 300 years.
Worse still, the West uses this indebtedness to smash the economic sovereignty of countries like Argentina and Indonesia.
The level of detail concerning economic management in the letters of intent signed by the Indonesian government and the IMF is such that the IMF has taken over de-facto control of economic management. This control is used to transform the Indonesian economy into a subordinate extension of the Western economies. This is why the IMF insists that government-managed banks and other assets are sold as quickly as possible, so that they might be bought cheaply by US capital, as was the case with Bank Central Asia.
It is also the reason why the IMF insists that tariff quotas be dropped on almost every item that the US can export to Indonesia. This is being done for sugar and, yes, for rice -- which employs tens of millions of people in Java! There have already been scores of protests by rice and sugar farmers as their already miserable livelihoods are squeezed as a result of cheap imported rice and sugar. Their misery has been made worse still by the ending of subsidies on fertilisers.
Solidarity with the victims of these disastrous IMF policies lies behind this growing movement in the West that is calling for the abolition of the IMF and the cancellation of all Third World debt.
In Indonesia, the debate has just started. Economic minister Dorojatun Jakti has already answered Kwik's criticisms of the IMF by pointing out that ending the relationship with the IMF will result in Indonesia being denied important sources of capital, even if this capital comes with interest repayments and all sorts of deleterious conditions.
Dorojatun is right, of course. His reply highlights the direction in which the debate needs to develop. If not from the IMF, then via whom can Indonesia obtain the capital it needs? Of course, Indonesia does have sources of finance that are available for the long term. The world will still need Indonesia's oil, gas and other minerals. And there will always be those Western countries and companies that will do deals no matter what the IMF says. Even Cuba, under total boycott from the US, receives investment from countries like Spain and Sweden as well as has good trading relations with countries like China and Venezuela.
But in the end, if Indonesia wants to have a sovereign economy and be a sovereign country, it needs to look back, and modernise, an idea born out of the movement to build the Indonesian nation itself: Sukarno's idea of berdirikari (to stand on one's own feet).
This cannot mean isolation from the world's technology or from trade. But it can mean having as a starting point for any economic strategy the mobilisation of all the human and financial resources that are already within the society and economy rather than making foreign private investment the motor. In any case, there is no significant foreign or domestic private investment happening today.
Mobilising existing resources means having an inventory of all the existing and underutilised technology available, at whatever level of development. But most of all it means mobilising and upgrading as quickly as possible the whole of the country's human resources.
This is the greatest crime of the policies being supported by the IMF and implemented by the ruling political elite. Rather than being the central priority, education is relegated way down the list. With millions of children dropping out of school, Indonesia is being prepared to be mainly a "coolie" nation.
But mobilising all of the country's human and technical resources, independently and in defiance of the IMF and the West, is a political problem first, and an economic question second. Government institutions alone cannot draw up a satisfactory inventory and organise 200 million people into collective effort. This requires a social movement; this requires tens of millions of people to be organised and to be conscious of the tasks of development.
There is no doubt the Indonesian people, like all peoples everywhere, are capable of this. In fact, such a social movement was already developing at the beginning of the century in the form of the anti-colonial and independence movement. This created great political parties as well as trade unions, farmers' unions, women's and cultural organisations that fostered mass participation until the mid-1960s.
Any discussion of alternatives to slavery to the West and the IMF cannot avoid this central question: Reawakening and rebuilding mass popular organisations that can democratically mobilise the resources of society.
'War on terrorism' |
Straits Times - July 6, 2002
Manila -- The authorities in the Philippines said yesterday that they had received reliable reports that an Indonesian detained since March was involved in deadly bomb blasts in Manila and Jakarta.
Justice Under-Secretary Jose Calida said the reports, relayed by undisclosed international contacts, implicated Agus Dwikarna, a suspected Islamic militant, in the two bombings.
More than a dozen people were killed in a blast in a train in Manila in December 2000. The Jakarta blast occurred outside the Philippine Embassy in August 2000, killing two people and injuring 20 others.
Mr Calida said the original source of the information was one of 13 men arrested in Singapore last December for allegedly planning attacks on US targets. Those arrested are accused of belonging to the Islamic militant Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) group, part of the South-east Asian network of Al-Qaeda.
"We received information that Agus was a participant in the planning of the railway bombing and the bombing of the residence of Philippine ambassador to Indonesia Leonides Caday. We are following up this lead," Mr Calida said. Philippine police have previously accused Agus of belonging to JI. Agus and two other Indonesians were arrested at Manila airport on March 13, after explosives were allegedly found in one man's luggage.
The other two Indonesians were freed the following month because of insufficient evidence.
Agus is a coordinator for Laskar Jundullah, a militant Muslim group advocating the imposition of Islamic syariah law in Indonesia. Another Indonesian, Fathur Rohman Al-Ghozi, 30, was sentenced to 12 years in prison in the Philippines in April for illegal possession of explosives.
Meanwhile, the Philippines military's Chief of Staff Roy Cimatu said yesterday that the military needed to revamp its organisational structure to deal with international terrorism.
He said the armed forces were still geared towards repelling "external aggression" with "conventional or semi-conventional warfare" with units organised under divisions, brigades and battalions.
But now that combating rebels such as the Abu Sayyaf kidnap gang, who did not fight according to conventional rules, was a priority, a new approach was needed, he said. The new approach would include continued training exercises with US forces in the south, he said.
Government & politics |
Straits Times - July 5, 2002
Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- President Megawati Sukarnoputri is riding roughshod over her party and sidelining many of her allies as she veers towards the military and the corruption-tainted Golkar party in order to shore up her position ahead of the 2004 presidential elections.
A number of moves by Ms Megawati, particularly a decision not to launch a parliamentary probe into a corruption scandal implicating Golkar chief Akbar Tandjung, have come under fire from both within and outside the party.
"I was so disappointed when the House of Representatives rejected the plan. I fear that apparently there was a mutual agreement behind the decision," said Dr Amien Rais, National Mandate Party (PAN) chief yesterday.
He was referring to parliament's decision on Monday not to set up a special commission to probe the 40-billion-rupiah Buloggate scandal. Almost every member of Ms Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) abstained from voting -- a move analysts suspect is the result of a deal between the party leadership and Golkar in exchange for the latter's backing.
Observers say Ms Megawati's party is moving away from alliances with Muslim parties such as PAN while shoring up alliances with Golkar -- the second largest political party in Indonesia -- out of an innate distrust of mercurial Muslim leaders.
Others say Ms Megawati is extremely conservative and is focusing on securing her position regardless of whether her allies are corrupt or lack reformist credentials. "Even though its name is the Democratic Party of Struggle, it is really the aristocratic party of conservatism," said political analyst Ikra Nusabakti.
Some PDI-P members concur, claiming their party leadership has a very undemocratic style of arriving at decisions as well as an ability to cause internal strife. "The decision-making process is not right, we don't know who is making the decisions, it is just too elitist," complained PDI-P legislator Meilono Suwondo.
One theory has it that the party ordered its members to oppose setting up a parliamentary investigation because Ms Megawati's husband, Taufik Kiemas, was also involved in borrowing or diverting large sums of money from national food agency Bulog.
Another controversial decision apparently made without consultation was to back incumbent Jakarta governor Sutiyoso for another term of office despite his poor track record and his military background.
"Of course many civilian politicians are annoyed with this because it means there is little chance for a civilian politician to become governor of Jakarta," said Mr Ikra.
Radio Australia - July 2, 2002
A new book on politics in post-Suharto Indonesia says the chances of an Islamic Government taking power are stronger than ever. The book, "Reformasi" says Indonesia's military and conservative elements could use Islam to get a firmer hold on power.
Presenter/Interviewer: Graeme Dobell, Canberra
Speakers: Kevin O'Rourke, author of "Reformasi: The Struggle for power in Post-Suharto Indonesia"
O'Rourke: Categorically, it's the one form of government that Indonesian has not yet experimented with. Indonesia's experienced Sukarno socialism, Suharto's authoritarianism, now the democratic, secular nationalism of Megawati and Wahid prior to her. But, an Islamic-oriented system of government has not yet been tried. And there's a great deal of disenchantment with current events, such that I think the appeal of trying something new is growing greater every day.
Dobell: In the election of 1999, though, the majority of the votes went tio secular parties. How then would Indonesia make such a dramatic shift?
O'Rourke: It's true the majority of the votes went to non-Islamic parties. But yet when the MPR convened in October 1999 to elect a president, the president elected was from the loose alliance of Islamic oriented parties then known as the Central Axis. So despite the results of the popular election, in effect it was political Islam which won the presidential election that year.
Dobell: In your book, you talk about the Indonesian military and conservative forces moving against Megawati and using Islam and the Islamic state as a way of taking power. Is that the way you see it happening?
O'Rourke: I think it's a distinct possibility actually. Recently, the top posts in the military were occupied by two men who are known to have a secular nationalist orientation. However, I think the army's main priority is to defend its political and especially its business interests. Many of those business interests are illicit. So I think they are going to be willing to do whatever it takes to defend their institutional interests.
Dobell: Do you see this being carried out through the presidential election? Will the idea of the Islamic state be one of the issues at the presidential election?
O'Rourke: I'm not sure about an Islamic state per se. But the popular election in June 2004 as well as probably the presidential election in October 2004, assuming the same system is used, will indeed by polarised around the issue of religion. And that's a worrisome prospect in my mind because in 1999 the election was a tripartite affair between the Golkar incumbents, the secular nationalists, PDI-Perjuangan, and the third group being various diverse Islamic-oriented parties. In 2004, it's primarily going to be the incumbent PDI-Perjuangan secular nationalist party versus opposition parties, most of whom are Islamic oriented in some way or another.
Dobell: And how likely do you think it is that Indonesia is on the path towards having some form of Islamic government?
O'Rourke: I guess I'd give it about a 50-50 chance of there being a government that takes power that is controlled predominantly by a loose alliance of Islamic oriented parties. That Indonesia will revert to a strict Islamic state based on a fundamentalist interpretation of Islamic law. That I don't think is a likely prospect.
But a government controlled by Islamic parties, I think that is a distinct possibility. And what that government would look like, is very hard to say. I think we can safely say that corruption would be relatively unchanged, investment would not be helped. But beyond that it's hard to predict what would take place in practice.
Straits Times - July 3, 2002
Robert Go, Jakarta -- It's a tale of two "sisters", and of how their abilities to "keep it together" over the next two years would affect the rest of Asean.
One wears a kebaya and may not understand what "dirty float" is, while the other looks smart in business suits and has a PhD in economics.
The similarities between presidents Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia and Gloria Arroyo of the Philippines, however, are striking.
They capitalised on the fame of their fathers -- Sukarno and Diosdado Macapagal -- as they built their political careers. Both had reputations for silence as vice-presidents, and rose to the top only when their predecessors were ousted following corruption charges.
Since taking power, both have rewarded their respective militaries -- whose leaders backed them -- and been named "valuable allies" in the United States' war against terror.
But the most important parallel right now is how the two powerful women have failed to solve many of their countries' dire economic, social and political problems.
And as they hurtle towards presidential elections in 2004, it is likely that both would give more time and resources to fighting political melees than to tackling widespread poverty or to bringing separatists into the fold peacefully.
What's happening now in Jakarta and Manila? Joblessness affects an estimated 90 million Indonesians. Eighty per cent of households here make and spend less than US$100 a month. The view from Manila is bleak, too. Recent polls revealed that nearly 60 per cent of Filipinos consider themselves poor and 52 per cent said life has never been tougher.
Ms Megawati has the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), which wants an independent Aceh state, in the west, and separatists in West Papua to the east to contend with. Mrs Arroyo, meanwhile, still has the Abu Sayyaf guerillas intent on kidnappings and bombings as a means of fighting the government.
Now trouble brews in both Jakarta and Manila, as rival politicians gear up to make their own bids for power and court voters by sniping at the two women's heels.
And history has shown that whenever pure politicking takes precedence over economics and social reforms, investors get scared off and the people get disgruntled.
Hopefully, between now and 2004, Asean's two female leaders can keep at least one hand on the wheel of their respective governments, while they use the other to bat away their challengers.
Their failures to do so would not only keep down Indonesia and the Philippines, but also give the rest of the neighbourhood a bad name.
Jakarta Post - July 2, 2002
Edith Hartanto and Moch. N. Kurniawan, Jakarta -- We are back to square one. Democracy is backpedaling to what it was during the Soeharto regime, experts said here on Saturday.
"This country is practicing a fictitious democracy. The government is running an authoritarian system as it had in the past. Democracy is merely rhetorical and procedural," political observer F.X. Mudji Sutrisno, who is also a member of the General Election Commission (KPU) told The Jakarta Post.
Arbi Sanit, a senior lecturer at the University of Indonesia said that the current government still applied the same logic as the New Order government because it wanted to maintain its grip on every institution, including independent bodies.
Mudji and Arbi were asked to comment on the growing signs of government intervention in independent bodies like the KPU and the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM).
"KPU and Komnas HAM were formed to fight for the sake of the people in elections and human rights respectively. Thus, they must be nonpartisan and free from government intervention," Arbi said.
People would ask what kind of democracy is being formed in the light of such government intervention in KPU and Komnas HAM, he said. Arbi urged the House to establish a new law that could guarantee the independence of KPU and Komnas HAM.
The House of Representatives is currently deliberating the government-backed election bill which specifies, among other things, that the KPU should be under the aegis of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Both Mudji and Arbi agreed that the intervention showed the government's lack of commitment to political reform in the country. Mudji said the current government did not seem to care that the two independent bodies were needed to keep reform and democracy on track.
All 11 KPU members, comprising mostly reform-minded professionals, have rejected the election bill which places their general secretariat under the Ministry of Home Affairs saying it should be under the KPU to avoid any political intervention. The general secretariat determines KPU's organizational structure, working mechanism, finances and budget.
KPU members also rejected the provision of funding from the Ministry of Home Affairs arguing that it should be directly funded by the Ministry of Finance, which would not interfere in KPU policy, thereby assuring its independence.
Last Thursday KPU members threatened to quit unless the clause to place the KPU general secretariat under the auspices of the Ministry of Home Affairs was dropped by the House.
With regards Komnas HAM, many have questioned the credibility of government-proposed candidates that are currently being grilled through the House's fit-and-proper test.
"Many of the member candidates proposed by the government for Komnas HAM have no experience in defending human rights. I sense that there are efforts to weaken Komnas HAM so that future members will not be reformists and the commission will not be able to conduct investigations into human rights violations," Mudji said.
A total of 43 candidates ranging from political party members, to retired police/military members and government officials are being screened for the 35-member commission. The other problem is that almost all candidates are between 50 years and 76 years of age, he said.
"Age could be a problem because if many Komnas HAM members were too old, they would not be able to investigate a case on the field thoroughly ... and therefore it will be a liability for the validity of the results of Komnas HAM investigations," Mudji said.
Mudji and Arbi said under the modern state theory, independent bodies like KPU and Komnas HAM were essential to help build a democratic state. Those bodies together with three other pillars: the legislative, executive and judiciary bodies, would strive to uphold democracy.
Both cited Thailand, the Philippines, Australia and South Africa as examples of countries that have successfully established an independent election commission and human rights commission as auxiliary state bodies.
Corruption/collusion/nepotism |
Jakarta Post - July 3, 2002
Bernie K. Moestafa and Kurniawan Hari, Jakarta -- The collapse of all hopes of a political inquiry into House Speaker Akbar Tandjung's alleged involvement in a graft case shows that the mighty flare sent up by the 1998 reform movement has turned into a damp squib.
A motley collection of miniscule political parties and a civil society still in its infancy were now the reform movement's only hope, analysts said.
"To know why the Bulogate II inquiry was scuttled, we have to assess the bargaining position of the reformers. It doesn't amount to much," said political observer Fachry Ali on Tuesday.
In March, the Attorney General's Office named Akbar a suspect in a Rp 40 billion (about US$4.5 million) graft case involving State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds. Dubbed Bulogate II, after a similar case involving former President Abdurrahman Wahid, the AGO's findings triggered calls for a House special committee to probe Akbar's involvement in the case.
The country's second largest party, Golkar, which Akbar chairs, has since gone all out to defend its chairman, lobbying parties to vote against the setting up of the committee.
Concern rose that Golkar was in the business of offering political deals to protect Akbar's career. All this stood in stark contrast to the zeal and determination with which legislators, notably those from Golkar, hounded Abdurrahman through a special committee set up to investigate Bulogate I.
On Monday, legislators confirmed the suspicions of the public when they voted against the establishment of a special committee. Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP), and the Indonesian Military/National Police factions all voted against.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), which initially backed the setting up of the committee, withdrew its support and, with the exception of a few members, its legislators chose to abstain.
Fachry Ali said the PDI Perjuangan feared that pushing ahead with the inquiry would cost the party Golkar's support. Although controlling the largest share of seats in the House, the PDI Perjuangan realized that it needed the support of other big parties like Golkar and PPP to survive until at least the 2004 general election.
"There has been an agreement among the political parties not to rock the political boat until 2004," Fachry Ali explained. The deal would be translated into the eschewing of political maneuvers against PDI Perjuangan chairwoman President Megawati Soekarnoputri.
Political observer Arief Budiman said the vote on Monday showed that the political parties were more interested in maintaining power until 2004 than fighting graft. "We can't rely much on our political parties, many of whose members are mere opportunists," Arief said.
Reflecting on Monday's vote debacle, the National Awakening Party (PKB) faction issued an apology to the entire nation for its incompetence in pushing for the establishment of a committee of inquiry into the Rp 40 billion scandal.
The fourth largest faction in the House urged the people to continuously monitor law enforcement and the attempts to eradicate corruption, collusion and nepotism.
"I apologize to the whole people for our deficiencies in pushing for the setting up of an inquiry committee," said PKB faction chairman Ali Masjkur Musa on Tuesday. The PKB contributed to the failure as only 19 of its 55 members showed up at the plenary meeting. "We will question those of our members who stayed away," Ali said.
In contrast to his boss, PKB legislator Effendy Choirie simply urged the press to forget all about it.
The blame for the House's failure to set up an inquiry committee was laid particularly at the door of the most influential party in the House, the PDI Perjuangan, for withdrawing its support at the last moment. Only five out of 100 PDI Perjuangan legislators present at the meeting voted for the proposal.
PDI Perjuangan member Julius Usman said it would be difficult for him to face the people if he had rejected the proposal. "I turned to my conscience and ethics," Julius told the press.
He added his decision to support the creation of a special committee was due to his disappointment with the legal process in the high-profile scandal. Julius emphasized that a political approach in the form of a legislative inquiry was needed to disclose wrongdoings that could not be revealed in the courtroom.
Commenting on the fact that the majority of members of his faction abstained during the vote, Julius said the party's executive board had ordered all members to reject the proposal.
He said that the decision of PDI Perjuangan members to abstain was designed to accommodate the desire to back the setting up of an inquiry committee and at the same time to comply with the order of the party's executive board.
Fellow PDI Perjuangan legislator Aberson Marle Sihaloho, who voted against the proposal, reiterated that his party had faith in the ongoing legal process.
Human rights/law |
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Fabiola Desy Unidjaja and Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, Jakarta -- The government said on Thursday that doors were open for a United Nations legal expert who has been assigned to assess Indonesia's legal system later this month.
State officials believe the fact-finding mission, due to commence on July 15 and end on July 25, will provide useful recommendations on how to improve the country's judicial system.
Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra said the UN special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Dato' Param Cumaraswamy, would hold interviews during his visit.
"The government will not intervene ... If the mission intends to see the prosecution and the court system, then he is welcome," Yusril told reporters after a Cabinet meeting.
Cumaraswamy, a Malaysian lawyer who has been a UN rapporteur since 1994, will also investigate judicial corruption, impunity, the country's bar associations, and the implementation of the rule of law in Indonesia.
He will meet, among others, Yusril, Chief Justice Bagir Manan, Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda, and Attorney General M.A. Rachman. The report is expected to be released at the next annual session of the UN Human Rights Commission in April 2003.
The Indonesian judiciary has been watched closely by the international community, following a spate of dissatisfactory rulings on corruption cases, including the recent case involving judges accused of being bribed in the court's decision to declare PT Asuransi Jiwa Manulife Indonesia bankrupt, and also the poor performance of prosecutors and judges of the human rights ad hoc court in the trials of human rights abuses committed in East Timor in 1999.
Bagir Manan admitted the main problem lay in the poor implementation of the law by law enforcers. "The rapporteur should see the problems in a comprehensive way, where even bureaucrats violate the law in issuing approval or investment contracts," he told The Jakarta Post.
He underlined that the assessment should be based on an appropriate benchmark, the current judicial system should be compared with the country's condition a few years back rather than with the legal system of a developed country.
Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirayuda, however, said access given to the rapporteur would depend on the mission, adding that it would be unnecessary for the UN envoy to visit troubled Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam province.
Focus on Jakarta |
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Jakarta -- Over a hundred young supporters of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) united on Thursday to reject the nomination of City Governor Sutiyoso in the upcoming gubernatorial election.
At their rally held at the City Council building, PDI Perjuangan supporters rejected Sutiyoso, who was Jakarta's former military commander, for his alleged involvement in the bloody attack on their party's headquarters on July 27, 1996.
"We want to remind our party chairwoman [President Megawati Soekarnoputri] that Sutiyoso is still a suspect in the July 27 tragedy," said the supporters' spokesman, Thomas Resmol, who added that he, along with 123 of his friends, had been in jail for three months after the attack.
At least five people were killed after the attack which was followed by riots in areas around the headquarters located on Jl. Diponegoro, Central Jakarta. Sutiyoso earlier claimed the Indonesian Military (TNI) had settled its dispute with PDI Perjuangan over the bloody tragedy.
While the protesters from PDI Perjuangan unfurled posters and banners, dozens of members of the PAN Youth Movement (BMPAN) carried a garland of flowers as a symbol of condolence for Sutiyoso's poor administration.
They handed over the garland of flowers to the council's deputy chairmen, M. Suwardi and Chudlary Syafei Hadzami, who met them. "We reject Sutiyoso for his poor performance during his five year term," said BMPAN's chairman, Syamsuddin.
Syamsuddin claimed Sutiyoso had not been able to handle several problems in the city, including the recent floods, security problems, the local economy and gambling.
The two protesting groups arrived at different times. After meeting with councillors, PAN supporters joined with PDI Perjuangan supporters at the council compound, publicly speaking out against Sutiyoso.
PDI Perjuangan is the largest faction in the 85-seat council with 30 seats, while PAN is the second largest with 13 seats.
PDI Perjuangan's central board decided to nominate Sutiyoso last week after Megawati told the party's councillors to choose Sutiyoso in the election, which will be held on Sept. 17.
The party's nomination generated controversy because its branches had proposed 11 gubernatorial candidates, which did not include Sutiyoso.
Agence France Presse - July 2, 2002
An explosion which damaged a parking lot of a shopping mall in the Indonesian capital was caused by a large firecracker, police said.
"The explosion that took place was not caused by a bomb," Jakarta Police Chief Makbul Padmanegara said of the late Monday blast which injured seven people.
"Based on the investigation by the forensic laboratory and the bomb squad, the explosion was caused by a low explosive that we usually know as a firecracker," he told reporters at the scene Monday night. "A big firecracker" caused the blast, he said.
The device went off under an emergency staircase of the underground parking lot at the Graha Cijantung mall in East Jakarta around 7:30 pm. It damaged the wall near the staircase.
The mall is owned by the "Red Beret" foundation operated by the army's special forces unit Kopassus.
Padmanegara said a large-size firecracker had the capacity to damage a wall if it blew up next to it. The Jakarta police spokesman could not be immediately reached for comment on Tuesday.
One man suffered a serious hand injury in the blast while the others were only slightly hurt. A witness who was working on the floor above the blast said there was a strong scent of gunpowder.
The blast was the third in the city this year. On June 9 an explosion at the parking lot of a nightclub in centrel Jakarta injured five people. Two more bombs were found in front of two other nightspots that evening but were defused.
News & issues |
Agence France Presse - July 4, 2002
Police are awaiting a court's approval to question Tommy Suharto in prison over his claims that members of the security forces protected him while he was a fugitive last year.
"We are now waiting for permission from the Central Jakarta district court," said Commissioner Arismunandar on television Thursday.
Arismunandar went to the high-security Cipinang jail in East Jakarta, where Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra is being held, but failed to meet him because he did not bring a letter from the court.
A police spokesman had reported earlier that the questioning had begun. Arismunandar, who leads a police team to question Tommy, did not say when the court go-ahead would be issued.
The former millionaire playboy was supposed to be questioned in his cell. It was not clear why police went to the jail even though they had not yet secured court permission.
Tommy, the youngest son of former Indonesian dictator Suharto, is on trial on charges of commissioning the murder last year of a Supreme Court judge who had ordered him jailed, and of possession of firearms.
Both offences are punishable by death. Tommy has denied the charges. At his trial last week Tommy told judges that he moved from one place to another during his year on the run. But he said he spent most of his time staying in his own house in central Jakarta thanks to "coordination with security forces". He did not specify whether he was referring to police, military officers or private security guards.
The leading Tempo magazine described Tommy's claim as "a shocking admission." It said in an editorial that Tommy may have been lying. But if not, "the intensive efforts by the police to track him down were nothing more than a sham."
Until capturing him in November last year police had staged a near-farcical manhunt for Tommy, including consultations with psychics and the dropping of "wanted" posters from helicopters. Questions were raised at the time about how serious they were.
Agence France Presse - July 1, 2002
The United Nations food agency launched a program to feed 2.1 million of the poorest Indonesians, including hundreds of thousands of people displaced by sectarian and separatist violence.
The operation by the World Food Programme (WFP) will cost 65 million dollars and run until the end of 2003, the organisation said Monday.
It is aimed at 2.1 million Indonesians who face the highest risk of hunger and malnutrition because of the rising costs of food and other commodities, the WFP said in a statement.
The relief operation will enable the 1.5 million urban poor to buy subsidized rice at a fraction of the normal price. WFP will also give rice to 300,000 internally displaced people throughout the vast archipelago as well as blended food, a vital nutritional supplement, to children under two years of age and their mothers.
"The operation is designed to solve at least one problem for these people -- getting just enough to eat -- so they can grapple more effectively with serious setbacks of poverty, unemployment and poor health," said WFP country director Mohamed Saleheen in the statement.
"We know, for example, that in the four major cities where we work, half of the children under five years of age are stunted and 30 percent are underweight. This is the result of acute and widespread malnutrition and we need to short-circuit it now so that it is not passed on to the next generation," Saleheen said.
He said unskilled urban labourers in Indonesia earned half what they did before the regional crisis, which struck in mid-1997 and crippled the economy. In addition, Saleheen said, many in WFP's target group have no access to government social safety nets because they are illegal settlers.
"We are working with what are called the 'ultra poor,' a designation which means that they spend over 75 percent of their income on food but consume less than 75 percent of the minimum daily calorie requirement," added Saleheen.
He warned that assistance to the refugees had taken on a new urgency. A recent WFP study showed the number of poor people among the internally displaced Indonesians is about three times higher than the overall average of 19 percent at district level.
"The IDP [internally displaced people] wave has risen in just the last three years," said Saleheen. "That means that we still have an opportunity to fix these problems before they harden into a second generation."
Indonesia was beset by sectarian, separatist and communal unrest following the end of the 32-year autocratic rule of president Suharto in May 1998. An estimated 1.3 million people are internal refugees.
Jakarta Post - July 2, 2002
Ahmad Junaidi, Jakarta -- Governor Sutiyoso claimed on Monday that the Indonesia Military (TNI) had settled its dispute with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle over a bloody attack on the party's headquarters on July 27, 1996.
"The Islah [peace deal] happened a long time ago. It was handled by [party] chairwoman [Megawati Soekarnoputri]," Sutiyoso, who was the Jakarta Military commander when the attack occurred, announced.
He admitted that the legal process of the July 27 case should continue. "But the peace deal can be considered in [the legal process]," the retired Army lieutenant general said.
Sutiyoso and several military officers have been named suspects for their alleged involvement in the attack, which claimed at least five lives and was followed by rioting in areas around the headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro, Central Jakarta.
Besides naming Sutiyoso, the police have also named then Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) sociopolitical affairs chief Lt. Gen. (ret) Syarwan Hamid and then Armed Forces Intelligence Body (BIA) chief Maj. Gen. Zacky Anwar Makarim as suspects in the attack.
Despite Sutiyoso's alleged involvement in the attack, Megawati has supported the reelection of the governor, whose term ends in October. The decision has enraged many party members, especially those grouped in the July 27 Victims Forum.
The coordinator of the forum, Sandra Fertasari, denied that the party had settled the July 27 tragedy with the military. "If there is such a deal, we will sue Megawati. It would mean that we had been forsaken," Sandra told The Jakarta Post.
Sandra, along with 123 other people who were imprisoned for three months after the attack, conceded that her 123 friends had received Rp 10 million (US$1,111) each from the party's central board six months ago, but said there was no indication that the money had anything to do with the military or with Sutiyoso.
"I'm the only one who didn't take the money because I suspected there was something behind it," she said.
Another victim, Thomas Resmol, admitted earlier that he and his friends had accepted money from the party's central board but denied that the money was from Sutiyoso.
"We were told that the money was from some businessmen who sympathized with us," Thomas said last week. Thomas and his friends earlier rallied outside the City Council building to protest Megawati's support for the reelection of Sutiyoso in the next gubernatorial election. They called Megawati a traitor for supporting Sutiyoso and defying the party's aspirations.
The party's central board officially announced its support for Sutiyoso last week, saying it considered Sutiyoso capable of maintaining security for the 2004 general election and the General Assembly of the People's Consultative Assembly.
Agence France Presse - July 1, 2002
Indonesian police will investigate former and current officers who may have helped Tommy Suharto during his year-long flight from justice.
A team from national police headquarters will carry out the investigation as soon as possible, said deputy spokesman Chief Commissioner Prasetyo on Monday.
Tommy, the youngest son of the former dictator, told his murder trial last Wednesday that for most of his time as a fugitive he stayed in his own house. Asked by the judge how he could have stayed there, often for up to two weeks at a time, he said "because of coordination" but did not elaborate.
Tommy is on trial for possessing weapons and for ordering the contract killing in July 2001 of supreme court judge Syafiuddin Kartasasmita. Both offences are punishable by death. Tommy has maintained his innocence of the charges.
In September 2000 the supreme court headed by Kartasasmita had overturned an acquittal by a lower court and ordered Tommy jailed for 18 months for a corrupt land deal. Tommy applied for a presidential pardon and a judicial review but President Abdurrahman Wahid in October that year rejected his pardon request.
He failed to turn himself in to serve the jail term by the November 3, 2000 deadline and went on the run. Police staged a year-long high-profile hunt for Tommy but questions were raised at the time about how serious they were. "We are investigating this case based on his testimony to the court," Prasetyo told AFP.
National police chief General Da'i Bachtiar, quoted by Monday's newspapers, said he expected the team to wrap up its investigation in a month.
Environment |
Straits Times - July 7, 2002
Jakarta -- At least 1,800 hot spots have emerged in fire-prone areas of Sumatra and Kalimantan this year with the dry weather, satellite images revealed.
They were mainly in Riau province, Sumatra, where there have been at least 1,615 forest fires in the past six months, said State Minister for the Environment Nabiel Makarim. The resulting haze has already hit Pekanbaru, turning day into night in the Riau capital.
Many of the fires could not be curbed as firefighters could not reach them, said the minister.
"Moreover, the major problem is that most of our forests have been badly damaged. The humidity level in such forests is low, making them prone to fires," he said. But the haze was not a threat to neighbouring nations like Singapore and Malaysia yet, he said.
He said the government has taken precautions to prevent a repeat of the regional haze crisis of 1997 when forest fires destroyed about 300,000 ha. The National Disaster Management Coordinating Board has prepared a fire control programme, with his office as its information centre, he added.
Haze in 1997 spread to Singapore and Malaysia, reducing visibility to such an extent that airports were forced to close.
Straits Times - July 6, 2002
Robert Go, Jakarta -- The Indonesian government will dig out 900 billion rupiah from its cash-strapped coffers to counter El Nino-induced droughts that could devastate this year's harvests and spark haze-forming fires.
Resettlement and Regional Infrastructure Minister Soenarno said after this week's Cabinet meeting: "Money will be distributed to 13 provinces to provide water for their irrigation systems and clean water for day-to-day use."
President Megawati Sukarnoputri has also given Research and Technology Minister Hatta Rajasa a 10-billion-rupiah budget to launch cloud seeding and other rain-inducing activities in several areas of the country. Officials said the money would come from funds already budgeted for dealing with natural disasters and other unexpected events.
The government will also tap the same budget source to fund a 1.2-trillion-rupiah effort to fix canals and irrigation channels that were destroyed by heavy rains which caused flooding in several areas, including Jakarta, earlier this year.
But for millions of farmers across the archipelago, some of whom are already fighting each other for access to water, the government's actions may come too late.
A harsh dry season has left more than 50,000 hectares of rice- growing fields dry and farmers and their families hungry. Drought-hit regions include rice-bowl areas in Java, Sumatra and Sulawesi as well as normally dry areas such as West Nusa Tenggara province.
The Agriculture Ministry says drought damage has remained under control so far and the size of affected growing areas is still a small percentage of Indonesia's 11.5 million hectares of rice fields.
But meteorology and geophysics agency BMG has issued warnings that because of El Nino and other natural factors, the dry season this year may continue into December -- two months longer than usual -- and drought could spread into other areas of the country.
Associations for producers of several agricultural commodities have predicted lower harvests this year because of drought. Harvests that may be affected include palm oil (expected to drop about 10 per cent), cocoa (20 per cent) and rubber (5 per cent).
A prolonged dry season would also reduce hydro power and deepen Indonesia's economic trouble by robbing millions of homes and businesses of electricity.
Haze-sparking fires are yet another environmental -- and potentially diplomatic -- concern that Indonesia will have to deal with as a result of the dry conditions.
Analysts say the government should be better prepared to deal with such emergencies and should devote more money to helping farmers, who make up about half of the population.
Mr Didik Rachbini, of the Institute for Development of Economics and Finance, said: "The drought happens each year, affecting the lives of millions of poor farmers. But government expenditure for agriculture remains very small."
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Apriadi Gunawan, Jakarta -- Approximately 20 percent of the forest in Mount Leuser National Park in North Sumatra had been illegally felled by the year 2000, local officials have announced, adding foreign investors might have been involved.
About 170,000 hectares of forests, or around 20 percent of the national park's total forest area of 842,000 hectares, vanished by 2000, said Jamal M. Gawi, the forest coordinator of the Leuser Management Unit on Thursday.
Illegal loggers raided the forest's South and southeastern section, which is home to much of the park's abundant flora and fauna, he said.
The disappearance of such a huge forest area, he said, had led to a drop in the number of orangutans in the park, which in 1998 stood at 6,000 half the number recorded in 1992.
Jamal said that a two-year investigation by his unit pointed to the involvement of a South Korean investor in the illegal logging operation.
The investor, whom Jamal called Mr. Kim, financed and planned the illegal logging activities. Local councillor Zaidan BS also supported Jamal's claim that foreign investors were involved in the illegal trade.
Zaidan suspected an American investor from Malaysia had been organizing illegal logging operations, though he declined to reveal any details. According to him, it had been difficult to infiltrate illegal logging groups.
The head of the North Sumatra Ministry of Forestry office, Darori, said he had never heard about foreign investors participating in illegal logging, unlike their local peers.
He said his office had done all it could to protect the national park's trees: "But we lack police personnel to guard the entire area".
Jamal said it was difficult to curb illegal logging because it sometimes involves local officials and security personnel. "Looking at the police's inaction we may suspect their involvement," Jamal said.
He said that illegal timber is usually transported to Medan for documentation clearance so they can pass off as legal exports. Jamal cited two locations in Medan where the paper clearance took place: at Jl. Binjai and Jl. Tanjung Sari. Once cleared, the logs are shipped abroad through the Belawan and Tanjung Balai harbors.
Zaidan called the export route through Tanjung Balai the illegal loggers' "silk road", named after the famous trade route linking Europe with China.
"Every month about 5,000 tons of illegal timber is shipped out of Indonesia along 'the silk road'," he said, adding the state must be suffering billions of rupiah in lost tax revenues as a result.
Illegal logging also threatens the local timber industry and the livelihood of some 70,000 workers there, he added.
Sydney Morning Herald - July 5 2002
Thousands of endangered birds from Maluku and Papua provinces are caught and transported by the Indonesian military for sale at illegal markets, animal activists and officials allege.
Warships transporting troops home to Java after their tours of duty in the two remote regions usually carried hundreds of rare parrots and other birds packed into small cages or plastic bags, said a report released by Animal Conservation for Life, Indonesia's leading animal protection group. Many of the birds died during the week-long voyage, the group said.
"It's a very lucrative business," the group's chairman, Rosek Nursahid, said yesterday. He said the report was based on a 15- month study by the environmental group, which monitored bird catchers, government and military officials, and sellers.
Weak law-enforcement practices and corruption within Indonesian's Forestry Department mean that officials routinely issue permits allowing private companies to catch and sell protected species, Mr Nursahid said.
Birds are sold at five main black markets in Java. From there they are smuggled to Singapore and Malaysia, and some even end up in European pet shops. The most popular species are the black capped lory and the white halmahera cockatoo.
Last year, military police seized dozens of rare birds smuggled on board the KRI Teluk Sampit, a troop transporter. They questioned several officers but none was arrested.
A senior official at the Forestry Department, Adi Susmianto, acknowledged that corruption within his agency allowed the illegal trade to flourish. "We are still investigating several cases," Mr Susmianto said.
Health & education |
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Debbie A. Lubis, Jakarta -- Indonesia is edging closer to a HIV/AIDS crisis of epidemic proportion as infection rates of the deadly HIV virus increase rapidly, especially among injecting drug users.
An HIV/AIDS study group said more than 30 people in Indonesia are infected with HIV/AIDS every month, especially through shared needles.
More worrying is that the sharpest increase of HIV cases through injecting drug users occurs among youngsters aged 14 to 25 years old, according to the HIV/AIDS study at the University of Indonesia and Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital.
"We are facing an emergency so we need all strategies from all parties to handle it," Zubairi Djoerban of the study group told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
He suggested that religious leaders, activists, teachers, the media, and other members of society should join forces to prevent more youngsters falling victim to HIV/AIDS.
First of all, he said, parents must protect their children from drug abuse, especially in cities like Jakarta where the risk of exposure to HIV/AIDS was high.
He estimated that at least 30 percent of some four million drug users in Jakarta were infected with HIV.
Zubairi's statement confirmed a report by the United Nations AIDS agency (UNAIDS) released on Tuesday that HIV prevalence measured in a Jakarta drug treatment center rose from 15.4 percent in 2000 to 40 percent by mid 2001.
"The situation in Indonesia underlines the fact that, where risky behavior exists, the epidemic may eventually spread, even if it takes some years for that spread to become apparent," UNAIDS said.
The Ministry of Health estimates that there are some 120,000 people with HIV/AIDS in the country.
The ministry said that most of those infected people contracted HIV/AIDS through sexual contact. However, as transmission through shared needles is on the rise, the number could increase drastically.
Haikin Rachmat, director of the division for the eradication of contagious diseases at the Ministry of Health, said that the government had prepared some guidelines to handle this nationwide epidemic.
"We are strengthening the policies on prevention, care support, and treatment programs for HIV/AIDS," he told The Jakarta Post from Jambi.
Haikin said that the policies would provide access for people with AIDS to get more affordable imported life-saving drugs and to get psychosocial support.
He added that government would also provide easy access for people with AIDS to medical assistance such as counseling, HIV tests, Anti Retroviral (ARV) drugs, and pain killers.
"Political will and commitment are not enough to fight HIV and AIDS because we also need financial support," Zubairi said.
The government launched a national movement on April 24 this year to fight the spread of HIV/AIDS in the country with officials pledging some Rp 200 billion annually for the campaign to provide more affordable treatment for AIDS victims.
Nevertheless, Vonny, a doctor at the HIV/AIDS division at the Ministry of Health admitted that the AIDS prevention, training and monitoring programs still faced some constraints due to lack of financial support. "Until now we still have no idea how to get the Rp 200 billion fund because the government has a limited budget too. You can imagine the situation at the provincial level," she told the Post.
Armed forces/Police |
CNN - July 5, 2002
Amy Chew, Jakarta -- Indonesia's once mighty military -- which saw its powers reduced by democratic reforms following the ousting of former President Suharto -- is expected to regain lost ground under its new armed forces chief General Endriartono Sutarto.
Democratic reforms -- which pushed the military to hand over its vast political power to civilians -- is expected to slip, more by default than design, as the public grow tired of civilian leaders who have shown themselves to be fractious and weak.
Three years into the reform era, the civilian leaders are still unable to put aside their differences to end the country's prolonged economic crisis and devastating social and sectarian violence.
By comparison, the military has remained a solid institution, putting aside differences to speak with one voice when faced with challenges.
"Their [the military's] role will increase in line with the trend of conservatism that is now gaining ground here because people are just sick and tired of these civilian leaders bickering and making fools of themselves," former Maritime Minister, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, told CNN.
During Suharto's rule, the military was given top jobs in the cabinet, government departments and state-owned enterprises, ensuring their domination in the running of the country.
Military fill vacuum
The Indonesian military has been accused of committing human rights abuses Analysts and reformist generals have repeatedly warned civilian politicians to get their act together to end the country's crisis or risk paving the way for the military to stage a comeback.
And Sutarto, 55, a tough, no-nonsense officer who served as the commander of former President Suharto's presidential guards prior to his ousting, is one general who can be counted on to take decisive action when the need arises.
"They [the military] seem to be concerned about the lack of leadership within the civilian elites. I think they sense there is room for them once more due to the weakness of the political leadership by civilians," said Sarwono.
A nationalist and a conservative, Sutarto is a firm believer in the unitary state of Indonesia and views separatism as a serious threat to the country's survival.
The weak civilian leadership has emboldened several provinces to make all kinds of demands -- ranging from Aceh and Papua seeking independence -- to hardline Muslims in the province of South Sulawesi demanding the implementation of Islamic law and threatening to break away from Jakarta-rule if their demands are rejected.
Sutarto believes that separatist groups should be quelled, with military force if necessary, as part of efforts to hold the country together.
Support from new quarters
Sutarto is expected to take a firm stance against separatists, particulary in Sulawesi The disintegration of Indonesia is a major concern of many foreign governments as they believe it will destabilize the rest of the region and spawn lawlessness beyond the borders of the vast archipelago. As an individual, Sutarto, is generally well-accepted domestically and internationally for his tough stance against the current background of uncertainty.
"I am optimistic. General Sutarto has good ideas, some vision .... he also strongly believes in law enforcement," a Western diplomat told CNN. Sutarto is also expected to take a firm stance against militant groups -- be it Muslim organizations, labor unions or other activists.
And Sutarto can count on the military's second most powerful officer, the newly-installed army chief, Lieutenant-General Ryamizard Ryacudu, to back him up. Ryacudu spent most of his career in field operations. The three-star general is known more as a fighter than a thinker, who spends much of his time with his men and commands their loyalty. Together they make a formidable pair.
"They [Sutarto and Ryacudu] have no faith in militant groups. They will be more firm on labor unions, Muslim groups, leftists students ... they will be cracking down on them," said Sarwono.
However, placing the military's leadership under Sutarto, who hails from the army, has raised concerns it would once again strengthen a service which is accused of human rights abuses and which used to dominate the country's political life. The army accounts for two-thirds of the military's 300,000-strong personnel.
While Sutarto and Ryacudu are untainted by human rights abuses and have constantly instructed their men to respect human rights and uphold the law, reformers fear this tough pair may steamroll basic rights in their rush to curb separatists.
Self interest fears
Sutarto's appointment is also a reversal of a policy started by the former reformist President Abdurrahman Wahid. He promoted officers from the navy and air force services, which are considered untainted by human rights violations and which have played little role in the country's politics.
Sutarto's predecessor, Admiral Widodo, was the first non-army officer to lead the military in more than three decades and was appointed by Wahid.
Wahid has blamed the military and Sutarto for backing the movement to oust him last year and the general was criticized by pro-democracy campaigners for interfering into the country's politics.
Sutarto's previous brush with politics has caused unease with reformers who worry he might be used by politicians for their own interest in the near future. "I worry that he may have the potential to be coopted by politicians for their own interest," a senior military source told CNN.
Only time will tell whether Sutarto holds true to his military oath of honor to fight for the people and country, and not the vested interest of a few power-hungry politicians.
Straits Times - July 6, 2002
The Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) yesterday transferred six trainer aircraft to its Indonesian counterpart, and will deliver another 13 more by the end of the year, Singapore's Ministry of Defence said in a statement.
The Indonesian air force accepted Singapore's offer of its decommissioned SF-260 SIAI-Marchetti fleet last year. The transfer was marked by a ceremony held at the Halim Air Base in Jakarta yesterday morning.
The RSAF has trained a team of Indonesian pilots and maintenance crew, and has also delivered the necessary tools and spare-parts for the SF-260 fleet, the statement added.
The Italian-made trainer aircraft was first introduced into the RSAF in September 1971 to provide basic training for RSAF pilot trainees.
The fleet was decommissioned in November 1999 after the RSAF shifted its pilot training programme to Australia and switched to a different type of trainer jet.
Radio Australia - July 6, 2002
The Indonesian government has asked parliament to approve "emergency" funds of more than 111 million dollars to help the military and police operate in areas of conflict like Aceh.
The military's current budget is reported to be one-billion dollars, and they're not the only ones to suffer a funding shortfall. Both the navy and air force chiefs told a parliamentary committee hearing this week that Indonesia's national territory is vulnerable to air and naval attacks, due to outdated weaponry.
Straits Times - July 5, 2002
Jakarta -- Indonesian air force officials have revealed that more than half their front-line aircraft have been grounded and a third of their radar stations are inoperable due to a lack of funding, days after the navy made similar admissions.
Air Force Marshal Chappy Hakim told a parliamentary panel on defence on Wednesday that pilot training was also limited. "This situation is the result of the small budget we receive each year," Marshal Chappy said.
His testimony follows similar comments by navy chief Admiral Bernard Sondakh, who complained on Monday that 250 of the service's 300 vessels were no longer seaworthy.
Indonesia, an archipelagic nation with more than 13,000 islands, has no external enemies. But the dire state of its air force and navy has set off a debate over how best to patrol the country's maritime resources and prevent pirates, smugglers and potential terrorists from penetrating its porous borders.
Traditionally, the army receives the bulk of defence funding. Many say this leaves the country's borders unprotected. Air force and navy commanders are urging lawmakers to approve significant budget increases for their services.
Marshal Chappy told legislators that only 93 of the 222 aircraft in the air force's inventory were operational. Seven of its 18 C-130 Hercules transport planes were currently airworthy, while five of the country's 16 radar stations were closed.
In its 2002 budget, the air force was allocated 236.5 billion rupiah for maintenance, 206.7 billion rupiah for training and 29.8 billion rupiah for radar maintenance. But Marshal Chappy said the air force needed 4.2 trillion rupiah this year.
Jakarta Post - July 5, 2002
Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Maj. Gen. Achmad Yahya has a daunting task ahead him in safeguarding Jakarta when he takes up his new post as military commander in the capital city on Thursday.
Jakarta has witnessed a fragile peace over the past few months, although there have been a number of small explosions.
A small bomb exploded inside the Graha Cijantung Mall near the Army Special Force (Kopassus) headquarters in East Jakarta on Monday, injuring eight people. Two weeks earlier, a bomb went off in the parking lot of the Jayakarta Hotel in Central Jakarta, severely injuring four people.
With his sights set on the upcoming annual session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) next month, Yahya warned that bomb threats and explosions in the capital were taking place due to weak security.
"Given the fact that the police have a limited number of personnel, the military will assist them maintain security and order here," Yahya said after taking over command from Lt. Gen. Bibit Waluyo at the Jakarta Military Command headquarters in Cililitan, East Jakarta. Bibit has been promoted to become the new chief of the Army's Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad).
Yahya's mastery in security affairs was severely tested when as the Sulawesi military commander, a communal conflict broke out in Poso, Central Sulawesi, that left hundreds of people dead and thousands of others displaced. He moved to Jakarta some months after a peace deal was agreed between the warring groups in Poso.
He was the Jakarta Military chief of staff when the city was rocked by anti-government demonstrations which ended up with troops opening fire on protesting students in November 1998 and September 1999.
Yahya stressed that current security policy needed review so as to provide the military and police with a clear division of powers and duties.
"I think we must reevaluate the current regulations on security and defense. At least such a reevaluation would help us avoid further miscommunication between our [military and police] personnel in the field," Yahya, a 1971 graduate of the Armed Forces Academy (Akabri), said. Asked whether he had a concept for security arrangements during the August MPR Annual Session, Yahya said: "I have just arrived here. Let me take some time to learn about it first." Political tension looks set to heighten during the MPR session, as some political parties may attempt to mobilize their supporters so as to influence the political process.
Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has also implied that certain armed civilian groups, believed to be the Islamic Defenders' Front (FPI) and Laskar Jihad, were conducting paramilitary training near the capital city, and also hinted that "these activities have a strong connection with Jakarta's planned political agenda." Yahya labeled the act of threatening public security as terrorism, which "the people must fight against." He further said that there were certain people who would like to see Jakarta reduced to chaos.
Straits Times - July 3, 2002
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- Indonesian navy chief Bernard Kent Sondakh has said that the navy's 113 ships are fit to sail but not fight -- a startling revelation that throws into doubt its ability to crack down on the rising piracy, smuggling and illegal-immigrant problems in the sprawling archipelago.
He told a parliamentary hearing that most of the ships -- from the Netherlands, the former East Germany, Yugoslavia, and from the state-owned PT PAL shipyard -- were not fully operational because of ageing engines and obsolete weapons.
Analysts, blaming budget constraints for the problem, said that this made the navy's task of patrolling the country's 17,000 islands "a nightmare".
Commenting on the dilemma facing the navy, military observer Salim Said of the University of Indonesia told The Straits Times: "How do you expect them to handle these issues effectively when the ships are not operational? They are ill equipped. It is a navy without any teeth."
The disclosure by Admiral Sondakh on Monday raises concerns among neighbouring countries given Indonesia's recent pledges to address problems like smuggling and especially piracy jointly.
A trilateral pact between Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines signed in May obliges them to monitor terrorism, smuggling, piracy, hijacking, intrusion, illegal entry, drug trafficking, theft of marine resources, marine pollution and illicit trafficking in arms.
The Straits of Malacca, which separates the Malaysian peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago, has always been a favourite haunt of modern-day buccaneers, accounting for nearly three-quarters of the world's pirate activity.
The Kuala-Lumpur-based International Maritime Bureau (IMB) recently described Indonesian waters as the most pirate-infested in the world. It recorded 22 separate pirate attacks during the first three months of this year.
Indonesian navy officers said that anti-piracy efforts had actually been stepped up this year but the navy 'cannot do more than required because our ships are not up to mark'.
A senior naval officer said: "Only 30 per cent of our ships are operational. We will never be able to fight a conventional naval battle with another country. And it has reached a stage where it is impeding our efforts to root out problems like piracy."
Much of the problem lies in the age of the ships. A third of the force's 113 ships are over 30 years old. Only eight of the vessels are less than 10 years old. The navy tried to address some of the problems a decade ago by purchasing 30 ships from East Germany. But the decision backfired when it was found most of the vessels required a massive overhaul.
During an interview with The Straits Times recently, Admiral Sondakh said that the aim was to upgrade these ships -- 16 Porchim-class corvettes together with 14 Frosch-class LST troop carriers and nine mine sweepers.
Dr Salim said that in his meeting with US policy makers in Washington recently, he had impressed on them the need to lift the military embargo to provide funds for the navy and air force -- both of which were in desperate need of spares and equipment.
"The military paradigm is changing in which the navy and air force are going to play a bigger role in Indonesian national security," he said.
Radio Australia - July 2, 2002
Concerns are being raised that Indonesia's military is once again in the political driver's seat. After the fall of president Suharto in May 1998, and the first free election of a president in 33 years, initial steps were taken to reform the armed forces. But, the promise to return the army to the barracks, to become a professional force, seems to have fallen by the wayside.
Presenter/Interviewer: Kanaha Sabapathy
Speakers: Military analyst Professor Salim Said; Professor Bob Lowry from the Australian Defence Studies Centre
Sabapathy: Under president Suharto's dwifungsi or dual function the Indonesian armed forces or TNI functioned as a security cum political force. But that was supposed to have changed when Indonesians elected their first president in 33 years.
On taking power in late 1999 president Abdurrahman Wahid moved to reform the TNI and worked to return the military to the barracks. In an effort to curb the military's power especially, president Wahid introduced the scheme whereby the leadership of the TNI would between the army, navy and airforce.
But last month president Megawati Sukarnoputri overlooked this plan and chose to replace outgoing Admiral Widodo Adisucipto with army chief Endriartono Sutarto. Military analyst Professor Salim Said.
Said: The fact that Megawati did not follow the tradition established by Adbullarah Manwani clearly show that Megawati is accomodating the army and not the other services.
Sabapathy: Professor Said who is doing research into the social and political role of the military lays the blame for the re- emergence of the military's fortunes on the lap of the politicians.
Said: The political parties are going away from their ideas of reforming the military. There are several reasons for that. One of the reasons is that Indonesian society is a fragmented society and this fragment is competing to have the military on their side.
Another reason is that you can only have a professional military if you have enough party heads for them. The Indonesian military is I think one out of only several which since the beginning of its history was never fully financed by the government. So it had to find about sixty to seventy percent of its budget.
Lowry: If they want to establish civilian control over the military, then obviously they have to figure out how they can raise the taxes that are necessary to pay not only the military but other government agencies as well.
Sabapathy: Professor Bob Lowry is from the Australian Defence Studies Centre in Canberra. He says current legislation gives the police responsibility for security with the right to call in the military if they need assistance. But this requires certain pre- conditions.
Lowry: The police have got to show that they are capable of fulfilling the commander control requirements and integrating the military successfully into their operations. The main thing is to make sure that the military remains beholdent to the rule of law in the country.
Sabapathy: But herein lies a basic problem. The police has shown its inability to control the situation in places like Ambon and Aceh, inevitably enforcing the military's stance that it alone can hold the Indonesian archipelago from disintegrating.
Said: The fact that the military is "controlling" the situation in Ambon and used to be in East Timor and is still in Aceh, shows that the civilian government cannot not and is not fully controlling the military.
Sabapathy: So what's the remedy? After 32 years of military dictatorship, the civilian society does not have enough knowledge or information on how to control the military or for that matter manage the security situation. But Professor Lowry says there's a way, but one for the long term.
Lowry: Generate a larger government budget to start paying the public agencies properly. If it can create the conditions which will foster economic growth and if the experiment was reasonable then it is quite possible that internal security will improve quite markedly and the role of the military can be really wound back.
Said: Do not expect the military to reform themselves. You need a strong and legitimate government to do that. In the beginning we had a strong and legitimate government in Abdurrahman Wahid, but Abdurrahman Wahid wasted his time, his opportunity. Now we have a weak government under Megawati.
Jakarta Post - July 2, 2002
Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto has overseen the first major reshuffle of the armed forces since taking over last month.
The reshuffle, based on a decree from the TNI chief dated Saturday but only made public on Monday, involves 142 officers, most notably Lt. Gen. Bibit Waluyo, who becomes the new commander of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad).
There also were changes of the guard at four regional military commands and the Navy's Western Fleet.
Among the more well-known figures involved in the reshuffle was Maj. Gen. Achmad Yahya, who will replace Bibit as the Jakarta Military commander. Yahya, a Madura native and a 1971 graduate of the Armed Forces Academy (Akabri), looks to hold his new post only briefly, barring any unforeseen events, as he will reach the mandatory retirement age in October next year.
Yahya, the current chief of the Wirabhuwana Military Command overseeing Sulawesi, is not a new face in the Jakarta Military Command, serving as the command's chief of staff in 1998.
The post left vacant by Yahya will be filled by Army's Special Force (Kopassus) chief Maj. Gen. Amirul Isnaeni. This will be the highest ever territorial posting for Amirul, a 1975 Akabri graduate who is seen as a rising star in the military.
Kopassus chief of staff Brig. Gen. Sriyanto will take over from Amirul as the commander of the elite force. Sriyanto was an officer at the North Jakarta Military when security troops shot dead dozens of Muslim protesters in Tanjung Priok in 1984 and the Surakarta Military commander when riot hit the Central Java town in May 1998.
TNI spokesman Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin said this latest reshuffle was in response to changes in the military structure.
"Reshuffles usually take place in April and October, but since some of our officers have reached retirement age we undertook another reshuffle this month," Sjafrie told The Jakarta Post.
"The reshuffle is also in answer to the demand for the reorganization of the TNI, as well as to fill several posts that were left vacant following the previous reshuffle," he said.
The military has undergone major changes over the last few months, with the replacement of the three chiefs of staff and the TNI chief. Except for Army chief Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu, all of the new TNI top brass have reached or are near retirement age.
At TNI Headquarters, two high-ranking officers, Maj. Gen. Timor P. Manurung, the chief of the legal division, and Rear Adm. Joost F. Mengko, the intelligence assistant to the TNI chief of general affairs, will retire.
They will be replaced by Brig. Gen. FX Sukiman and Commodore Luthfie, respectively. Luthfie currently is the Director C at the TNI Intelligence Body.
Lieutenant Gen. Syahrir MS, who heads the Military Education and Training Command in Bandung, West Java, also will retire. He will be replaced by the head of the Siliwangi Military Command overseeing West Java, Maj. Gen. Darsono, a 1972 Akabri graduate.
Darsono's command baton will be passed to his chief of staff, Brig. Gen. Iwan Ridwan Sulanjana, who is two years his junior.
The other regional military commander affected in the latest reshuffle is Maj. Gen. Willem da Costa, the head of the Udayana Military Command. He will be assigned to the Army Staff and Command School in Bandung, leaving his chief of staff, Brig. Gen. Agus Suyitno, to take over.
In the Navy, Rear Adm. Sumardjono, the commander of the Western Fleet, will be replaced by Rear Adm. Djoko Sumaryono.
In the Air Force, Rear Marshal Rukma Susetyasta, the head of the Eastern Air Command, will replace Rear Marshal Abdullah Sjirat as the planning assistant to the Air Force chief.
While Rear Marshal Herman Prayitno, the governor of the Air Force Academy, will take over for Rear Marshal Teuku Sjahril as head of the Western Air Command.
Straits Times - July 2, 2002
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- The army is back in the driving seat in Indonesia four years after the fall of Suharto, flexing its muscles against separatist insurgencies and pulling the strings in domestic politics.
But as it aspires to return to its traditional role of "safeguarding national unity", it risks putting on the back burner reform initiatives that could turn the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) into a professional outfit.
The growing confidence of the army -- the most dominant group in the TNI which also includes the navy and air force -- has much to do with its close relationship with President Megawati Sukarnoputri who shares the nationalist views of the generals.
In the past month, two of the most senior positions in the TNI have gone to army generals -- both of whom are Megawati loyalists.
Lt-General Ryamizard Ryacudu was promoted to take over the army leadership from General Endriartono Sutarto, who in turn moved up to the position of TNI commander.
Gen Endriartono's appointment effectively broke a consensus reached at the start of the reform era to rotate the top position between the army, navy and air force.
Under former president Abdurrahman Wahid, navy commander A. S. Widodo was placed at the TNI helm to neutralise the army's influence. It was the turn of the air force next. But the army leadership effectively derailed the rotation system to put in place Gen Endriartono.
A three-star general disclosed that the two appointments were made with the full backing of Ms Megawati and her husband, Taufik Kiemas, who lobbied behind the scenes to win parliamentary approval.
"Whatever the public sentiments, the President realises that a strong army is crucial for her administration to ride the storm for the next few years," the general said.
"She knows that she can count on Endriartono and Ryamizard to do the job. The risk is that she is giving the army more room to manoeuvre and call the shots in politics."
None of the new faces seem to be highly supportive of fast or major military reforms. Nor do they seem keen on revising the military doctrine of dwifungsi -- which acknowledges the TNI's dual function as a security cum political force. This is evident in that the generals are already pushing to delay the arm's parliamentary departure until 2009.
"Most of the ideas for reform come from the air force and navy but they have no clout compared to the army which has a line to the palace," said military analyst Kusnanto Anggoro of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies. "The army generals continue to be wary but accept civilian supremacy in so far as it protects their interests."
Generals Ryamizard and Endriartono have been quick to take the hardline, pushing for military force against insurgencies in Aceh and Irian Jaya rather than dialogue. Said Mr Kusnanto: "As long as the army continues to behave like a bully in Indonesia and a big brother to the navy and air force, we are not going to see any significant changes in the TNI for at least the next 10 to 15 years. If anything, the clock seems to be turning back now."
International relations |
New York Times - July 4, 2002
Raymond Bonner, Jakarta -- The Bush administration's effort to re-establish military ties with Indonesia, which has been curtailed for nearly a decade because of its army's widespread human rights violations, has some unexpected support among Indonesians.
Many who suffered under the military in the past, and who are still critical of the army for its continuing rights abuses, say that the best hope for eventually developing an army whose conduct is appropriate for a democracy is to send officers to schools in the United States.
They add, however, that restoring aid would require a delicate balancing act. Somehow, the United States would have to make clear that it was not condoning past abuses and must keep up pressure on the Indonesian military for fundamental reforms. This would require tight conditions on the aid, they say.
American officials say they are aware that a resumption of aid would be cited as approval by the Indonesian military. But they say that, on balance, the benefits to the United States and to Indonesia of restoring the military relationship, and of working to create an army with high professional standards, outweigh the disadvantages.
The Bush administration wants to finance a new Indonesian military unit to deal with civil conflict, and to lift the ban on Indonesian soldiers attending American military schools as part of the International Military Education and Training program.
"If 10,000 soldiers were on IMET training every year, we would have a much better democracy," said Bambang Harymurti, editor of the weekly newsmagazine Tempo, which was shut down by the dictator Suharto in 1994 and did not reappear until after he was ousted in 1998.
The United States and Indonesia are not talking of anywhere near that number, but Mr. Harymurti expands on his point by saying that officers' wives and children should go to the United States too to be exposed to how an army functions under civilian control. Mr. Harymurti said that during the Suharto era, military officers who had received training in the United States were the ones who advocated reform and ending the military presence in politics. "We always had clandestine help from them," Mr. Harymurti said.
In Washington, the Heritage Foundation, the conservative research organization, is a strong opponent of resuming military aid to Indonesia, joining Sen. Patrick Leahy, the liberal Democrat from Vermont.
The United States gave military aid to Indonesia for more than 20 years "and it didn't work," said Dana R. Dillon, an analyst at the Heritage Foundation. Indonesia's military remains corrupt and a persistent violator of human rights, he said. "When they come here, they learn everything," Mr. Dillon said of foreign soldiers who train in the United States. "When they go home they have to operate in the same corrupt system."
The debate over military aid to Indonesia has distinct echoes from the cold war, when thousands of Latin American military officers were trained at the School of the Americas, then went home to support dictatorial generals. One of the most heated debates in that era was over El Salvador in the early 1980's.
The Reagan administration fought with Congress about military assistance to a government whose security forces and death squads were torturing and killing peasants and students suspected of being sympathetic to the Marxist-led rebellion. Training under American tutelage would make the Salvadoran soldiers more respectful of human rights, the administration argued.
Opponents countered that many of the commanders and soldiers in these units had already been trained in the United States.
Many here are acutely aware of that period and that training. "We don't want a School of the Americas," said Mr. Harymurti, the editor of Tempo.
Mr. Harymurti is opposed to short-term programs in which a soldier goes to a United States military camp and learns, as he put it, "how to shoot straight, how to place explosives." But that is precisely the type of training most Indonesian military officers want. "The highest priority is to support the effort to maintain our operational readiness," said Lt. Gen. Agus Widjojo, the most senior officer in the Indonesian Parliament.
On the other hand, he said, Indonesian officers do not want to go to the United States for courses in human rights and the rules of war. "Ask any Indonesian officer, `Do you need that kind of training?' and he will say no," General Widjojo said. As a lieutenant, he attended a basic infantry course at Fort Benning, in 1972, and then in 1979, as a captain, he attended an advanced course. Later he went to the National War College, and got a master's degree in public administration from George Washington University.
But General Widjojo, who is considered a reformer and who was one of the generals who argued in 1998 that the military should get out of politics, went on, "Those who see the need to make the military part of a more democratic system, are those who have been exposed to the democratic system."
The debate is captured by one of Indonesia's most respected intellectuals, Goenawan Mohamad, a founder of Tempo and a persistent critic of the Indonesian military. The argument against aid, he said, is that it will be perceived by many Indonesians "as an American ploy to get the military to take part in America's war on terrorism." The American campaign is widely seen by Indonesians as a war against Islam.
He added that a resumption of aid will also be seen by Indonesians as effectively condoning past human rights abuses.
Still, and to the surprise of many who have known him, Mr. Goenawan said that he was not opposed to resuming aid. It is needed, he said, if the military is to become more professional and attuned to democracy. "I am only opposed to the timing," he said. "Now is not the moment."