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Indonesia News Digest No
20 - May 26-June 1, 2002
Jakarta Post - May 28, 2002
Bogor -- Hundreds of workers of bicycle tire maker PT Banteng
Pratama, staged a rally on Monday at publicly listed tire maker
PT Goodyear Indonesia's office to call for a continuation of the
contract between the two companies.
The workers asked Goodyear's management not to break the contract
with Banteng as it could result in the loss of jobs for over
1,500 workers.
Banteng production head Warjono said that his company would lose
its license to produce Goodyear bicycle tires as the management
of Goodyear will scrap its license, effective Oct. 1.
Banteng produces 22,000 Goodyear-branded bicycle tires per day.
Most of them are exported to Europe, Latin America, and Middle
East and African countries.
Disputing Banteng's claim that the contract expires in October
this year, PT Goodyear said in a statement that its contract with
PT Banteng ended in the 1990s. PT Banteng is not an official
producer of Goodyear tires and has so far used the trademark
illegally, according to the statement.
Jakarta Post - May 29, 2002
Agus Maryono, Purwokerto -- Drug abuse, student brawls and
pornography have reached an alarming level among junior and
senior high school students in Central Java's rural areas.
The three problems, which have long affected students and
school-age children in urban areas, are befalling teenagers in
rural and remote areas of Purbalingga, Cilacap and Banyumas
regencies.
Adj. Sr. Agus Sofyan Abadi, chief of the Purbalingga Police
station, warned that a majority of school-age children in the
province's southern part are likely face psychological problems
and a dark future should the three problems not be handled
properly and quickly.
"Parents and junior and senior high schools should not leave the
problem to the police just because they are in charge of law
enforcement, but instead give more attention to coping with the
problems in order to protect the younger generation," he said in
an interview with The Jakarta Post in Purbalingga on Tuesday.
He explained that drug abuse, student brawls and pornography were
no longer confined to just those living in urban areas,
especially big cities, because the problems have also reached
youths and high school students in remote areas.
Last week, the local police netted 101 high school students in an
anti-narcotics operation in Purwokerto. The students, who attend
private and state junior high schools in the small town, were
netted in entertainment centers, theaters and department stores
during school hours.
"The problem is that not only do students skip class, but several
pairs have been found having sexual relations in separate
locations. Others had a drug party at a student's house while
others were found shopping in shops and department stores," said
Sofyan.
The students were detained for hours at the police station and
lectured by a police officer and local religious leaders.
Sofyan said further that, according to investigations, many of
the students frequently consumed banned drugs such as ecstasy and
lexotan pills and watched pornographic VCDs, which are widely
available on the black market in the region.
According to Sofyan, the trend of student brawls and drug abuse
had a lot to do with TV programs on various stations, both local
and foreign, and the presence of black market trading of banned
drugs and pornographic VCDs.
Sofyan said the local police had arrested drug traffickers and
their boss after cracking down on their semi-organized syndicate.
"This week, we confiscated a total of 2,425 koplo [lexotan] and
ecstasy pills from 49-year-old Imam Santoso, who obtained them
from his boss in Senen Market, Central Jakarta," he said, adding
that the local police were coordinating with the Central Jakarta
Police station to follow up the case.
Separately, Khairul Fuadi, chief of the education for the younger
generation section at Banyumas administration, said he regretted
that many schools had yet to pay proper attention to the social
problems that affected students in the region.
"Many teachers do nothing upon discovering that a some of their
students do not attend class. Even school managements do nothing
when certain students are absent for weeks," he said, citing that
the students left their houses every day but went to a friend's
house instead of to school.
According to him, besides parents, school managements should do
their share to educate students as well as to cope with drug
abuse, brawls and pornography.
Imam, a parent of a student who is being detained for drug
possession, regretted that the school management had never
contacted him about his son. He said he was in favor of the
police taking stern action against students involved in drug
abuse, pornography and brawls.
Students/youth
Aceh/West Papua
East Timor
'War on terrorism'
Government & politics
Regional/communal conflicts
Human rights/law
Focus on Jakarta
Environment
Health & education
International relations
Labour struggle
Tire maker workers stage rally
Students/youth
Drug abuse, brawls prevalent among rural teenagers
Aceh/West Papua
West Papua fears arrival of militant Muslims
Sydney Morning Herald - June 1, 2002
Craig Skehan -- At least four boatloads of Muslim migrants -- including many members of the militant Laskar Jihad -- had arrived during the past week in the restive Indonesian province of West Papua, independence activists said yesterday.
This coincided with reports that 150 hardened Indonesian special combat troops were being dispatched to West Papua from the Indonesian island of Sumatra.
Elements of the Indonesian military have been accused of backing the Laskar Jihad (Holy War Fighters), which during the past two years has been involved in bloody attacks on Christians in Maluku and Central Sulawesi provinces.
Growing numbers of Laskar Jihad in West Papua threaten communal clashes with the largely Christian indigenous population.
"This is being overseen and organised by the Indonesian Army," said Greg Polgrain, a lecturer at the University of Queensland. "They are nearly all young men, not transmigration families.
"I am informed there are members of the Laskar Jihad in each group." Dr Polgrain estimated that between 4000 and 7000 Muslim migrants, with a substantial Laskar Jihad component, were arriving in West Papua weekly.
"Laskar Jihad are training with arms and that is pretty serious," he said.
Dr Polgrain visited the province this month and is in regular contact with human rights and church groups there.
A pro-independence pastor, Martin Luther Wanma, yesterday sent a letter from Sorong, in far east of West Papua, to supporters in Australia expressing fear for his safety.
Thousand of Muslim migrants have arrived in Sorong since February.
Pastor Wanma said in his letter that he had been told by a senior police officer that action was planned against him: "The main reason for my imminent arrest is my objection to the Laskar Jihad coming to West Papua. As a human being I would like to inform you in Australia that I am in great danger." Obet Rawar, from the human rights group Elsham, based in the capital of West Papua, Jayapura, said last night that new evidence was being collected on Indonesian special forces troops being used to establish pro- Jakarta militias.
He said it had been confirmed there were now eight Pakistani Muslim militants in Sorong involved in weapons training of Indonesian Muslim militants.
There have been unconfirmed reports that a small number of West Papuan Muslims are involved.
Recently, the United States ambassador to Indonesia travelled to Irian Jaya on a fact-finding mission on issues including the allegations of links between the Indonesian military and the Laskar Jihad. He was accompanied by US military personnel.
Official and spontaneous migration over many years means Muslims comprise nearly half of West Papua's 2.5 million population. Previously the overwhelming majority were Christians and animists.
Logging interests, some closely connected elements of the military and the Soehartos have been accused of backing West Papuan anti-independence forces.
Jakarta Post - May 29, 2002
Banda Aceh -- Tension in war-ridden Aceh, especially East Aceh regency, was rising following the release by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) of female students allegedly abducted early this month.
Local people in Peureulak, East Aceh, remained concerned about possible fiercer clashes in the near future after security authorities stepped up security in the regency, while GAM expressed its readiness to face any military crackdown on its stronghold.
Both GAM and the local military have traded warnings that either side would resort to tough measures against any abuse of students or underage people suspected of espionage.
Tengku Ishak Daud warned the local military and police against using students and underage people to seek intelligence on GAM hideouts and activities in the regency, saying that GAM was ready to face whatever operation the local securityauthorities might launch and would continue fighting for the province's independence.
"The Indonesian government, especially the military and the police, should not involve students and other innocent people in the conflict because they know nothing about what is really going on in the province," he said during the release of nine students somewhere in Peureulak on Tuesday.
He explained that students were taken from their houses, with their parents' permission, to be given an explanation about GAM's struggle. "They need the explanation after being used by the local military and police for espionage," he said.
Separately, Capt. Agus Setiawan, spokesman for the security restoration operation in Aceh, dismissed GAM's warning, saying GAM had abused children and students to draw international attention to its weakening struggle.
"With the abduction, GAM has contributed to the creation of a lost generation among Acehnese people by depriving students of their right to education. The secessionist movement's unworthy move will certainly not gain support from the international world," he said.
Agus accused GAM of burning down a number of school buildings in the regency in an attempt, as it saw it, to prevent Acehnese people from being indoctrinated by the Indonesian government andto persuade them to join the movement.
"We have deployed hundreds of soldiers and police to enhance security in the regency and to intensify the operation to crack down on GAM strongholds in the regency," he said.
Agus denied GAM's accusation that students were being used for espionage, saying both the military and the police had their own intelligence units to monitor GAM's activities in the province.
Muhammad Yakub, principal of state senior high school I in Peureulak, said that tension in the Peureulak subdistrict had been rising following the students's abduction, as the military had intensified its operation to hunt down rebels.
"Most people won't go out of their house, especially at night, for fear of violence and abduction," he said.
On Tuesday, GAM released nine senior high school and university students somewhere in a remote area in the regency at the request of their parents, their school principal and human rights activists.
Fitri, coordinator of PBHAM, the human rights organization that mediated the release, said it took place peacefully somewhere in East Aceh.
Ramla, mother of Yusnidar, one of the abductees, expressed her joy at being reunited with her daughter, saying she would educate her in accordance with syariah (Islamic law).
She said her daughter had forcibly been taken by two rebels on May 9, 2000, the time at which the government and GAM were holding peace talks in Geneva. Despite the peace talks, the violence has continued. Over the last two weeks, at least 26 people have been killed in gunfights between the two sides.
Ulidiana, another abductee, said they were treated humanely and given a lecture on GAM's struggle for Aceh's independence during their 20-day abduction in a forest area in the regency.
Seven other abductees released were Khatijah, Halimah, Yusdiana, Rosnidar, Marliah, Nursida and Halimatusakdiah.
Agence France Presse - May 26, 2002
At least seven people, including a woman and three separatist guerrillas were killed in the past four days in Indonesia's Aceh province.
The chief of a village in West Aceh was shot dead by a gunman Saturday, Aceh military spokesman Major Zaenal Muttaqin told AFP.
Earlier on Saturday, an army officer, First Lieutenant Martin Luther Ginting, was wounded in the stomach during a shoot out with rebels in North Aceh district, Muttaqin said.
Troops shot dead two suspected rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in South Aceh on Friday, the spokesman added. One soldier was wounded in the clash that erupted after rebels ambushed a group of soldiers on their way back to their base following a raid on a suspected guerrilla hideout in Jambo Dalam village.
Soldiers also shot dead another rebel, also on Friday, in a clash in Pidie district, Muttaqin said. A rebel was caught in the incident, he added, without elaborating.
The body of an unidentified woman, showing signs of torture, was on Friday found near from Aceh's capital, Banda Aceh, a humanitarian activist told AFP.
Another activist said a public transport driver was shot dead while driving his minibus in Bireun district on Thursday.
The body of another man, also with gunshot wound, was found at a separate location in the same district later Thursday, he added.
Muttaqin blamed the killings on the GAM. Officials of the separatist organisation could not be immediately reached for comment.
GAM has been fighting since 1976 for an independent state in the devoutly Muslim province on Sumatra island. More than 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have died in the conflict, including more than 500 this year alone.
East Timor |
South China Morning Post - May 31, 2002
Associated Press in Jakarta -- A notorious militia leader told a human rights court yesterday that his group's activities in East Timor were funded by an Indonesian government official -- but denied knowing about killings allegedly committed by his men.
Eurico Guterres commanded one of the militias blamed for killing more than 1,000 people and destroying much of the infrastructure of the former Indonesian province before and after its 1999 independence vote -- allegedly with the backing of Indonesian security forces.
Guterres insisted to a tribunal trying Indonesian officials for humans rights abuses in East Timor that his group had an obligation to defend Indonesian interests.
"We had to arm ourselves because the [pro-independence forces] were armed as well," he said angrily. "We have to defend ourselves but also to defend the red and white flag of Indonesia. We were there to defend the assets of Indonesia."
He said that his militia received funding to support Jakarta from the mayor of Dili, the capital of East Timor, for three months in 1999.
The militia leader was testifying in the trial of former East Timor governor Abilio Soares, one of 18 Indonesian officials -- including three army generals -- accused of allowing the violence. Guterres is expected to become the 19th defendant charged over the violence. All 19 could face the death penalty if convicted.
Another witness yesterday recalled seeing Guterres outside a church before about 1,000 militiamen stormed it and killed more than 40 people in April 1999. Police stood by and watched the massacre, said the witness, Amelio Barreto.
Jakarta Post - May 31, 2002
Kupang -- Col. Moeswarno Moesanip, chief of the Wirasakti Military District supervising security in East Nusa Tenggara, turned down East Timor's request for the province to allow overland public transportation from Dili to proceed its enclave Oecusi through Atambua for security reasons.
"I have been contacted several times, asking the local military to allow East Timorese vehicles to go to the enclave via Belu Regency. But I refused to meet the request as there will be no security guarantees from the Indonesian authorities for buses that would serve the ply," he said at his office here on Thursday.
He explained that should the request be met, the bus route from Atambua to Oecusi would be prone to attack as there were around 20,000 former pro-Jakarta militiamen living in the regency.
Deputy Governor Johanis Pake Pani concurred and said it was in line with the agreement reached during a recent meeting in Bali. "It looks like it is impossible for the East Timorese administration to use the land route through West Timor to Oecusi for security reasons," he said.
Jakarta Post - May 31, 2002
Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak, Jakarta -- Two of the survivors in the April 1999 incident at Liquica Church in East Timor testified here on Thursday that what happened on the day was an attack on scared people by armed pro-integration militiamen.
The eyewitnesses, Emillio Bareto and Joao Pereira, told the human rights court in Central Jakarta that local people in the East Timorese town had been living in fear of terror perpetrated by the Besi Merah Putih (BMP) militia group and fellow residents, as the former Indonesian province was gearing up for the UN- sponsored self-determination referendum.
Both witnesses shared the conviction that none of the people seeking refuge was armed or prepared -- considering that the police, the mobile brigade and plainclothed military members were also there -- when the locals and several other militia groups later joined in the attack, breaking into the church compound at 1 p.m.
"Pereira and I were hiding in a restroom. We heard them calling our names out and asking us to surrender. We got out. But we were slashed with a machete by a militia member," Pereira said. He was gashed on both arms, and Bareto was wounded on his head.
They said they had obtained information that nine were killed but nobody knew where they were buried. Earlier investigation revealed that more than 30 people died in the incident and the bodies thrown into the sea and lake.
Bareto and Pereira testified in separate hearings against former governor Abilio Soares and former East Timor police chief Brig. Gen. Timbul Silaen, believed to have been responsible for crimes against humanity in East Timor in 1999.
The hearings are part of the human rights ad hoc trial on the human rights abuses committed in East Timor in the lead up to and following the UN-organized popular ballot on Aug. 31, 1999.
The Liquica incident began at Easter on April 4 when the BMP burned down the house of proindependence figures in the regency. The attackers ran to the Maubara Military Command Headquarters when angry locals chased them with bows and machetes.
On the next day, the militia, with the help of the police and the military, retaliated by hunting down locals and firing random shots that forced around 3,000 people, including the witnesses, to take refuge in the church.
Early on April 6, the church compound was surrounded by the militia group, who were armed with machetes and guns. Two police officers entered and asked Priest Rafael to surrender village chief Jacinto da Costa Conceicao. The priest refused to hand da Costa to the BMP.
A victim of another pro-Jakarta militia attack in the St. Ave Maria Church in Suai, Covalima regency, on Sept. 6, 1999, Dominggas dos Santos Mouzinho, failed to appear at Thursday's hearing. She testified on Tuesday.
Agence France Presse - May 30, 2002
Jakarta -- Two East Timorese bearing scars from a 1999 massacre Thursday told Indonesia's human rights court of a day of terror when militiamen brandishing guns and machetes attacked a church and killed 22 people.
Amelio Baretto, a volunteer with the international aid group World Vision, said he was inside the church at Liquica with his wife and about 3,000 other refugees when the militiamen stormed it on April 6, 1999.
Baretto, who was a civil servant at that time, said one of the attackers slashed him in the head with a machete. He said he heard shots fired and felt the effects of tear gas.
"At one o'clock the militia started to attack and I saw Tome Diego [the militia leader] burst into the church screaming 'Attack'," Baretto told the court.
The charge dossier prepared by the prosecutors in the case identified Diego as a member of the Liquica district military.
Joao Fereira, 35, a farmer from the hills near Liquica who was at the church when the attack took place told the same court that he saw the assailants, pro-Indonesian militiamen, come down to the church from the nearby district military headquarters.
Baretto said a man hit him with a rifle butt as he made his way out of the church. A pro-Indonesian friend finally rescued him and took him home.
He said a few hours before the raid, he saw feared militia chief Eurico Guterres speak to Pastor Rafael. He heard Guterres tell the clergyman: "Let those CNRT leaders here leave and be taken to the district chief Leoneto Martin." CNRT refers to East Timor's independence movement.
Rafael said he could not force them to leave the church, according to the witness. Rafael also survived the attack. Guterres will eventually stand trial in the rights court.
Fereira said he was slashed three times by a militiaman as he fled. He said he had hidden in the bathroom of the priest's residence during most of the attack but fled after militias, some of them wearing black hoods, shouted for everyone to come out.
"I came out with many others but I was attacked outside with a machete. The man hacked at me three times but I managed to run to seek safety at the nearby district chief office," said Fereira, who has a scar on the scalp and another on his left elbow.
Baretto, bearing a large scar on his forehead, and Fereira were testifying as witnesses in the trial of former East Timor police chief Brigadier General Timbul Silaen, who is accused of responsibility for "crimes against humanity" by failing to halt the massacre of civilians.
Silaen is one of 18 military, police and civilians who are due to face trial on charges of gross human rights violations over the campaign of violence and destruction by pro-Jakarta militias in the then-Indonesian province.
The militiamen, backed by some Indonesian soldiers, waged a campaign of intimidation before East Timor's August 1999 vote to separate from Indonesia and a violent scorched-earth revenge campaign afterwards.
The trials are being watched closely by the world for proof that Jakarta will punish those behind the violence.
They are focusing on five incidents in which militias attacked independence supporters seeking refuge in churches and homes in April and September 1999, killing more than 100.
They include assaults on the church in Liquica that left 22 dead; on the Dili home of independence figure Manuel Carrascalao in which 12 people died; on the diocese of Dili in which 46 people were killed; on the residence of cardinal Carlos Ximenes Belo in which 10 people were killed, and on a church in Suai in which 27 died.
Although Baretto told the court he was not scared or under pressure to give testimony he appeared nervous, often giving just brief responses.
Both Baretto and Fereira also testified in another trial, that of former East Timor Governor Abilio Soares, held in a separate courtroom on Thursday. Soares is charged with the same crime as Silaen.
International rights groups are sceptical that the long-delayed rights court will deliver justice.
'War on terrorism' |
Agence France Presse - May 26, 2002
A former chief of Indonesia's intelligence agency has dismissed US allegations of Islamic terrorist bases in Indonesia and said it was unsupported by evidence.
"The entire statement is based on an analysis, not based on evidence," retired general Maulani told journalists in Solo, Central Java, on Saturday according to the Detikcom online news service.
Maulani said as Indonesia is composed of many islands and has a population of 220 million and because of the presence of some extreme Muslims in the community, US analysts concluded the Al Qaeda network must exist here.
The US State Department, in its annual "Patterns of Global Terrorism" report issued Tuesday, said Washington was concerned that terrorists related to al-Qaeda, Jemaah Islamiyah, and the KKM (the Malaysian Mujahideen Group) were operating in Indonesia.
"The US is trying to create the image there is an al-Qaeda network in this country, with the aim of forcing the Indonesian government to act more firmly, more proactively in taking part in the fight against what the Americans label, in quotes, terrorism," Maulani said.
He said the main aim behind the US accusation was to weaken the forces of Islam in Indonesia and to control its abundant natural resources.
"To maintain its sole superpower position, its war and economic industries should survive, and they need oil. The world's largest oil producers are in the Islamic world and that is why there is a need for US hegemony over the Islamic world," he said.
Maulani said he believed the United States was bent on dividing Indonesia into smaller states so that none will have the power or capability to stand up to the Americans.
"They are applying a preventive strategy, to prevent Islamic countreis, including Indonesia, from becoming advanced countries," he added. He said Indonesia should do all it could to safeguard national dignity in the face of such pressure.
"The problem is our dignity is burdened by 140 trillion rupiah [15.6 billion dollars] in debt. There is no dignity in the international world for debtors and the worst thing is that we are the world's largest debtor," Maulani said.
Government & politics |
Agence France Presse - May 29, 2002
An Indonesian minister has warned regions not to go ahead with a threat to blockade oil and gasfields in their areas following dissatisfaction about the revenue split with the central government.
"The blockade move would only scare investors away. We must realise that it is the people of the regions who will suffer most," Finance Minister Budiono was quoted by Wednesday's Jakarta Post newspaper as saying.
The Association of Oil and Gas Producing Districts has threatened to block oil and gas operations in their areas after June 1 if the central government fails to give them a greater share of revenues.
"This is not the time to make threats," Budiono said, adding that disagreements should be settled at the negotiating table.
Under current regulations the central government gives 15 percent of its after-tax earnings from oil operations back to the regions and 30 percent from gas.
Of the 15 percent, six percent goes to the district containing the oilfield, six percent is shared by other districts in the same province and three percent goes to provincial authorities.
For gas, 12 percent goes to the producing district, another 12 percent to other districts and six percent to the province. The district association is demanding that districts receive a six percent share of the government's pre-tax earnings.
A sweeping autonomy law, which took effect in January last year, gave regions in the huge archipelago more powers including revenue-raising.
Jakarta Post - May 30, 2002
Jakarta -- The government has backtracked on its earlier decision to review a law on regional autonomy and agreed to wait until an evaluation of the legislation is completed before making changes.
Speaking at the second national working meeting of the Association of Regency Administrations (Apkasi) here on Wednesday, Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno announced the government's decision not to review Law No. 22/1999 on regional autonomy as demanded by regional administrations.
The decision received noisy applause from around 150 regents who attended the meeting.
A proposal for revision of the law came from former director general of regional autonomy Sudarsono, who insisted that the law needed revision due to irregularities, particularly concerning budget allocations and the elections of the heads of regional administrations.
One of the most controversial contents of the draft of amendments to the law is an article that allows the president to dissolve regional legislatures.
Sudarsono's proposal resulted in strained relations between the central government and regency administrations, who suspected that it was only a ploy to return to a centralized system.
The threat issued by 48 regencies on Monday to blockade oil and gas operations due to a disappointing revenue split is the latest example of conflict between the central government and local governments in the wake of regional autonomy implementation.
Hari called on regional administrations to strive for improvements in the implementation of the law.
"It is time we took strategic measures to keep our commitment ... that regional autonomy is mandated by Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution and that the government is committed to improving the law and will not return to a centralized system," Hari said, as quoted by Antara.
The minister also called for close cooperation between the central government and provincial, regency as well as municipal administrations in implementing the law, to disseminate the law and to educate people on its implications.
Apkasi chairman Syaukani HR welcomed the decision as an encouraging shift from the government's earlier decision.
"This is an encouraging change after [the government] seemed to backtrack on regional autonomy simply because of some irregularities," said Syaukani.
"There is a better understanding on regional autonomy among regional administrations, thanks to efforts from the new director general of regional autonomy," he said, referring to Oentarto, Sudarsono's predecessor.
Meanwhile, Oentarto said he would issue operational regulations to support the implementation of the autonomy law. The regulations would deal with specific needs of certain regions, including their authority in maritime matters, forestry and port management, he said.
Jakarta Post - May 28, 2002
Ahmad Junaidi, Jakarta -- The City Council approved on Monday a regulation in the gubernatorial election that limits the public's participation in monitoring the election process, including the possibility of money politics.
Article 24 of the regulation states that the council may accept complaints against an elected governor from the public, but they should be filed through leaders of registered organizations within three days after the election.
The public's opportunity to report money politics has become even more limited as Article 27 states that the council will decide whether the complaint is valid if it is accompanied by written testimonies from more than one councillor. The chairman of the Jakarta Residents Forum (Fakta), Azas Tigor Nainggolan, said the council was trying to stop any public involvement in the election, which is scheduled to take place in October.
"It's a strange regulation and has no legal basis. It seems like the council has been trying to block the people's participation since the beginning," Tigor said.
He said it would be difficult for many organizations, which were critical of the city administration and council, to file their complaints as many of them, including Fakta, were unregistered.
He said the public's limited participation during the election process would be an open invitation to possible corruption and collusion practices among councillors and candidates.
Separately, councillor M. Chudlory Syafei of the United Development Party (PPP) denied that the regulation would result in rampant cases of corruption and collusion.
"It is not just because of a (weak) regulation, in many cases, if we want to conduct corruption, it could happen," said Chudlory, who will be installed as the council's deputy chairman, replacing Djafar Badjeber, who joined the party's splinter group PPP Reformasi.
In a related issue, Indonesian Military (TNI)/Police faction deputy chairman Ibnu Sumantri announced that his faction would not nominate any candidates for the next gubernatorial election.
"It would not be considered neutral if we also nominated candidates for the governorship," Sumantri said after the council's plenary meeting.
He said a military or police officer could nominate himself or herself or be nominated by other factions, but he or she should get permission from the military or a police chief.
However, Sumantri said his faction would support a candidate, for example, the incumbent Governor Sutiyoso, if he had strong support from the public.
Sutiyoso earlier expressed his willingness to be reelected for a second five-year term if the public supported him. Besides gaining support from the TNI/Police faction, he reportedly received support from several councillors from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan).
As the largest faction with 30 seats on council, PDI Perjuangan reportedly nominated its city chapter chairman Tarmidi Suhardjo and its central board deputy chairman Roy BB Janis.
The current deputy governor for Social Welfare Affairs, Djailani, and City Secretary Fauzi Bowo will also run in the election, which will be determined by the council's 83 councillors.
Regional/communal conflicts |
Jakarta Post - May 30, 2002
Lela E. Madjiah, Ambon -- Indonesian military personnel serving in Maluku face a tough choice: Remain loyal to the republic or leave the military.
The option was offered by Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) Chief Lt. Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu during a one-day visit to Ambon on May 20.
"If you prefer fighting for your place of origin or religion to being loyal to the state and the military, please leave the service," Ryamizard told the troops of Kostrad's 503rd Battalion, which is currently deployed in the province, at the Mahardika square in the city on Tuesday.
"The security forces are the nation's last line in defending the country's sovereignty as well as protecting its people, regardless of their religion and ethnic background," added Ryamizard, who ordered tough sanctions against deserters and soldiers who took sides with the warring parties.
Ryamizard has every reason to be tough on his troops. It is obvious that one factor behind the prolonged ethno-religious conflict in Maluku is failure of the security forces to remain neutral.
Under normal circumstances, if the state were facing a foreign enemy and loyalty of the troops were 100 percent guaranteed, Ryamizard's order would sound absurd. However, Maluku is not a normal situation. Troops are dealing with people they know, even their own flesh and blood.
This is not the first time soldiers have faced a heart-rending situation. The history of the republic is replete with secessionist movements that have sacrificed thousands of lives, both civilian and military, to keep the nation intact. All those struggles against armed separatist movements have also caused pain because they divided people who were once brothers and sisters into opposing camps.
The 13-year Darul Islam rebellion (1949-1962), for example, pitted government troops against the rebels, who had once fought alongside the military against Dutch colonial troops. More than that, both the rebels and many in the military shared the same background, having come from similar hometowns, sharing a language and a religion. During the fight against Darul Islam rebels in West Java, a Muslim stronghold, government troops faced an elusive and tough enemy that enjoyed support from the population because of its religious sentiment.
To ensure combat effectiveness, the government then deployed troops from outside Java to West Java to fight the Darul Islam rebels. At the same time, troops from Java were sent to Sumatra and Sulawesi to crush the PRRI/Permesta (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia/Perjuangan Semesta Alam) rebellion.
The situation in Maluku today is not exactly the same, as troops are not dealing with rebels, apart from those in the South Maluku Republic separatist movement. However, there are similarities between the situation in Maluku and the era when TNI had to quell various rebellions.
As in the past, religious and ethnic issues play a dominant factor in the Maluku conflict. On one hand soldiers must tread carefully along those lines, for otherwise they will not get popular support and will only create new enemies. On the other, they must be firm in dealing with armed civilians. The order is to take action against any armed civilian, although in reality that is not as simple as it might sound. This is especially true for soldiers at the military command (Kodam), who are mostly locals. Even if they don't take sides with the conflicting camps, it is understandable for them to sympathize with either camp for reasons of religious or cultural empathy.
Apart from that, it is difficult for soldiers to maintain loyalty to the state when their own lives are under threat. In Maluku military personnel have been threatened into taking sides, otherwise their lives and those of their families would be jeopardized.
"They [Christian and Muslim groups] threaten soldiers into joining them. Muslim or Christian militia would not hesitate to kill soldiers who refuse to fight on their side. Quite a few soldiers and policemen have been coerced into fighting for one camp or the other through fear for their own lives or those of their families," an Army colonel told The Jakarta Post.
Ryamizard's "ultimatum" is also a wake-up call to a harsh reality: That the Indonesian Military (TNI) has failed to command the loyalty of its troops. Haven't the troops pledged loyalty to the nation and the people, regardless of their ethnicity and religion, instead of to their religion or ethnicity? This is an issue TNI has to address, because failure to deal with this problem will not only cost TNI its troops but will also place the nation in jeopardy. When TNI, and the police, fail to provide protection for all and remain neutral in communal conflicts, then fears of disintegration will materialize into reality.
As part of an attempt to solve this problem, TNI has started sending local personnel out of the area and sending in soldiers from outside Maluku.
"We have also asked personnel not to join locals in performing their religious duties. Instead, we hold our own services, both for Muslims and Christians," said Lt. Col. Tri S., commander of Kostrad's 503rd Battalion.
He said the policy was enforced to ensure the soldiers' neutrality. "Once they worshiped alongside locals at the mosque or church, they would have emotional ties with the local people that would be difficult to sever," he explained.
According to Tri, the key to ending the conflict in Maluku was for security forces to be firm and neutral. "We can't do that when our own soldiers are divided along religious and ethnic lines. We must first 'clean' ourselves from divisive elements before we perform our task," he said.
Pattimura Military chief Brig. Gen. Mustopo, meanwhile, said he would approach the issue carefully. "We must have proof [before accusing someone of impartiality]," he told reporters, following Ryamizards' order.
So far no member of the Pattimura Military command has been charged with partiality. "There have been violations, but not serious ones like desertion, and the number is less than 20," he said.
However, an Army source said there were over 100 soldiers who had "defected" to their communities for fear of reprisal from their own people. They also took their weapons and ammunition with them, said the source.
His revelation explains Ryamizard's tough statement, but, as Mustopo said, it was a delicate matter that required more than just decisiveness, but wisdom as well.
Straits Times - May 30, 2002
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta -- The Indonesian armed forces (TNI) has been accused of imposing "concealed martial law" on the trouble- torn Maluku islands after initial attempts to impose it through the proper channels met with widespread opposition.
The TNI has deployed elite troops there as a show of force and to carry out "sweeping operations" against groups inciting religious violence.
The generals made clear that the decision to appoint Major- General Djoko Santoso, who concurrently heads the regional military command there, was aimed at uniting efforts by the authorities to end the protracted conflict.
A state of civil emergency was declared in northern Maluku in June 2000 while an oft-broken peace deal between warring Christian and Muslim extremists was signed in February this year.
Major-General Djoko would now be assisted by a one-star police officer which is in contradiction with the law.
Indonesian law states that the police are in charge of security with the military in charge of defence matters and, if needed, back up the police.
Observers said that it could be the 'first step' of a calculated military attempt to impose martial law in the region.
Military analyst Indria Samego of the Indonesian Institute of Social Sciences (Lipi) told The Straits Times: "This is really de facto martial law without the legal underpinnings. The military has been given the powers over the police and the civilian administration to end the conflict."
But contrary to arguments from non-governmental organisations that it could worsen the situation especially in the capital of Ambon, Dr Indria argued that putting the military charge could bring peace in an area where more than 5,000 people have been killed in sectarian violence over the past three years. "The sceptics might have got it wrong," he said.
"I think putting in more military troops into the area offers a solution to a conflict that has not been managed well by the police." The military is in the process of dispatching the 503rd Airborne Battalion of the elite Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) to the region. Last week, one company was flown in.
Two more companies and a support unit stationed in Malang, East Java, were being prepped for action to join soldiers of the 411st infantry battalion stationed in the Malukus.
If the plan went through without any hiccups, military strength in the territory would stand at less than a thousand to fight an estimated 700 extremists there.
Some, however, doubt whether sending in more soldiers will actually help to reduce tensions.
Political observer Ken Conboy from the Control Risks Group noted: "The TNI is obviously taking advantage of a window of opportunity here to end the violence. There has been a lull in the fighting in recent weeks, the area is small, and the number of radicals there finite. But they need to have military superiors that will give clear-cut instructions. That is not yet evident."
Human rights/law |
Straits Times - June 1, 2002
Robert Go, Jakarta -- Legislators, bureaucrats and even retired army generals are opening legal consultancies to make a quick buck.
Formal qualifications are not what count; connections with the bureaucracy and plain bribery are being used to win cases.
With lawyers attaining star status -- mobbed by reporters, featured in society columns and TV shows and earning high salaries -- it is not surprising that even those without formal qualifications have jumped onto the bandwagon.
For the former officials, getting certified as legal practitioners is just a matter of taking a one-day test administered by a provincial high court and the local bar association. No lengthy classroom training or apprenticeship period is required.
And as the government takes steps towards revamping and strengthening the judiciary, critics are beginning to question the impacts these "instant lawyers" and "double-profession officials" have on the legal system's credibility and effectiveness.
At the same time, there are a number of serving officials who find it difficult to give up practising law because it is so lucrative.
When lawyer A. Teras Narang became a national legislator a few years ago, he said that he gave up his private practice to focus on his new responsibilities.
The chairman of the House Law Commission, however, admits that he still acts as a consultant and collects fees for giving legal advice.
According to him, there is no conflict of interest between his public role and his private legal practice as he does not present and argue cases in courtrooms anymore.
Mr Teras is not the only working legal practitioner in parliament. Local media reports said other prominent legislators, including Messrs Patrialis Akbar, Hamdan Zoelva, Amin Arjoso and Julius Usman, remain active lawyers.
Within the Cabinet, Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra is said to retain a role in the law firm he belonged to before he become a member of the government.
The spotlight is also on people such as Major-General (Retired) Syamsu Djalal, former commander of military police, or former ranking prosecutors at the Attorney-General's office such as Mr Marthen Pongrekun, who is defending Parliamentary Speaker Akbar Tandjung on graft charges.
Some experts, such as editor Ibrahim Assegaf of legal portal hukumonline.com, argued that both conflict-of-interest and abuse-of-power issues are applicable.
"These are obviously people who can wield influence over legal decisions, through either their prior or current positions and connections," Mr Ibrahim said.
"It is not difficult to think of how they could win cases not on the merits of their legal arguments, but instead on non-legal factors, such as personal relationships with judges, prosecutors or well-placed political officials."
Bribery, both before and after certification as a lawyer, is a concern. The qualification tests, conducted in each of Indonesia's provinces, allow those who pass to practise law but are not standardised and uniformly monitored.
Observers said that applicants often paid hefty bribes to pass the tests and were more likely to "grease" their way through their caseloads compared to lawyers who actually earned their degrees after years of training.
They added that Indonesia now needed comprehensive regulations on legal practitioners, the certification process and the legal code of ethics.
Mr Ibrahim said: "At stake is not only the quality of legal professionals in Indonesia, but the legitimacy of the country's legal system."
Focus on Jakarta |
Straits Times - June 1, 2002
Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- The battle is on for the most lucrative governor's position in Indonesia.
The Jakarta Governor's seat is hotly sought after, offering enormous power and prestige in the country's most populous and richest of cities.
Nominations for the October gubernatorial election open next week and the contest is expected to be stiff, with powerful national politicians from President Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P party competing with Golkar stalwarts. The influential current Governor Sutiyoso is likely to run for a second term.
The post is sought not only for the connections it offers to the country's leading politicians but also because the incumbent has the final say over large-scale projects in the city or any other projects which concern planning or environmental laws. Indeed, the governor is courted by the capital's businesses.
After much criticism, Jakarta's local parliament this year decided to change the process of electing the governor to allow candidates outside the political parties to be nominated by community and non-government groups. However, the governor will still not be directly elected by the city's 10 million inhabitants but by the 83 members of local parliament.
The plan has come under fire. In an editorial this week, the Jakarta Post said it still 'opens the possibility of money politics and horse-trading, which was a trademark of the old system'.
The Centre for Electoral Reform (Cetro) has been calling for direct elections to avoid 'money politics' or the practice of the richest candidates buying the councillors' votes.
In Jakarta and several other cities, said Ms Smita Notosusanto of Cetro, the PDI-P had won the most seats but a candidate from the military faction or the Golkar party was often nominated the governor, mayor or parliament chairman because they could buy votes.
Mr Sutiyoso, she said, had managed to overcome opposition from the local parliament last year by approving a request to buy the councillors new cars, He can "buy off" the councillors and may be elected again despite his poor performance.
According to the Public Servants Wealth Audit Commission, Mr Sutiyoso is Indonesia's richest governor with his land and investments valued at 11.931 billion rupiah.
Like previous governors, he is an ex-military commander and has been criticised for his handling of the recent floods, the high pollution levels and the inadequate public transport.
Mr Laode Ide, from the Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency, said the local parliament is often persuaded to ignore the major problems facing Jakarta.
In return for not criticising his performance, he said, the governor reportedly approves frequent overseas study tours for councillors.
But Mr Sutiyoso is hardly an anomaly. According to The Jakarta Post, all of Jakarta's governors since the early sixties -- with the sole exception of Mr Ali Sadikan -- had not amounted to much.
Mr Marco Kusimwijaya, a town planner who plans to offer himself as a candidate, said Jakarta needed a new style of governor.
"Jakarta is one of the worst cities in South East Asia. I am curious about why it can't do better when there are so many ways the government can raise money," he said.
Straits Times - May 29, 2002
Devi Asmarani, Jakarta -- Indonesia's capital is still reeling from the effects of severe flooding three months ago with some areas submerged in water, major roads damaged by huge potholes and some residents without proper housing.
Several Jakarta groups are suing the government for failing to address the problems that affected more than 360,000 when the floods hit early February. Sixty died from drowning or flood- related diseases then.
A sharp increase in the number of people living below the poverty line in the capital has been reported after the floods. In the worst-hit north Jakarta area, the number of poverty-stricken families jumped to nearly 38,000, up from 29,000.
At many public schools, classrooms remained in poor shape despite the government's pledge to renovate them, and one five-star hotel -- the Regent -- remained closed for major restoration.
Property prices in west and north Jakarta have dived as some areas are still submerged.
As flood canal projects have yet to begin, many people in flood- prone areas live in fear of another deluge each time it rains.
According to government reports, the floods have damaged 17,000 phone lines, 1,570 electrical relay stations, roads, 10 bridges, 218 schools, and 100,000 homes.
The government has allocated 250 billion rupiah to rehabilitate public facilities and some private homes. Yet, most of the projects have not started. The city's Public Works Office said that the rehabilitation programmes had been slow because the money had not been disbursed. But others blame corruption.
Officials of the Jakarta administration have been accused of misappropriating much of the funds allocated for flood rehabilitation, as well as donations from private parties to flood victims.
Ms Wardah Hafidz of the Urban Poor Consortium told The Straits Times: "The city officials are using the disaster for personal profit." Earlier, Jakarta Deputy Governor Djaelani has admitted that much of a 3.3 billion rupiah received from various businesses during a charity event in March for the flood victims had been kept in the personal account of Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso.
The reason given to the press was that the administration was waiting for more money from other donors before disbursing the funds.
As a result, many people eligible for aid have not received it. And for those who did, they received only a portion of it as their local district leaders took a cut from the funds.
"Some did not get it because they were Christians and so are assumed to receive aid form churches, and many poor ethnic Chinese families did not receive it simply because they are Chinese," Ms Wardah said.
But most people did not get the aid because they lived illegally in makeshift homes, she said, despite the fact that they had been worst hit.
The Urban Poor Consortium and several other NGOs are leading the move to sue President Megawati Sukarnoputri, Mr Sutiyoso and West Java Governor A.R. Nuriana for compensation and neglect.
Fifteen of the plaintiffs represent the tens of thousands of residents who suffered because of the floods.
They are demanding 100 million rupiah in compensation for material losses and another 1.2 trillion rupiah to repair damaged public facilities.
Environment |
Straits Times - May 30, 2002
Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- The international environmental group Greenpeace, which is renowned for its confrontational stance towards governments, has been invited by Indonesia to help fight illegal logging, in a sign that Jakarta is getting desperate to prevent the widespread destruction of its environment.
Environment Minister Nabiel Makarim said the fight to contain illegal logging here was as difficult to stop as the drug trade in the United States, and it could not be fought only from within Indonesia.
Indonesia's illegal logging industry is estimated to be worth around US$5 billion per year. "We asked Greenpeace to help stop it because there is a parallel with drugs fighting in the US. The US cannot get the Colombians to stop producing drugs if the demand on the streets is still there. As long as other countries buy our illegal timber we cannot stop it," Mr Nabiel told The Straits Times.
He invited Greenpeace on the sidelines of the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Bali. The group welcomed the invitation to assist Indonesia. "Greenpeace will try to track the shipment of illegal logs," said its spokesman Remi Peremier.
No details were forthcoming on how the environmental group would be tracking the shipments heading out or whether it would be heading to Indonesia's rainforests to check on the destruction there.
He said Greenpeace would try to pressure Western markets into buying only timber that came from forests which had been managed sustainably.
A recent World Bank Study said that all of Sumatra's forests would be destroyed by logging in five years, while those in Kalimantan would be destroyed in 10 years.
Local environmental groups called on the Indonesian government to close the markets to the biggest buyers of Indonesia's timber. "If they want to stop illegal logging they should close the markets for Singapore and Malaysia as they are the largest buyers of Indonesian timber, and then close sales to Japan, Taiwan and South Korea," said Ms Emmy Hafild from the environmental group Wahli.
But she said the timber sold to these markets came with a certificate -- thus appearing to be legal.
Corruption within the police, the armed forces, and forestry and ports officials allows for huge amounts of illegal timber to be sold and shipped throughout Asia.
Mr Nabiel said that in February, Indonesia put in place a temporary ban on the export of all logs to halt the flow of illegal timber. "Now anything going outside the country is illegal, so we are asking countries not to buy Indonesian logs," he said.
Health & education |
Jakarta Post - May 30, 2002
Damar Harsanto, Jakarta -- How can students study and their teachers concentrate on their work under a classroom ceiling that is threatening to fall on them at anytime? Yul Indira, the principal of state elementary school SD Pisangan Baru 13 in East Jakarta, may be able to answer the question.
Last week, an entire ceiling of one classroom collapsed while parts of the ceiling of two other rooms also disintegrated. No one was hurt as the three classrooms were abandoned just months ago.
Yul told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday that she had lodged a complaint about the poor condition of her school buildings last year, but thus far the city administration had yet to provide funding for renovations, except for the three-monthly maintenance installment of Rp 900,000 (US$100).
She said that as the building's condition worsened, she decided to leave three of the eight classrooms vacant and move the students to the safety of other classrooms.
Strong odors from a chicken farm, which is only 20 meters away from the school, makes things worse. It even forced one teacher to wear a mask. "The smell gets stronger at midday, especially in the dry season," said Slamet, the teacher.
It is not the only elementary school building which is in urgent need of repair. Many other schools are in a poor condition.
Take the nearby SD Pisangan Baru 11 and SD Pisangan Baru 05, for example. Some of the schools' rooftops are bending, obviously about to fall as the wooden columns continue to decay.
Only 25 meters in front of SD Pisangan Baru 05, there is a huge temporary dump site emanating strong odors.
According to data from the city education agency made available to The Jakarta Post, there are 387 state elementary school buildings in the capital which need repair.
There are a total of 2,334 state elementary schools and 750 private elementary schools with more than 810,000 students.
Meanwhile, Cecep Supendi, chief of the building section at the city education agency, admitted that many schools could not be immediately renovated due to limited funds from the city administration.
"The fund is very limited, it is not enough to cover all the damaged school buildings in the capital simultaneously," Cecep said.
Cecep also admitted to a lengthy bureaucratic process before any school could be renovated. "We can only propose the plan, but the technical and final decision is in the hands of the respective mayoralty administrations," Cecep said.
According to Cecep's estimation, the damaged building of SD Pisangan Baru 13 would cost Rp 300 million to repair.
Meanwhile, in contrast to Cecep's claim of a lack of funds, a team of officials from the East Jakarta Mayoralty education office visited SD Pisangan Baru 05 on Wednesday to check on a package of chairs donated as part of the post-flood support program.
"We are here to check the desks and chairs which had been delivered as part of the post-flood support program and whether or not the numbers fit with the report," said an official. "But don't ask about the quality," he added, effectively admitting to their poor quality.
To his surprise, a teacher commented that the school was in dire need of cash to repair the buildings instead of chairs and desks. The school building, the teacher claimed, was not affected by the flood which hit Jakarta in January and February this year.
International relations |
Bloomberg News - May 29, 2002
Mark Drajem, Washington -- The Bush administration is calling on Indonesia to rein in the military's financial empire, saying profit-making ventures have allowed the armed forces to become unaccountable to the central government.
The administration is seeking $16 million to train Indonesia's armed forces to fight terrorism, a step some analysts say may also be an attempt to gain leverage over the military, which has been accused of human rights abuses.
As little as half the army's funding comes from the central government, with the rest derived from smuggling, bribes and profits from army-owned industries, analysts say.
"We favor steps to put the military [in the budget], so that they will be accountable to the government," said Matt Daley, deputy assistant secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, at a discussion at the United States-Indonesia Society.
The US says the nation of 17,000 islands and 230 million people may become a haven for anti-US terrorists and wants the aid to help the army quell violence in far-flung territories.
The administration is trying to expand ties with the Indonesian police and military to curb the terror threat in the predominantly Muslim nation.
"We've got reasonable indications that international terrorists may use Indonesia as a base of operations," Daley said. "But because of human rights concerns, our contacts [with the army] must be limited."
Mass killings
Congress has kept those ties more limited than the Bush administration would like, since Indonesia's military was accused of mass killings in East Timor three years ago, Daley said.
The US House of Representatives already cut out $8 million of the funds that the White House was seeking for Indonesia's military. The other aid is meant to train and equip an anti- terrorism police unit.
Critics say the US is already moving in the wrong direction by proposing to expand ties with the army.
Indonesia has witnessed a breakdown in law and order since Suharto, who ruled for three decades with the military's backing, was ousted in 1998. The government of President Megawati Soekarnoputri wants the military to scale back its role.
"The US policy towards the army should be one of benign neglect," said Bill Liddle, an expert on the Indonesian military at Ohio State University. "The army is the main short- and medium- term threat to Indonesian unity and democracy."
Formal accounting
Daley said the US tried to push the army in one region to make a formal accounting of its assets, sell most of them to private investors and give the proceeds to the central government, as a demonstration project. "The idea didn't get any resounding applause," he said.
The US, whose alliance with Indonesia frayed after the East Timor killings, has been embracing the country in recent months. It backed $347 million in International Monetary Fund loans last month to the world's most populous Muslim nation.
The Bush administration last year avoided the 1999 congressional restriction on aid, creating a $17.9 million program for counter-terrorism efforts that includes Indonesia, by including the money in a part of the budget not covered by the legislation.
Indonesia is the fifth-largest recipient of US development aid, collecting $194 million in 2000, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
`Less than cooperative'
The US is taking such actions even though the Indonesian government "has been less than cooperative in the war on terrorism, largely neglecting administration requests regarding terrorist suspects and their assets," several interest groups wrote recently to Powell and Rumsfeld.
The letter's 40 signatories were leaders of religious and professional groups including Physicians for Social Responsibility and the Federation of American Scientists.
The proposal to give aid to the army to counter domestic unrest is an end-run around that prohibition, Liddle said.
"You Americans are not patient enough" in relying on the elected government to fight anti-US terrorists, said Salim Said, an analyst on the Indonesian military. "Now you are turning to your old friend, the military."
Still, Said said the US has the correct idea in trying to eliminate the private financial empire the Indonesian army has developed.
"The Indonesian parliament does not control the budget of the military, and so it does not have 100 percent control of the military," Said said. "The only way we can change that attitude is to say `We pay you, now do what we say.'"