APSN Indonesia News Digest 12 - March 24-30, 2002

Hamish McDonald -- Australia yesterday announced it would no longer submit to international legal rulings on maritime boundaries -- after leading lawyers advised East Timor that Canberra was poised to rob it of tens of billions of dollars in oil and gas revenue.

The Attorney-General, Daryl Williams, and the Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, said Australia would henceforth exclude maritime boundaries from compulsory dispute settlements in the International Court of Justice -- the "World Court" sitting at The Hague -- and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea.

The statement came after a weekend seminar in Dili heard expert legal advice that East Timor should own most of the biggest natural gas fields so far discovered in the sea, including the huge Greater Sunrise resource being developed by Woodside, Shell, Phillips and Osaka Gas.

The former head of the United States oil company Unocal, John Imle, also disputed the widely accepted view that the deep Timor Trench, north of these fields, blocked a pipeline to East Timor. This view has been the basis of plans to land the gas near Darwin, giving billions of dollars in industrial spin-offs to Australia.

East Timor may be offered the funds to mount a case at the World Court by a US oil company, PetroTimor, which has a separate dispute with Canberra over offshore oil concessions.

The prospect has rung alarm bells in the Federal and Northern Territory governments, although the offices of Mr Williams and Mr Downer denied yesterday's decision was linked to the Timor Sea issue, and had been considered "for quite some time". The ministers said "Australia's strong view is that any maritime boundary dispute is best settled by negotiation rather than litigation".

It is not clear, however, that Canberra has evaded a World Court case. A lawyer advising PetroTimor, Ron Nathans of the Sydney law firm Deacons, said the announcement did not mean Australia was immediately out of the court's ambit. "Australia is not out of it today," Mr Nathans said. "Australia cannot just walk away."

The advice has also caused consternation in East Timor, which has been getting ready to sign a petroleum development treaty with Australia, based on current boundaries and giving a revenue split in the joint zone of 90:10 in Dili's favour, almost as soon as it attains independence. East Timor's chief negotiator, Mari Alkatiri, who is likely to be the new nation's first prime minister, has flown hurriedly to London with a UN legal officer to seek urgent advice.

Mr Nathan said although the draft treaty with Australia, agreed by negotiators last July, set aside any boundary disputes, it could be seen as acquiescence in claims by parties affected by a future attempt to change the boundaries.

The Dili seminar heard advice from two international law experts, Professor Vaughan Lowe of Oxford University and the Sydney barrister Christopher Ward, that current maritime law would swing the lateral boundaries of East Timor's offshore zone to the east and west, giving it at least 80 per cent of the Greater Sunrise fields and potentially 100 per cent -- as opposed to the 20 per cent under present boundaries.

A leading oil and gas engineer, Geoffrey McKee, said that over the economic life of Greater Sunrise -- 2009 to 2050 -- such changed boundaries would give East Timor up to $US36 billion ($68 billion) more in government revenue than the $US8 billion it can now expect. Australia's share would shrink from $US28 billion to nothing. East Timor could expect to add almost $US4 billion more from the small Laminaria/Corallina oil fields on the western side of the joint zone, and from the Bayu-Undan field inside the zone.

Unemployment a major concern in East Timor

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2002

Yemris Fointuna, Dili -- Life is hard in East Timor despite three years after it voted to break away from Indonesia, unemployment remains a serious problem plaguing the country's former province, currently under the UN administration.

Most of the local workforce are jobless due to the limited vacancies and lack of business capital on their part.

Victor Diaz Quintas, head of Fuiloro-Lospalos in Lautem regency, said that East Timor seceded from Indonesia in 1999, social problems began to confront local residents with unemployment and economic problems becoming firm.

"All jobs are controlled by Untaet (the United Nations Administration for East Timor). Here, job opportunities are hard to find, while people have to work hard to fulfill their daily needs," he told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.

Victor hopes local authorities will manage to tackle the unemployment problem after the definitive government is formed in the next few months. East Timor will be declared a full independent state on May 20.

A similar grievance was expressed by head of Bahu village Francisco da Costa in Baucau regency. He said unemployment tops the social problem in the territory. Though public activities are carried out normally, local people struggle to survive.

Ironically, many residents in the districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem are forced to barter goods because dollars are hard to find, which is the official currency in East Timor. "Frankly speaking, we have difficulties in finding dollars. Some of our community members have to exchange chickens with rice or vise versa because there is no money. Others barter goats with pigs," Francisco said. "It's not hard to obtain food because we have plots of farm land," he added.

He admitted that many of the workforce in his region cannot find employment in government agencies due to their inadequate skills which are required for the jobs. "Most of our youths are jobless. There are no employment opportunities, as almost all the local government agencies are manned with foreign staff. Maybe, our youths do not have adequate skills to apply for the jobs," Francisco said.

Secretary General of the Timor Socialist Party Avelino M.C. da Silva has been alarmed by the current situation, in which social problems remain a headache in the newly-independent country. Citing no official data on the number of jobless in the 800,000- populated country, he predicted that at least 30 percent of the population are unemployed.

He urged the upcoming definitive administration to prioritize the handling of unemployment and economic problems. "To maintain security and prevent unforeseen social upheavals, the government should be able to provide protection and job opportunities for its people. So, the state economy will grow normally," said Avelino, a former political prisoner.

Pro-independence leader Alexander "Xanana" Gusmao, the strongest presidential candidate for East Timor, pledged on Monday to improve the people's welfare, should he win the election. "We have to start development from the low level. Hopefully, between 15 and 20 years the people will be able to have their own houses. There will be no jobless and our economy will be better," he said.

Baucau Regent Marito Reis, meanwhile, said the presence of Untaet in East Timor was aimed only at stabilizing the situation and protecting the local people. "The Untaet comes here not to carry out development activities. They just want to protect people who faced terror following the 1999 independence ballot, and to prepare East Timor to be a democratic state that highly respects justice and truth," he said in his campaign speech in Lautem.

e case to create friction between Australia and Indonesia. It was also likely that the main target of this attack was not Australia but the Indonesian government itself.

East Timorese vow to forgive ex-militiamen

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2002

Yemris Fointuna, Dili -- East Timorese residents want their compatriots -- including former anti-independence militiamen -- currently sheltering at refugee camps in East Nusa Tenggara to return home, signifying their full acceptance in their homeland.

Pro-Indonesia militias were blamed for the rampage in East Timor when it voted to break away from Indonesia in August 1999. The violence forced some 250,000 people to flee to East Nusa Tenggara for safety, but many of them have returned home. The remainder -- about 128,000 refugees -- are reluctant to return to East Timor, despite the threat of starvation in the camps, until after the UN-administered territory becomes a fully independent state on May 20.

The Indonesian government has ceased the supply of food assistance to the refugees and has offered two choices: repatriation or resettlement in Sumatra, Sulawesi or Kalimantan. The halt to food aid has created food shortages in the camps. Local residents have complained of some cases of intimidation, violence and blackmail by refugees struggling to feed themselves.

Some pro-Indonesia refugees fear revenge may be taken against them by pro-independence East Timorese if they return home, though their leaders have vowed to guarantee security for returning people.

East Timorese residents living in the districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lospalos said they missed their fellow townspeople still in East Nusa Tenggara. "There is no revenge planned for pro-autonomy [Indonesia] East Timorese. Those involved in the murders and scorched-earth activities in East Timor will have to face the law. Civilians have no right to try them. They should come home and stay in their respective houses," Marito Reis, temporary head of the Baucau administration, told The Jakarta Post on Sunday.

He said at least 600 refugee families from Baucau were still living in East Nusa Tenggara. "They used to be civil servants, police, soldiers and civilians. Some of them have been identified as former members of militias involved in the post-ballot scorched-earth activities in East Timor," Marito added.

Support for the repatriation of refugees also comes from Francisco da Costa, 58, head of Baucau village, who has pledged to accept militiamen willing to return. "If there are militia members wanting to return home, please go ahead. We will not take revenge against them nor ill-treat them. We want to live in peace," he said.

Viqueque tribal leader Joao Matheos da Costa, 66, said he and local residents were ready to protect all returning refugees, including pro-autonomy ones, from any possible attack. A similar opinion was voiced by Agustino Soares, a 23-year youth from Watulea village, and Abili da Costa, a resident from Viqueque.

They told the Post that the youths of East Timor did want to see the future of East Timor destroyed again merely due to different political aspirations of locals. "Although we are divided on our political ideology, we still love those still in West Timor. We don't have a sense of revenge, although some of them used to serve as militiamen," said Agustino. Anything they are guilty of should be tried by the courts, he added. "We will return their houses, land and other assets to them."

In Lospalos, 30-year-old Aramando da Costa from Lautem district said on Monday: "Many of our brothers are still in West Timor. If they return home, we will welcome them warmly. The law has taken effect. There is no "jungle law" here because we want a democratic country".

Gusmao, East Timor's reluctant but inevitable leader

Reuters - March 27, 2002

Joanne Collins, Jakarta -- Whether he wants to lead the world's newest nation or not, East Timor's independence hero Xanana Gusmao looks bound to get the job.

A legend among the people and one of the best political talents the territory has to offer, Gusmao is the hot favourite to win the two-man presidential race just over two weeks away.

And despite grumbles about what some see as posturing and irritating ambivalence, most analysts think his charisma and high international profile will be good for the tiny territory as it emerges into nationhood.

"His reputation as a leader goes almost beyond human -- people look up to him like some kind of mythical figure," said Colin Stewart, head of political affairs at the United Nations in East Timor.

But the softly spoken poet and former guerrilla leader often seems a reluctant president-in-waiting who would prefer breeding farm animals and pottering around in a vegetable garden to leading a nation that has endured centuries of foreign occupation.

East Timor has been under UN administration since a landslide vote to break away from 24 years of harsh Indonesian rule in August 1999. The result unleashed a wave of violence by machete- wielding gangs of militia, backed by elements of the Indonesian military, who set the territory ablaze and killed more than 1,000 people according to UN estimates.

Gusmao's on-again, off-again attitude toward leading East Timor, which will be declared formally independent on May 20, comes as no surprise to 28-year-old Nuno Rodrigues and his friends. "He says he doesn't want to lead but we all know Xanana changes his mind many times -- it's a normal thing," said Rodrigues, director of a local education institute.

He believes the 55-year-old Gusmao genuinely wants to lead the people but lacks patience for the daily political fray.

A spoiled brat?

Gusmao's ambivalence and political posturing has ruffled many feathers in the United Nations and among Timor's political elite.

Last year he stepped down as president of East Timor's de facto parliament, the UN-appointed East Timor National Council, in protest against what he said was political chaos hampering the territory's drive to independence.

Earlier this month he threatened to pull out of the presidential election over the use of party logos on the ballot. "Sometimes he acts like a spoiled brat and ironically, everybody looks at Xanana as the consensus person, the one who unites everybody," said one political source.

Gusmao's only rival in the April 14 elections, Francisco Xavier do Amaral, has so far come off as a more accommodating and less petulant candidate, and averted a political standoff over the party logo issue. But the older and less charismatic Xavier do Amaral will likely present a feeble challenge.

"In the villages of East Timor, from what I hear, he has a very good touch with the people," said head of the National Democratic Institute in East Timor, Jim Della-Giacoma. "But he doesn't speak in sound bites and people who see him work the villages see him as having political skills but not ones which may look good on CNN."

Knuckle down

There is also an expectation Gusmao will knuckle down once elected and accept the responsibility of leadership. "My feeling is that once he's elected, the ... office will weigh on him to exercise true leadership in building the bridges and consensus as he always did in the past," said Nobel peace laureate and senior minister Jose Ramos-Horta.

Della-Giacoma said the biggest challenge for Gusmao will be to function as part of a democratic government. "There are going to be a few difficult years ahead and good teamwork from all the institutions of government, rather than relying on one person, will be required," Della-Giacoma said.

But analysts say East Timor's parliamentary system with its limited presidential powers is tailor-made for Gusmao. "This is a guy who spent more than 10 years in the jungle and six years in prison and who really does not have much understanding or patience for all the details that go into supporting the broader principles," said one Western observer.

Gusmao, born the second son in a family of nine children in the seafront town of Manatuto, spent four years at a Jesuit seminary in East Timor and also attended Dili High School but never finished.

He is expecting a second child with his second wife, long time Australian partner Kirsty Sword who he married in July 2000. He also has two children from a previous marriage.

Gusmao bears few grudges against giant neighbour and former ruler Indonesia which sentenced him to 20 years in jail for leading an armed resistance movement. His enormous capacity to forgive and calming influence on the people will be central to healing the divisions of the ransacked territory.

Timor gas billions all at sea

Sydney Morning Herald - March 27, 2002

East Timor may be offered the funds to mount a case at the World Court by a US oil company, PetroTimor, which has a separate dispute with Canberra over offshore oil concessions.

East Timor refugees left to fend for themselves

Inter Press Service - March 23, 2002

Prangtip Daorueng, Jakarta -- Two months after the Indonesian government put an end to humanitarian assistance to East Timorese refugees living in West Timor, these displaced people are on the brink of starvation, their lives mired in uncertainty.

Jakarta had hoped stopping the assistance would encourage the tens of thousands of refugees to leave the camps and either return home or settle in Indonesia, but this is not happening.

"We no longer have any self-respect," Gustaf L. Lapenangga, coordinator of the East Timorese refugee camp in West Timor's Tuapukan village, bitterly told the press. "We are hungry and even sleep in wet places. It's as though we are animals."

Early this month, Gustaf and coordinators of other camps came to the regional government office in Kupang regency in Indonesian- controlled West Timor to ask for help. Many refugees, they said, were struggling to survive, and emergency help was badly needed to prevent starvation. Driven to desperation, some people are resorting to crime.

Jakarta says it stopped humanitarian due to a lack of funds. But the government also hoped that it would ease what could well be a long burden of hosting refugees, if cutting assistance speeds up the process of repatriation or resettlement for the refugees remaining in Indonesian territory.

"It is related. The fact that central government has withdrawn support will make people decided weather to go back [to East Timor] or to remain as a part of Indonesia," said M. Riefqi Muna, an expert on East Timor and executive director of The Ridep Institute, a Jakarta-based NGO focusing on Indonesian security affairs. "This will help release the burden for the government since Indonesia is now full of other problems to be solved," he added.

More than 250,000 East Timorese were forced to flee to West Timor in 1999 after pro-Jakarta militia groups, many backed by the Indonesian military, went on a rampage of killings in East Timor after it voted for independence from Indonesia. With help from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 200,000 refugees have already returned home as East Timor prepares for independence in May.

The number of refugees remaining in West Timor, however, is still unclear. Reports from West Timor and inside Indonesia say that around 108,000 refugees are still in West Timor, but the UNHCR and the World Food Program (WFP) put the number at 70,000 to 80,000.

Whatever the exact figure might be, what is certain is that the remaining refugees have been suffering more hardships since humanitarian assistance was halted. Local media reported that food shortages are forcing people to cut down on meals or to find alternatives to rice, like cassava. Many refugees have been eating twice a day.

The situation has worsened since early March. Many desperate refugees began to search for food in nearby forests around the camps. One camp coordinator said that many are ending up eating leaves, fruits and all kinds of tubers for survival.

The deteriorating situation in the camps also creates problems for local communities near them, who say there have been more thefts and robberies. Nikolaus Ria Hepa, a resident in Noelbaki village, told the press: "With the scarcity of food as their motivation, they do what they want." In some areas of West Timor, the number of refugees has exceeded that of local residents.

Meantime, local authorities are going to extremes to address reports of crime. Recently, local military commander Maj. Gen. Wellem T. da Costa ordered soldiers to shoot any East Timor refugee found committing violence against villagers near the camps.

To reduce tensions, the West Timor provincial government announced on Mar. 6 that it would provide rice to selected refugees in the most vulnerable situations. But beyond these issues, it appears that the Indonesian government has all but decided to let the regional government of West Timor deal with the refugee situation by itself.

International organizations have expressed understanding for Jakarta's reasons for ending assistance. The English-language daily Jakarta Post quoted UNHCR regional director Raymond Hall as saying that while his organization was concerned about the financial woes that prevented Indonesia's provision of aid, it was not willing to resume large-scale humanitarian assistance in West Timor.

Instead, Hall said, UNHCR would only support Indonesia in repatriation and local resettlement projects, because East Timor was ready to receive the remaining refugees. "We have confirmed with them that various assistance including food assistance and local resettlement are available for them by the time they want to return to East Timor," he explained.

But the bigger issue is why the tens of thousands of refugees in West Timor still remain there more than two years after the 1999 independence vote.

Some reports in the Indonesian media said that the refugees refused to leave the camps until East Timor officially becomes an independent state on May 20 this year. But even before that, international organizations have said there were obstacles in getting access to the refugees since 1999. Humanitarian organizations had face high security risks and tight control of the camps by militia groups.

A Human Rights Watch report in 1999 pointed out that militia groups have been trying to prevent refugees from returning home. Based on interviews with a hundred refugees who returned to East Timor in 1999, the report said militia had used different tactics to discourage them from leaving West Timor, such as the spread of false information on security in East Timor, threats and violence. There were also reports that convoys run by humanitarian organizations to bring refugees back to East Timor were stopped.

As a result, said the HRW report, many refugees filled out a survey form that they wanted to stay in West Timor instead of returning to East Timor, out of fear that their lives would be threatened by militia groups.

"Certain militia groups have used them [refugees] to bargain with the central government for protection from [East Timor government]," added Muna of the Ridep Institute. "If the situation in the camps is still the same (as in 1999 and 2000), it is still difficult for refugees to make decision to return to East Timor." Still, he said, he believes many refugees would consider returning home. "I think they will go back, but on the condition that they will be welcomed in East Timor. And I think the East Timorese will welcome them back," he added.

East Timor's leaders have encouraged the refugees to return to help rebuild the nation. This would also ease the touchy matter of refugees between the East Timor and Indonesian governments. Yet the refugees in West Timor are but some of Indonesia's internal refugees, with many more in different parts of the country from ongoing conflicts.

A WFP report in January said there are more than 1.3 million internally displaced persons throughout Indonesia. This includes 260,000 in Maluku, 200,000 in North Maluku, 189,000 in Central and East Java, 301,000 in Sulawesi, 48,000 from Aceh, and 16,000 in Papua.

Assembly extends legislative powers, calls recess

UNTAET Daily Briefing - March 25, 2002

The Legislative Assembly, formerly known as the Constituent Assembly, called a two-week recess today after extending its powers over the weekend to cover the remaining two months before East Timor's independence.

The Assembly fulfilled its primary mandate on Friday -- promulgation of the Constitution -- but still has several tasks to complete before it officially transforms itself into East Timor's legislature upon independence on 20 May.

To keep the Assembly working, UN Transitional Administrator Sergio Vieira de Mello submitted a proposed amendment to UNTAET Regulation 2001/2, which spelled out procedures on the popular election and duties of the Constituent Assembly. The amendment was passed Saturday by 68 of the Assembly's 88 members. The remaining 20 members were absent.

After returning from a holiday recess on 8 April, the Assembly is expected to take on the following tasks:

Set its internal rules and committee structures;
Debate six high-priority pieces of legislation, including a labour code; a telecommunications bill; a public broadcasting bill and a national budget proposal to be presented at the Donor Conference in Dili 14-15 May;
Consider what international conventions and treaties should be ratified during independence celebrations.

Separately today, the Assembly nearly completed work in its internal budget for 2002-2003. Agreed changes to the estimated US$ 1 million budget will be completed in committee tomorrow before Assembly Speaker Fransisco "Lu-Olo" Guterres signs it and forwards it to the Council of Ministers.

Labour struggle

Hundreds of doctors go on strike in Lampung

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2002

Oyos Saroso, Bandar Lampung -- Three hundred and twenty nine temporarily-employed doctors went on strike in Bandar Lampung, protesting to late payment of salaries, demanding a rise in allowances and guaranteed full-time employment, on Tuesday.

The doctors, who are members of the Communication Forum for general practitioners and dentists (Forsidogi), previously held a demonstration at the Lampung Health Agency.

"We have to go on strike today, as the government did not respond to our demands during the demonstration," said Lampung Forsidogi Chairman, Basuki. "If there is no response by March 28 then we will go on a national strike, as agreed in our latest meeting in Jakarta."

He said that the doctors' demands was normal as their jobs were no different from permanently-employed doctors. He noted that the government should not refer to them as charity workers because they are human beings, and also need finances for their everyday needs.

One of the doctors, Indah, who works at the public health center in Sukarame admitted that she joined the strike. "But according to my professional oath, if in case of an emergency I have to do my duty as a doctor," she said.

Aji, another doctor working at the public health center in Gunung Sugih, Central Lampung, said that he had been on strike since March 18 to comply with the agreement reached during Forsidogi meeting in Jakarta. "I come to my office but I do not provide any medical services," he said. Elizabeth, a doctor from Metro, also said that she did the same to comply with the agreement.

They acknowledged that the strike was actually prompted by a short message service (SMS) sent by an unidentified person using a mobile phone. There was also a letter, which was signed by Lampung Health Agency chief, Sofyan A.T., asking the doctors in the province to go on strike.

Sofyan, however, denied that he signed the letter, which was sent to a number of doctors in the province. He said that he signed a letter which contained a number of doctor's signatures, but he added that he signed it in a personal capacity, not as chairman of the Lampung Health Agency.

A doctor, who refused to be identified, said: "I'm confused. This will possibly take much longer as they have planned to hold a national strike if the government does not fulfill their demands," he said. But he said that the doctors' salaries were low but were paid late. "That's why they demand a rise in their allowances," he said.

There is no confirmed report whether the doctors nationwide will hold a national strike if the government does not pay serious attention to the demands.

Indonesian workers threaten strike over Indosat sale

Agence France Presse - March 26, 2002

Jakarta -- Telecoms workers on Tuesday threatened to go on strike if the government went ahead with plans to sell its 65 percent stake in international call operator PT. Indonesia Satellite Corp (Indosat).

"A strike will be the last resort. We are negotiating with the state enterprise ministry but it seems they are reluctant to discuss our proposals," said Abu Syukur Nasution of ISP Postel, a union of employees in the postal and telecoms sectors. "There's still miscommunication," Nasution said.

The strike is supported by staff at the state-run telephone operator PT. Telekomunikasi Indonesia (Telkom) and postal service PT. Pos Indonesia, Nasution said, adding that no date has been determined. He said the workers would only carry out the strike threat if the move was supported by consumer protection activists.

Nasution said the telecommunication industry was strategic and selling Indosat cheap would inflict a loss to the nation. "We should instead strive to make Indosat better by restructuring it instead of selling it at a cheap price," he said. The government has several other viable options to plug a budget deficit, including issuing convertible bonds and selling Indosat's cellular subsidiaries such as Satelindo or IM3.

Last week some 300 workers from Telkom and Indosat staged a protest against the divestment plan. Cash-strapped Indonesia has embarked on an ambitious privatization program. But the program has faltered amid opposition from some politicians, members of the public and employees.

Last week US investment firm Farallon Capital won the bidding to buy a 51 percent government stake in Bank Central Asia, the country's largest retail bank, after lengthy wrangling among supporters and opponents of the divestment.

Powerful politician Amien Rais has said privatization would turn Indonesia into a "nation of coolies."

This year's budget envisages a deficit of 42.134 trillion rupiah, equivalent to 2.5 percent of gross domestic product. To help cover the shortfall, a privatization program is scheduled to contribute 3.952 trillion rupiah, with the rest coming from bank asset sales and foreign financing.

Truck drivers protest traffic rules

Jakarta Post - March 26, 2002

Bandung -- Around 1,500 truck drivers and container workers went on strike in the West Java capital of Bandung on Monday to protest against new regulations limiting the traffic of trucks carrying containers on the city's highway.

The protesters, in a convoy of 50 container trucks and hundreds of motorcycles, drove from the Gedebage container terminal to the West Java legislative building. Police allowed only 12 of the trucks to travel to the city's center.

Yana Keling, who led the strike, said the protesters rejected the traffic regulations issued by police in Bandung and Purwakarta banning container trucks from operating on Saturdays.

The ruling, dated on November 21, 2001, allows the trucks to use the trans-Bandung highway at night between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m., Monday to Friday. On Sundays, traffic hours are limited to 9 a.m. to midday.

Under the traffic regulation implemented on March 9 by the Purwakarta police, container trucks are allowed to operate on the Bandung-Padalarang-Purwakarta-Cikopo highway from 9 a.m. to 1 p.m. every day except for Saturdays.

Yana said the rulings had hampered export and import activities. He demanded a review of the regulations. Local legislator Rizal Fadillah said the provincial legislative council could not accept the protesters' demand for revocation of the rulings as it had received complaints from residents about the damage of streets and traffic jams caused by big trucks.

Migrant raids leave Indonesians homeless in KL

Reuters - March 24, 2002

Barani Krishnan, Kuala Lumpur -- Jani Rahman shrugged when asked where his family, including his one-year-old daughter, had been spending its nights since a bulldozer flattened their home in the Malaysian capital's oldest Indonesian settlement.

"Where else? Here," he said, pointing to one of the two play- swings outside his mowed-down home which now serve as a crude wardrobe for his clothes by the day and a bed under the stars for his wife and two children at night.

Jani is an Indonesian with permanent resident (PR) status in Malaysia, caught on the wrong side of a government campaign to drive out hundreds of thousands of illegal immigrants, made up mostly of his countrymen.

Malaysian authorities routinely conduct swoops on illegal immigrants, deporting thousands in one go at times. But the latest operation, following a series of violent incidents involving mainly Indonesians, has a greater sense of urgency.

Malaysia, one of Southeast Asia's wealthiest nations, has around two million foreign workers employed in factories, plantations and construction sites, and as domestic servants. More than half of these people are illegal and Malaysia, with its 23 million people, fears being overrun by those fleeing the poverty and violence among its more populous neighbours.

Authorities have deported 15,037 Indonesians and 1,352 Myanmar nationals in the first two months of the year. This week alone nearly 700 Indonesians were sent back. Authorities have also detained nearly 8,000 Indonesians and Filipinos and have torn down more than 3,000 of their homes in the eastern Sabah state on the island of Borneo, which has one of the biggest illegal immigrant populations in Malaysia.

In a sign it will get even tougher, the government has proposed whipping and stiffer fines and jail terms for illegals in amendments underway to immigration laws. Those who surrendered now would get amnesty, it said on Tuesday.

The house Jani built 12 years ago in Kampung Sungai Kayu Ara, Kuala Lumpur's oldest Indonesian squatter colony, was demolished on Wednesday with nearly 400 other units illegally constructed in the poor village, shadowed by posh buildings in the affluent Petaling Jaya suburb fringing the capital.

Since then, he and his family have been sleeping in the open with their prized possessions -- comprising everything from a pair of sneakers to a refrigerator and stove -- around them until they move to a new place. When it rains, they rush to a nearby builder's shed filled with construction tools and materials.

"I've found a new house to rent but we can only move in at the end of the month," he said, watching his wife feed their daughter and their 12-year-old son bathing under an open water pipe just a few hundred feet away from the bulldozers at work.

Jani -- who has lived in Malaysia for 21 years, carries a local identity card, and works as a driver with a delivery company -- is not new to government crackdowns on Indonesians. He is quite sure the municipal workers who tore down his house might have shown more mercy if not for the government edict against illegal immigrants breathing down their necks.

Jani's neighbour, Ahmad Wahid Ahmad, an Indonesian with a work permit, also felt he was a victim of circumstance. "I built my own illegal home because I can't afford to pay rentals elsewhere. When you demolish that, where do I go?"

Officials have also said they will not easily grant PR status to Indonesians anymore, after police revelations that the fugitive leaders of a group of suspected Islamic militants arrested recently were Indonesians with permanent residency.

Workers protest on lay off plan

Jakarta Post - March 26, 2002

Bogor -- Around 200 workers from PT. SGI, a motorcycle painting business, staged a protest in front of Bogor's social and labor agency office on Monday.

The workers rejected the company's plan to lay off some workers who had joined the labor union at the company.

M. Rondi, a 32-year-old worker, said the rally was to protest against the management. They were planning to stay at the company, located at Jl. Pembina Rawa Haur No. 1 in Sentul, Bogor regency, overnight.

The agency itself has scheduled discussions with the workers on Tuesday.

Bank International Indonesia workers stage protest

Jakarta Post - March 26, 2002

Jakarta -- Hundreds of workers of Bank International Indonesia (BII) staged protest at the bank's headquarters on Jl. M.H. Thamrin in Central Jakarta on Tuesday, demanding a better salary and welfare, report said.

The protesters said they would march to the Assembly building later in the day to press demands, El Shinta radio reported. BII workers have staged protests for three times in this past couple of weeks.

Aceh/West Papua

Aceh rebels seek ransom for kidnapped oil workers, army says

Agence France Presse - March 27, 2002

Banda Aceh -- Separatist rebels in Indonesia's Aceh province are demanding a ransom for three kidnapped oil company workers, the military said Wednesday.

The three Indonesians, working for a sub-contractor of the state energy firm Pertamina, have been held since March 16 by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), said military spokesman Major Zaenal Muttaqin. Muttaqin said the three had been driving to the Pertamina-owned Rantau oil and gas field in the Sukaramai area of East Aceh when they were abducted at gunpoint.

He said rebels had contacted Pertamina officials in East Aceh and demanded a ransom of two billion rupiah (around 208,000 dollars). A Pertamina spokesman in Jakarta, Ridwan Nyabaik, confirmed the hostage-taking but said officials from the Rantau field had not mentioned any ransom demand. The military said Pertamina only reported the kidnapping to them on Monday.

Meanwhile six suspected GAM rebels have been killed in separate incidents in the past two days, the military and police said. Two men were shot dead in the Gle Blang Malo area of Pidie district on Tuesday, said district military chief, Lieutenant Colonel Supartodi.

Troops on Tuesday killed another rebel in Pidie's Gle Seunong area, he added. On Monday soldiers shot dead three rebels in the Darul Makmur area of West Aceh, said distric police spokesman Dadek Ahmad.

An estimated 10,000 people have died since December 1976 when GAM began its fight for an independent Islamic state in the province on the northern tip of Sumatra island. More than 300 have been killed this year alone in the energy-rich province.

Military admits troops may have killed Papuan separatist leader

Agence France Presse - March 27, 2002

Jakarta -- Soldiers are suspected of involvement in the murder of Theys Hiyo Eluay, a separatist leader in Indonesia's Papua province, the military said Wednesday.

"The military police team has conveyed to us that there's a strong indication of legal violations by rogue members of the TNI in relation to the death of Theys Eluay," armed forces (TNI) spokesman Major General Syafrie Syamsuddin told AFP. "They are now facing a further stage of investigation," he said.

A team from the military police had launched its own investigation into Eluay's murder. Syamsuddin did not say how many soldiers were involved or if they were being detained.

But Wednesday's Koran Tempo daily quoted an unnamed military source as saying that three members from the elite army unit Kopassus -- a major, a captain and a low-ranking soldier -- have been detained for their alleged role in the murder.

The government has appointed another national team to investigate the case whose membership includes officials from the national human rights commission, parliamentarians, police and military officers and representatives of non-governmental organisations.

The provincial police chief, governor and rights activists have said there are indications that members of the Kopassus army special forces had a role in the murder. Army chief General Endriartono Sutarto has said witness testimony indicated the possible hand of Kopassus members.

Eluay was found murdered on November 11. He had been abducted the previous evening by an unidentified group as he drove home from a celebration hosted by the Kopassus unit in the provincial capital Jayapura.

A sporadic low-level armed struggle for independence began after the Dutch ceded control of the territory to Indonesia in 1963. Eluay had called for a peaceful solution.

Last week Eluay's deputy Tom Beanal said Jakarta authorities were dragging their feet in their investigation into the murder. He described the national team as "another form of tricks" by the government to prevent Papua police from revealing the truth.

Military officers to be linked to Theys' murder

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2002

Tiarma Siboro, Jakarta -- Internal investigators of the Indonesian Military (TNI) are likely to name several officers as suspects in the murder of Papuan independence leader Theys Hiyo Eluay last November, a TNI official said.

Without identifying anyone by name, TNI spokesman Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin said that the military personnel "are close to being named as suspects." He also declined to say the number of officers under investigation.

"There are strong indications that a number of TNI personnel were involved in the murder. They are now undergoing further investigation at the TNI Military Police headquarters -- but please, let's respect the notion of a presumption of innocence," Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin told reporters during a break from a seminar by the Indonesian Veterans' Legion (LVRI).

An official close to the investigation, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that three officers have been linked to the case.

Sjafrie flatly denied speculation that Theys was slain in a military operation with the full knowledge of TNI headquarters. With regard to Theys' killing, "We have never issued any policy or ordered an operation," Sjafrie said.

Sjafrie's remarks on military's role in the high-profile case contradicted earlier statements by Insp. Gen. Engkesman Hilep, a member of the government-sanctioned National Investigation Commission (KPN), who said that the team had not yet concluded whether any element of the military was involved in the murder.

Speaking to reporters after meeting Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Tuesday, Engkesman said that "we never said that there were strong indications of military involvement in the case."

Theys, chairman of the Papuan Presidium Council (PDP), was found dead hours after being abducted while heading for home from the Army's Special Force (Kopassus) compound, located on Jl. Hamadi in the provincial capital of Jayapura, to commemorate the National Hero's Day on Nov. 10.

The only known key witness, Aristoteles Masoka, was Theys' driver, who has been missing until now. Several witnesses, who refused to be identified, told members of the Military and Police fact-finding team examining the case that they saw a man they believed to be Aristoteles arriving at the Kopassus compound through the front door sometime after the murder took place.

The Jayapura Police said that seven members of Kopassus were allegedly involved in the murder. Nevertheless, the police have refused to disclose any motives behind the killing.

Following the fact-finding team's reports, the TNI and the Army headquarters formed an internal investigation team.

Amid mounting calls for the establishment of an independent body to investigate the murder, President Megawati Soekarnoputri signed early in February a decree naming an 11-member team led by Koesparmono Irsan of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM).

The team, along with other investigation teams, have inspected the Kopassus compound in Hamadi, and excavated at several sites around the headquarters to see if Aristoteles might have been buried there. The investigation took place just after 40 members of the Kopassus task force stationed there were withdrawn to Jakarta. In addition, Kopassus chief Maj. Gen. Amirul Isnaeni has offered legal assistance to his troops should they face charges of murdering Theys.

Foreign rights team must come to Aceh, says rebel chief

Agence France Presse - March 25, 2002

The new leader of separatist rebels in Aceh called for foreign human rights activists to visit the province and investigate what he called past and present brutality by Indonesian troops.

Muzakir Manaf, military leader of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM), said Monday foreign investigators must come to Aceh to witness "forced confiscation, molestation and arson" by soldiers.

"The presence of Indonesian armed forces and police troops in Aceh have created dozens of mass graves that can be found in North and East Aceh districts," he said in his first public statement since the killing of his predecessor Abdullah Syafii in January,.

"Actions outside national and international law by Indonesian troops for the past 13 years have not been stopped by anyone," the Libyan-trained Manaf said. He condemned the unsolved deaths of several respected Aceh community leaders and academics in the past year.

US-based Human Rights Watch has said most of the deaths last year were civilians caught in military operations. But it said GAM was "also responsible for serious abuses." Syafii, along with his wife and five bodyguards, was killed on January 22 in a military raid on a rebel hideout.

The government last year passed a law granting Aceh greater self-rule and a much larger share of oil and gas revenue. It also allowed the staunchly Muslim region to implement Islamic law. But rebels insist on nothing short of independence, a goal which the government has ruled out.

Indonesian forces, rebels, claim more killings in restive Aceh

Agence France Presse - March 24, 2002

Banda Aceh -- Separatist rebels in Indonesia's troubled Aceh province claimed Sunday to have shot dead 18 soldiers over the past three days, a claim denied by the security forces who said they had killed at least five rebels.

Free Aceh Movement (GAM) guerrillas attacked a military station in Kuta Blang, North Aceh late Thursday, killing more than 10 soldiers and injuring many more, North Aceh deputy GAM commander, Cut Manyak, said. "The attack was conducted using bazooka and automatic rifles and destroyed the two-story house which is being use as a headquarters of the security forces," Manyak said.

A separate rebel group also attacked a military station in Peusangan, in the neighbouring district of Bireun, early Friday, killing at least five soldiers, Manyak added.

Guerrillas also ambushed a convoy of three trucks transporting soldiers on patrol in Jangka, also in Bireun Friday, killing three more soldiers, he said. Indonesian troops immediately conducted a sweep around the ambush area and shot dead two civilians, he said.

Aceh Police Spokesman Adjunct Senior Commissioner Dadek Rachman denied that any men in the Indonesian armed forces had been killed. "There are no victims from among the members of the security apparatus," Rachman said.

Rachman said that members of the elite police unit Brimob clashed with eight GAM rebels in Krueng Sabe on Saturday. At least three rebels were believed to have been wounded judged by the trails of blood they left, he said.

Aceh Military spokesman Major Eertoto said that troops shot dead three GAM rebels in Labuhan Haji, South Aceh on Friday. Ertoto also said that a patrol of 36 soldiers clashed in Samadua, also in South Aceh, and shot dead two other rebels on Friday.

An estimated 10,000 people have died since December 1976 when GAM began its fight for an independent Islamic state on the northern tip of Sumatra island. More than 300 have been killed this year alone in the energy-rich province.

Corporate globalisation

960 million dollars from privatisation in 2002

Agence France Presse - March 27, 2002

Jakarta -- The Indonesian government may raise between 7.2 and 9.25 trillion rupiah (750-963 million dollars) from its privatisation program this year, a minister said Wednesday.

The estimate includes between 4.0 and 5.1 trillion rupiah from the sale of international telephone operator PT Indonesian Satellite Corp. (Indosat), State Enterprises Minister Laksamana Sukardi told parliament. The government has said it will divest its stake in Indosat through strategic sales, to be carried out in June and October.

Sukardi's estimate is about twice as high as the one in this year's budget, which envisages proceeds of 3.952 trillion rupiah from privatisation,

Cash-strapped Indonesia's privatization program has won the strong support of international donors. But the program has been faltering amid opposition from some politicians, members of the public and employees.

Last week 300 workers staged a protest against the plan to sell the stake in Indosat, urging Sukardi to resign. "Selling state assets will bring misery to the people," read one poster.

After years of false starts Indonesia clinched a crucial sell-off on March 14, when US investment firm Farallon Capital won the bidding to buy a 51 percent government stake in Bank Central Asia.

'War on terror'

Indonesians held in Manila: Scapegoats or terrorists?

Jakarta Post - March 27, 2002

Jakarta -- Speculation is growing is some circles that the three Indonesians recently arrested in Manila were made scapegoats to ease international pressure on Jakarta to act against reported terrorist elements establishing roots in the country.

At least that is what the three arrested men -- Tamsil Linrung, Abdul Jamal Balfas and Agus Dwikarna -- along with family and friends here would have us believe.

However such conspiracy theories were brushed off by Vice President Hamzah Haz when it was suggested to him that the three were being victimized by certain elements in their own country. "I don't think that is true," Hamzah replied when asked by journalists here on Tuesday. Hamzah then added that "if there is such a thing, we would have discussed it in one of the Cabinet meetings ... But we will check again with our embassy in the Philippines."

The arrest of the three men in the Manila airport comes on the heels of recriminations that the Indonesian government is not doing its bit to weed out terrorism. The archipelago, because of its size and large Muslim population, has been identified as fertile ground for terrorist elements.

Developments in the past five months do show that Indonesians have been arrested or alleged to be connected to terrorist activities in other countries but not in Indonesia itself. Authorities here however have maintained that there is little proof that individuals here are members or leaders of a regional terrorist ring.

Then on March 9 news broke that three men were arrested in Manila for carrying explosives. The news was met with some skepticism, not the least since one of the accused -- Tamsil -- was a relatively well-known political activist who had close associations with senior political figures. Many also believe that it may be a case of guilty by association due to activities in known Muslim groups.

Tamsil, in a published interview with Republika daily on Tuesday, said the events that led to his arrest indicated he was framed. "This is all a sham ... This was ordered from Indonesia. Yes, probably by certain elements," said Tamsil, 41.

Without identifying the possible protagonists, he asserted that their arrest was devised to show "foreign countries" that something was being done. "They find someone to make into a scapegoat. Since there aren't any terrorists, they make someone out to be one."

While Tamsil's background may not fit the customary terrorist profile, his political activism makes it easy for the narrow minded to finger guilt merely based on association since terrorism has in recent weeks often been erroneously equated with Islamic radicalism. The graduate of the Teachers Training Institute in Makassar is active in socio-political Islamic organizations. His latest political role was as an executive of the National Mandate Party.

Tamsil claims that someone placed the explosives in his suitcase and that when he was ushered into a room by plainclothes policemen explosives were also already laid on the table. Tamsil, who was in Manila for business, believes the very fact that he was a Muslim may have made him a target: "Before I was taken by the plainclothes policemen I was asked 'Muslim passport?'"

Tamsil's colleague, Agus, also fit the bill due to his activities in the Indonesian Mujahidin Council which is led by Abu Bakar Ba'asyir whom Singapore claims to be a terrorist ring leader. It is not known if Abdul Jamal is politically associated with any group.

Arrest of three Indonesians in Philippines 'weird drama'

Agence France Presse - March 24, 2002

A sister of one of the three Indonesians detained in the Philippines on suspicion of terrorism has described their arrest as a "weird drama."

Nuraini Balfas was quoted by the Kompas daily Saturday as saying her brother Abdul Jammal Balfas and two other Indonesians -- Tamsil Linrung and Agus Dwikarna -- had not deliberately carried explosives in their luggage. They were "shocked" when officers at Manila airport found the items as they were about to board a commercial flight for Bangkok.

"At Ninoy Aquino airport several strange things happened and there the weird drama began," Balfas was quoted as saying by Kompas. Balfas said the trio's luggage had passed X-ray detector at the immigration gate when an officer looked at Dwikarna's passport and asked for the bags to be re-examined. Immigration officials found brown powder in Linrung and Balfas's bags and a piece of wire in Dwikarna's bag, Balfas said.

She said the trio's visit to Thailand and the Philippines was sponsored by a Thai businessman identified as Dr Prasan, who wished to invest in coal mining in Indonesia's West Kalimantan province and Mindanao in the southern Philippines.

Prasan, who was with the three when they were arrested at the airport, gave the detainees 5,000 dollars to hire Filipino defense lawyers and had met their wives in Indonesia to apologize, she said.

Several Indonesian Muslim groups have protested the arrests. Parliament deputy speaker Andi Fatwa told Kompas that the chief of the Indonesian Intelligence Agency, Abdullah Hendropriyono, had denied that the arrest of the three was based on a tip off from him.

Another MP, Ibrahim Ambong said Hendropriyono told him the three had no record of terrorist activity.

Philippine police have said all three had reportedly met associates of Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi, another Indonesian linked to a string of bombings in Manila on December 30, 2000 that left more than a dozen people dead.

Al-Ghozi, who was arrested by Philippine police in January, has allegedly admitted being a bomb expert working for Jemaah Islamiyah, an outfit touted as the Southeast Asian wing of Saudi militant Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network.

Indonesia in US anti-terror crosshairs

Agence France Presse - March 24, 2002

Washington -- Indonesia is about to find itself under mounting US scrutiny as the Bush administration presses home its campaign to rout out terror havens, and analysts say the attention could prompt hard choices in Jakarta.

Officials and observers note a growing awareness that Southeast Asia, with widespread and often institutionalised corruption, thriving crime, and often weak central governments is an ideal breeding ground for terrorism.

And Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, ravaged by sectarian and ethnic conflicts represents an ideal potential haven for al-Qaeda fugitives or other terror cells.

There is a growing sense among many in the US foreign policy community that President Megawati Sukarnoputri has done too little to hunt down terror suspects, after promising to help the US campaign during a White House visit days after September 11.

"The only place Indonesians are not being arrested for terrorism is Indonesia," charged Dana Dillon, an analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think-tank with close ties to the Bush administration.

Indonesia is being held up as an unflattering comparison to the Philippines, which signed up US special forces advisors in its battle with Abu Sayyaf guerrillas who have supposed links to Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda.

No one here argues that a common approach to the two countries would work -- but Indonesia epitomises a crucial question for the administration -- how to solicit an anti-terror purge in a country not naturally predisposed to Washington.

Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy US Defense Secretary gave part of the answer in an interview in the New York Times Friday. He said that fearing a backlash, Washington would not seek to send troops to Indonesia, but would work more closely with law enforcement agencies there.

There is concern here that Megawati may be unwilling to anger radical Islamic groups, or may be delaying action in deference to sectors of Indonesia's politically powerful army.

Sources say that Pentagon officials have for months been seeking ways to dilute a congressional embargo slapped on military ties with Jakarta, after its army was implicated in the militia rampage in East Timor in 1999. But given the sensitivities in Jakarta, and the power of the human rights lobby in Congress they are moving carefully.

"If we want their cooperation, and their cooperation is essential to our success, we can't look like we are interfering in their internal affairs," Wolfowitz, a former US ambassador to Jakarta told the Times.

Concern apparently also extends to senior leaders throughout Southeast Asia. "They are worried that Megawati is not going to deal with the internal consequences of the al Qaeda operation as forcefully as she should," said Richard Solomon, of the US Institute for Peace, who recently met several senior Southeast Asian officials.

John Gershman, an analyst with the liberal Foreign Policy in Focus think-tank goes further, saying there is "intense dissatisfaction" within the administration at Indonesia's performance. And a senior administration official quoted in the Times Friday admitted : "Indonesia is infinite shades of gray right now, and you need a more nuanced approach."

That approach has spared Indonesia the kind of diplomatic pressure imposed on Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf, who was given a clear choice by the Bush administration at the start of the anti-terror war -- "either you are with us or against us."

Indonesia has come under pressure from within and outside the region to take action against alleged terrorist leaders. Singapore named Indonesian Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, who runs a Muslim boarding school in Central Java, as a leader of the Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist group.

Thirteen alleged Jemaah Islamiyah operatives were detained in Singapore last year for allegedly plotting to blow up US targets there. Singapore says some of them have identified Ba'asyir as a leader.

Ba'asyir has denied any links to international terror but has described Osama bin Laden, alleged mastermind of the September 11 attacks, as "a true Muslim fighter".

Singapore has also identified Riduan Hishamuddin, also known as Hambali, as linked to international terror and the planned attacks in the island republic.

Government & politics

Splinter Indonesian Muslim party announces leadership lineup

Agence France Presse - March 24, 2002

Jakarta -- Indonesia's newest political party, the United Development Party for Reforms (PPP-R), Sunday announced its new leadership line-up.

Thousands of supporters and party activists gathered at the Senayan sport stadium as Chairman Zainuddin MZ swore in the new line-up.

Zainuddin, a popular Muslim preacher, was one of the co-founders of the PPP-R, which came into being on January 20 after splitting from Indonesia's third largest party, the the United Development Party

As the PPP-R's new Executive Chairman, Saleh Khalid was deputy secretary general under the PPP. Four of the 14 deputy chairmen were also former PPP executives.

Zainuddin formed the PPP-R along with a group of PPP executives who were unhappy with the way the party was fighting for its Islamic aims. It also wanted the party to stick to its schedule to hold a convention to choose a new leader in 2003.

Current PPP Chairman, Vice President Hamzah Haz, had said the party should delay the convention until after the general elections in 2004 to allow it more time to focus on contesting the polls.

Secretary general, Djafar Badjeber said the PPP-R already had chapters in 10 provinces and another 10 were awaiting official declarations.

The PPP has 59 seats in the 500 seat lower house and it is yet unclear how many of the party legislators have crossed over to the PPP-R.

Corruption/collusion/nepotism

ICW reveals misuse of 337 billion rupiah in Bulog cash

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2002

Yogita Tahilramani, Jakarta -- The need for transparency in the use of State Logistics Agency (Bulog) funds has found a fresh cause as the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) disclosed on Wednesday an alleged misuse of over Rp 377 billion belonging to the institution between January 1998 and December 1999.

Claiming that the findings were based on his organization's investigation, ICW chairman Teten Masduki said portions of the money allegedly went to the House of Representatives, the Golkar Party, certain individuals, the State Palace, courts and prosecutors' offices.

"I have repeatedly said that the Attorney General's Office must not direct investigations simply to convict suspects in graft scams involving Bulog, but use the evidence to trace the funds ... where did it all go?" Teten told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.

In its report, ICW found that former Bulog chairman Rahardi Ramelan received Rp 51.5 billion. It did not say, however, when the money was transferred to Rahardi which was in the books as "state purposes".

Rahardi is standing trial for an alleged misuse of Bulog funds in 1999, which also implicated Golkar chairman and then state/minister of secretary Akbar Tandjung.

Bulog also disbursed Rp 5.2 billion for "fees for the handling of the corruption case on the Goro-Bulog landswap deal". The 1995 landswap case ended up with both former president Soeharto's son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra and ex-president of wholesale firm PT Goro Batara Sakti, Ricardo Gelael, sentenced to 18 months in prison.

There were expenditures categorized as "coordination funds" which went to, among others, the House of Representatives, the Supreme Audit Agency, the Development Finance Comptroller and the State Secretariat. Golkar was the only political organization included on the list.

Teten's colleague, Zaki, added that ICW had planned to inform the Attorney General's Office about this matter. "We received this information recently ... we analyzed it and just finished putting together the report on Tuesday," Zaki said. Bulog Chief Widjanarko Puspojo and spokesman Subardjo could not be reached for comment on the findings.

ICW's report confirmed earlier findings by a group of legislators, who asked then attorney general Marzuki Darusman to investigate the alleged misuse of Bulog funds amounting to Rp 2 trillion between January 1998 and December 1999. One of the legislators, Tarisiwi Utami of the National Awakening Party (PKB) faction said on Wednesday that the Attorney General's Office needed to find out who received the funds.

A group of legislators, mostly from PKB and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) proposed in 2000 the establishment of a special committee to look into alleged misuse of Bulog funds. The motion was rejected by the House.

The alleged misuse of Bulog funds indirectly led to the ouster of former president Abdurrahman Wahid last year, although a formal investigation found no evidence of his involvement.

Teten did not reveal whether or not the graft case ICW had investigated and Tarisiwi had disclosed to the press on Wednesday was the same case.

Akbar retains House Speaker position

Straits Times - March 28, 2002

Jakarta -- Indonesian Parliamentary Speaker Akbar Tanjung will retain his post after all, despite his ongoing corruption trial.

After a two-hour meeting on Tuesday, three deputy House speakers - Messrs Tosari Widjaja, AM Fatwa and Muhaimin Iskandar - announced that Akbar would retain his position and they would take on his duties while he was in the custody of the Attorney- General's Office.

Another deputy, Mr Sutardjo Surjogoeritno, was away on a visit to Morocco. "The meetings in the House will proceed as usual and will be presided over by one of us," Mr Tosari said.

He said the decision was based on Article 21 of the House's internal regulations which state that if the House Speaker is unable to carry out his duties, the deputies will take over the tasks.

Based on a consensus between the deputy speakers, economic and financial issues will be handled by Mr Tosari, political and security affairs will be in the hands of Mr Sutardjo, social affairs will be tackled by Mr Muhaimin, and Mr Fatwa will be in charge of people's welfare.

Akbar, whose trial resumes next Monday, has maintained his innocence in the the embezzlement of 40 billion rupiah (S$8 million) in funds from the state logistics agency Bulog.

Local & community issues

Mob ransacks PLN office in Lampung over outages

Jakarta Post - March 26, 2002

Oyos Saroso, Bandar Lampung - Incensed by continued power blackouts in the Lampung capital of Bandarlampung, a mob of at least 50 people ransacked the city's Tanjungkarang branch office of state-owned electricity firm Perusahaan Listrik Negara (PLN).

The attackers, dressed in orange and black uniforms, stormed the building's complaints' office on Sunday night, destroying equipment inside and shattering windows. Two PLN staff members were injured during the attack at 7:30 p.m. on Sunday. There were no deaths.

Problems began after electricity was cut during the closing ceremony of a Koranic recital contest held in Kokarang, West Telukbetung subdistrict. The mob from a security task force affiliated to the Pancasila Youth, in turn affiliated to the Golkar Party, was angered by the outage in the Kokarang area, which was made without any prior notification.

An official at the attacked office had tried to explain the reasons for the power cut, but the mob ignored it and immediately broke windows and beat another official and a security guard there.

Saharudin, a 56-year old security guard based at the PLN building, admitted the attackers forced him to abandon the building and threatened to kill him. Though he fled the office, the mob stoned him. "Fortunately, I managed to evade the stone- throwing," he said. Bandar Lampung police officers arrived a few minutes later to quell the violence and arrested only one attacker.

Local government officials said Bandarlampung Mayor Suharto, who officially closed the recital contest, had actually asked the local electricity office not to cut power to the venue. But the PLN office apparently ignored the request without giving a reason.

Tanjungkarang's PLN distribution division head Joko claimed he had ordered his staff to inform the contest organizers of the planned outage, but they failed to do their jobs properly. "So there was a miscommunication between us and the contest committee," he said on Monday.

In a response to the attack, Suharto ordered the local police to take firm action against those involved in the violence. Several people have been questioned as witness in the attack and no suspects have been named. "We don't know yet who is behind the destruction. The investigation is underway," Bandarlampung Police chief Sr. Comr. Bung Djono said on Monday.

Bandar Lampung has long suffered daily power blackouts that usually occur for at least 2.5 hours in the evening. Outages have often lasted for 24 hours. The Lampung branch of the Indonesian Consumers' Association (YLKI) is preparing a class action suit against PLN over the outages, which it said have damaged many electronic appliances belonging to residents.

Its leader, Subadrayani Moersalin, said PLN had provided poor service to its customers and was not serious in dealing with their complaints. She could not say when the class action would be filed.

For people in Lampung, outages have been a normal occurrence since 1991. Many major projects, including the planned development of a steel plant by giant business group Bakrie Brothers -- which required a regular supply of electricity -- were canceled due to the blackouts in the province.

With the recent failure of the damaged Way Besai water generated electricity plant to resume its supply of 90-megawatts of energy, the electricity crisis has deteriorated.

Human rights/law

Tommy scolded for slouching in court, told to sit straight

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2002 (abridged)

Muninggar Sri Saraswati, Jakarta -- Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, who is charged with murder, sat so lazily during the trial at the Central Jakarta District Court on Wednesday that the prosecutor asked the judge to order him to sit properly to respect the court.

"Your honor, please warn the defendant to respect the court, he is sitting impolitely," prosecutor Andi Rahman Asbar said. Tommy, clad in a batik shirt, slouched with his feet extended and head resting on the back of the seat. "Defendant, please pay attention to the prosecutor's request," presiding judge Amirrudin Zakaria, said.

During the six-hour trial, Tommy even smiled and joked with two of his lawyers, Elza Sjarief and Juan Felix Tambubolon. Amirrudin never warned Tommy, but he repeatedly warned journalists who stood up and blocked the view of visitors in the packed courtroom. He also had to warn the observers repeatedly to turn off their cellular phones.

Tommy Suharto says weapons evidence was planted

Agence France Presse - March 27, 2002

Tommy Suharto, youngest son of Indonesia's former dictator, said he was the victim of planted evidence as his trial resumed on murder and firearms charges which could result in the death penalty.

"Those things are not mine," Hutomo [Tommy] Mandala Putra told judges after a police officer testified that nine guns were found at a Jakarta apartment complex which he owned.

Tommy, the first close member of the Suharto clan to appear personally in court, is accused of ordering the contract killing of a judge who had tried to send him to jail for corruption and of two counts of weapons possession. Both offences are punishable by death.

Tommy, 39, also faces a charge of fleeing justice. He went on the run for a year to escape the 18-month jail sentence imposed by supreme court judge Syafiuddin Kartasasmita in September 2000. Kartasasmita was gunned down in broad daylight the following July. Prosecutors say Tommy paid two hitmen 10,000 dollars and gave them two pistols.

Police officer Eddi Purbo Susanto, the first witness in a trial expected to last months, said officers searching for Tommy last August found four rifles, five handguns and ammunition inside closets at an apartment in the Cemara Apartments complex.

Susanto also said two gun licences were found in a bundle of documents in a safe at the apartment. He said he did not know if the licences were for the weapons found in the apartment.

Tommy denied he had kept any gun licences there. "There was no weapons licence in the said files. If there was any it must have been placed there after they [the files] were found by police," he said.

Susanto said Cemara Apartments manager Hetty Siti Hartika, 35, told police Tommy owned the firearms. On February 20 Hartika was jailed for four years for storing and possessing the weapons. She had denied knowing about them but admitted receiving bags from Tommy to store there.

One of Tommy's lawyers, Juan Felix Tampubolon, questioned the authenticity of the items used as evidence and the legality of the alleged firearms seizure. "The documents of the seizure are confusing and some of the items are not sealed," Tampubolon said, pointing out that the seizure documents were signed a month after the discovery.

Tommy, sporting an open-necked batik shirt, appeared calm as prosecutors began calling their witnesses in a trial which has attracted huge public interest. About 100 police guarded the court building and those entering the courtroom were checked with metal detectors.

The number of judges was raised to five from three when the hearing opened on March 20. Andi Samsan Nganro, one of the original judges, has said the aim is to ensure an "objective verdict."

The former millionaire playboy tycoon, a symbol of nepotism during his father's 1966-1998 rule, has refused to enter a formal plea but has always maintained his innocence. Six other witnesses were due to testify Wednesday, including the wife of the murdered judge.

Suharto senior, now 80, resigned amid mass riots in May 1998 after 32 years in power, during which his family amassed enormous wealth. He himself has been charged with corruptly amassing 571 million dollars, but has been adjudged too ill to stand trial.

Tommy's Humpuss group became one of Indonesia's major conglomerates but his business empire largely evaporated after his father's fall.

Judges rule trial for ex-Timor police chief should go ahead

Agence France Presse - March 28, 2002

Jakarta -- Judges in Indonesia's first human rights court ruled Thursday that the trial of a former police chief in East Timor is legal and should go ahead, throwing out arguments by defence lawyers that the court breaches the constitution.

Lawyers for Timbul Silaen had argued that the tribunal was illegal because Indonesia's human rights law was only passed in 2000 while crimes in East Timor took place a year earlier, breaching the constitutional ban on retroactive laws.

The defence team also said the law did not mention East Timor as part of the court's jurisdiction. Prosecutors had disputed the arguments.

Silaen, 53, and former East Timor governor Abilio Soares, 54, appeared for the third time before the human rights court on Thursday, with their cases heard separately.

They are accused of gross human rights violations by ignoring the massacre of scores of people by their subordinates. The charges are punishable by between 10 years' jail and death.

Trials for both men were adjourned until April 4, when three witnesses -- former armed forces chief General Wiranto, former regional military commander Major General Adam Damiri and East Timor ex-military chief Colonel Nur Muis -- are due to testify.

Muis and Damiri are among 18 military, police, militia and civilian officials due to face trial in the rights court over the army-backed attacks by pro-Jakarta militias on independence supporters in April and September 1999.

Wiranto is not in the dock even though rights groups have suggested that he was morally responsible for the East Timor crimes.

Prosecutors in Soares' separate hearing on Thursday defended the tribunal, saying it was meant to avert a possible United Nations international crimes court. "We fear that failure to address this case seriously will prompt the International Court of Justice to take over the case. This is what we have to avoid," prosecutor I Ketut Murtika told judges.

The prosecutors, who took turns reading their argument, also said justice for rights violators outweighed any legal formality and failure to punish them would be against principles of justice. "In the absence of a regulation we should adopt international legal conventions," said the prosecutors, citing the examples of Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. A decision by judges on whether Soares' trial can continue is due next week.

Militiamen organised by senior Jakarta officials waged a campaign of intimidation before East Timor's vote to split from Indonesia, and a "scorched earth" revenge campaign afterwards. They killed hundreds of people, torched towns and forced more than 250,000 people into Indonesian-ruled West Timor after the vote.

East Timor is currently under UN administration and will attain independence on May 20.

Jakarta has come under strong international pressure to punish the atrocities but international rights groups are sceptical that the rights court will deliver justice. Top officers of the powerful military have attended some of the trials at the Central Jakarta district court in a show of support for defendants.

Tipping the scales?

Tempo Magazine - March 26-April 1, 2002

Agus Hidayat -- Although Tommy Suharto may be facing the death penalty if convicted, the charges against him contain many weaknesses. A good opportunity for his defense team, perchance?

The hands of the clock moved inexorably towards 9am. On Wednesday morning last week, the traffic on Jalan Gajah Mada, Central Jakarta was heavy. In front of the Central Jakarta District Court, hundreds of police personnel were seen standing by. The entrance to the courthouse, normally open to all, was tightly guarded this time with only one person being allowed to enter at a time.

Security in the courthouse grounds and in the building itself was even tighter. Anyone wishing to enter the courtroom on the third floor had to show an identity card. On the second floor, identity documents were surrendered to officials and exchanged for a passes to enter the courtroom. Metal detectors were also being used to examine all those entering the courtroom.

The security was extraordinary. But then again, there was also an extraordinary prisoner in the dock, namely Hutomo Mandala Putra alias Tommy Suharto, 40 years of age. The favorite son of the former Indonesian president, although sitting in the defendant's chair, appeared calm, dressed in a yellow batik short. The hearing commenced on time at 10am, with the panel of judges consisting of Presiding Judge Amiruddin Zakaria and Associate Judges Andi Samsan Nganro and I Ketut Gede. Hundreds of spectators crowded courtroom number 2 on the third floor, including dozens of tall, well-built and dark-complexioned gentlemen, said to be Tommy's bodyguards.

Tommy finds himself in the dock this time in connection with what he allegedly did during his time on the run following the Supreme Court's overturning of his earlier acquittal in the Bulog land- swap case. Public prosecutors Andi Rachman Asbar and Hasan Madani took turns to read out the indictment against Tommy. The indictment itself consisted of four principal charges, to wit, possession of firearms at Jalan Alam Segar in Jakarta, possession of firearms at the Cemara Apartments, conspiring to bring about the murder of Supreme Court Justice Syafiuddin Kartasasmita, and flight from justice.

In response to the indictment, Tommy's defense team, represented by Elza Syarief, failed to submit a preliminary defense statement. Elza, however, took the opportunity of making a political statement condemning trial by the press and the molding of public opinion so as to prejudice her client. According to Juan Felix Tampubolon, one of Tommy's lawyers, the defense failed to submit a defense statement to avoid time wasting. The defense wished to focus on the substance of the case rather than becoming bogged down in procedural issues. Meanwhile, according to Elza, the reason was to satisfy the public's desire to see the truth behind the case emerge as soon as possible. The defense wanted to cut to the substance of the case rather than challenge procedural aspects of the indictment.

However, according to legal observer Bambang Widjojanto, the decision not to submit a preliminary defense statement was taken for strategic reasons. A preliminary defense statement is designed to highlight inadequacies in the indictment, which would then have to be corrected by the prosecution. In other words, the prosecution would incidentally be given additional time to prepare a more watertight indictment. If this were to happen and the charges tightened up, this could be prejudicial to Tommy's defense. Given the move by Tommy's defense team, the prosecution might proceed without being made aware of the loopholes in its indictment.

Whatever the case, the strategy of Elza Syarief and her colleagues would already appear to have produced results. One only had to see how the prosecutors were left floundering when the defense passed over the opportunity to make a defense statement. The prosecutors will now have to present their witnesses directly at the next session. Hasan Madani as good as admitted to Wuragil from the Tempo News Room that his side were not yet ready to call witnesses. This was because he had expected a defense statement to be submitted so that witnesses would not be called for some time yet. Although appearing taken aback, the state prosecutors claimed that they would call seven witnesses, albeit with some difficulty. "It's just that I have to seek out those witnesses who are relevant to the indictment," said Andi Rachman Asbar.

Aside from the procedural issues, Bambang Widjojanto was of the opinion that the charges contained many weaknesses. According to Bambang, the strongest charge concerned Tommy's flight from justice. The other three charges would be easy to dispose of. This was because the arms-possession and conspiracy to murder charges all revolved around witness testimony in court. In fact, before the trial had even begun, Noval dan Mulawarman had already retracted their statements implicating Tommy. The arms charges would also be highly dependent on alibi evidence and the statement of Hetty Siti Hartika. Bambang was convinced that there was a strong probability the witnesses would be interfered with and that the course of justice could be perverted. "There is a major possibility that the charges will be defeated," asserted Bambang. This has given rise to suspicions that the prosecution has deliberately laid weak charges against Tommy. According to Bambang, Tommy would do "anything" to escape the clutches of the law.

Andi Rachman Asbar strongly denied all such rumors. "I put my faith in almighty God and won't allow myself to be swayed by anything," he said. Andi, who is of Bugis origin, appeared optimistic. And like the prosecution, Andi Samsan Nganro, one of the judges hearing the case, promised to perform his duty to the best of his abilities.

Andi Rachman categorically denied that the charges against Tommy were flawed. While he acknowledged the possibility that witnesses might be interfered with and that statements could be retracted, he nevertheless had every confidence in the ongoing judicial process. According to Andi, there were rules of evidence that meant that statements could not subsequently be retracted without good reason being shown. The grounds for retracting the statements would be investigated. If they were found to have been fabricated, then the statements would stand. These issues would all subsequentlly be dealt with by the court

Tommy's Cipinang palace

Tempo Magazine - March 26-April 1, 2002

Like Bob Hasan, Tommy has built a palace at Cipinang jail. But many prisoners are unhappy about it.

In jail, Tommy received a letter containing the Javanese poems Asmaradana and Dhandhang Gula. They had been sent by a man from Bangil, East Java. "Be strong in facing challenges," wrote the sender, "Don't forget to read these poems softly into Pak Harto's ear so he will recover quickly and the Cendana (Suharto) family will be free of their misfortune."

Two weeks ago, Tommy was allowed to leave the jail to visit his sick father. It is not clear if he read the poems. It is not even clear if he paid any attention to the letter.

Tommy should be concentrating more on his trial, which started last Wednesday, rather than reading epistles. The son of the former president is facing a possible death sentence as a result of four charges: the murder of Supreme Court Judge Syafiuddin Kartasasmita, fleeing from justice and concealing weapons at two locations in Jakarta.

But the letter shows that Tommy still has fans. He has received at least seven letters in his two months locked up in Cipinang Prison. They are from a range of people including women, young girls and teenagers. They are all sympathetic to his plight. Somebody even sent some cake. "Tommy's guard and I tried the cake," said Ngusman, Cipinang Prison's governor.

If you hope Tommy is having a miserable time in jail-because of the loss of amenities and respect-you are in for a disappointment. Apart from having fans, Tommy is enjoying many facilities behind bars.

Just take a look at Tommy's cell. Suharto's youngest son is in Block III H, a special block. Previously only political prisoners such as former foreign minister Soebandrio were allowed there. There are three large cells. Tommy occupies cell one, which has been tiled and has a private bathroom. It also has a table, chairs, a spring bed, a fan, cooking utensils, a 21-inch television and air-conditioning. All of these were installed by Tommy's men. "The air-conditioning was the most important because it's hot there," said Osmon, the man in charge of these details.

At present, cell number three, which is even larger, is being renovated. According to a guard, Tommy will be moved to that cell. Because of last month's flood, the floor is being raised. Four men are currently installing a 400-Watt water pump with 24- inch pipes. The yard in front of the cell is also being renovated, as is a small area for playing ping-pong.

While, the other 2,383 prisoners must sleep crammed together, Tommy has a cell to himself. In the next cell are Supardi, Sugiyanto and Juma'in-convicted of bank robbery. It is reported that Supardi and Sugiyanto have been asked not to "disturb" Tommy. Juma'in certainly will not cause any trouble, as he is not in full possession of his senses. "He was put in that cell to give the impression that Tommy has been put with ordinary prisoners," said a Cipinang prisoner.

Block III H is almost completely cut off from outsiders, except for invited guests. Some prison guards are not allowed to enter. Changes of prison guard are overseen personally by prison governor Ngusman. "Not all prison guards are allowed to go near the place," said Antasari Azhar, assistant for general criminal cases at the Attorney General's Office (AGO) who once visited Tommy's cell.

Although guards are not allowed near, security around Tommy's cell is very tight. "Now we have to patrol right round the fence outside the complex every three hours," said a guard.

Another facility the boss of the Humpuss Group enjoys is a special visitor's room. It measures 8 x 3 meters and was previously used for medical examinations of prisoners. It is divided in two. One half is a waiting room and the other is the main part. A door joins the two rooms. Not long after Tommy arrived at the jail, the room was altered. A gray carpet was fitted and an L-shaped couch, a buffet, a television, a refrigerator, a Toshiba air-conditioner, a water purifier and chairs were added together with a bathroom equipped with a shower. Every time one of the Suharto family comes to visit, fresh flowers are put on the table.

The walls are painted white, while the iron bars on the windows are painted light green and there are blind that can be raised and lowered. All the fittings look new, including the padlock used to lock the door. It is reported that the Suharto family spent Rp50 million to improve the special room.

Not many people are allowed in. Prison guards are not allowed to enter unless asked. Security is guaranteed. Apart from being underneath the prison governor's office, the room is part of the main Cipinang Prison building so other prisoners cannot approach, yet alone spy on Tommy and his visitors.

According to a number of guards Tommy spends almost the entire day in the visitor's room. This is not surprising, given the non-stop flow of visitors. The regulations, which state that visitors are only allowed between 9am and 3pm, do not apply to Tommy. Even if there are no visitors, Tommy stays in the visitor's room until dark. "I once saw him sprawled on the couch when I was asked to take his food to him," said Ibu Achadi, who owns a food-stall in front of the jail and often comes and goes in and out of the jail.

Tommy's lawyer, Elza Syarief, denies Tommy enjoys all these amenities. "There is nothing special. Tommy's cell is just like other cells, except there is a fan, television and bed. OK," she said.

No matter what denials come from Elza, the facilities do exist. The jail is no longer a filthy disgusting place. Several of Tommy's acquaintances have arrived at Cipinang "palace" in luxury cars. Among frequent visitors is racing driver Tinton Suprapto, Tutut (Tommy's older sister), Mamiek Suharto and several of his staff from Humpuss. And of course another visitor is Raden Ayu Ardhia Pramesti Regita Cahyani -- usually known as Tata-Tommy's wife.

Compared to the other visitors, Tata stays longest. Last Thursday, for example, she was there five hours. Not a single guard was allowed to enter the room. Several guards smirked that perhaps the two were being intimate inside. Being intimate? If true, that should be nothing strange, after all they are husband and wife. But, going by the Cipinang regulations, Tommy has been receiving extraordinary special treatment.

Just read this statement from prison governor Ngusman. According to Ngusman, a prisoner's visitor may only stay for half an hour at most. Prisoners wishing to satisfy their biological urges are not forbidden from doing so. In Cipinang Prison, the right to "meet in private with a wife" is usually referred to as "family visiting leave" (CMK). But this privilege is only given to prisoners serving at least a one-year sentence that have already spent nine months in jail. CMK can only be granted to prisoners with good behavior records. Clearly Tommy does not fulfill those criteria. "He was not granted CMK. But I know the five-hour visit was a violation [of prison regulations]," said Ngusman.

Tommy did not only violate the rules regulating visiting times. Other prisoners' visitors are not allowed into the cells, but Tommy's visitors usually are free to walk to his cell. Block III H has direct access to outside. A guard related how in the first few weeks of Tommy's detention, some of Tommy's men brought their cars right up to the block. When he was taken to court last Wednesday, the father of two was picked up at his cell door in a Toyota Dyna Rino.

Perhaps because of the tight security, or because he feels like a stranger, Tommy hardly ever socializes with other prisoners except for playing ping-pong with Sugiyanto and Supardi in the morning. He never goes to the other blocks.

"Tommy is a coward," said Agiono, a prisoner jailed for the murder of gambling king Nyo Beng Seng. Last Idul Adha the governor gave the prisoners permission to greet Tommy after Id prayers. Instead of returning the greetings, he hid behind the governor. "He would certainly run if he was told to walk from this post to his cell without a guard," said Agiono. "I resent Tommy because he never speaks to anybody unless they talk to him first."

Although he does not socialize, many prisoners have tried to approach Tommy. Their intention is to offer their services as bodyguards. One prisoner who wants to become a bodyguard is Lim Bahrun. The 39-year-old was convicted of murder and drug offenses. "If I get the chance, I want to meet him and offer my services as a bodyguard," said the resident of Block II D. "Now everybody wants to become Tommy's bodyguard," he added.

Becoming a bodyguard to an important prisoner is certainly a dream. Ricardo Gelael-convicted of an illegal land swap deal involving State Logistics Agency (Bulog) land-had 10 bodyguards. All received benefits. As well as a salary, they all received mobile phones. But Tommy does not yet have any special guards. He seems to place more trust in the official prison guards and his personal staff who arrive as visitors.

That is why many prisoners say Tommy is mean. Many of the guards say they have not received any "service allowance" like that given by Ricardo. "So far he has only been keeping us busy," said Mitro Subroto, the guard who usually organizes Tommy's visitors.

In fact Tommy has in the past been more generous. Since he was jailed he has twice distributed 2,750 packs of foodstuffs to the other prisoners. He also repaired the audio equipment in the Cipinang prayer room. Three weeks before Tommy was sent to Cipinang, Tinton, a close friend of Tommy, gave 10 red bicycles to the prison staff. Tinton also told Tempo's Tomi Lebang that he planned to give driving lessons to the Cipinang Prison drivers. According to Ngusman, the Suharto family also plans to pay for the costs of turning the idle land around Cipinang Prison into farmland. A source said that Tommy has so far spent Rp50-Rp60 million on all this assistance.

This is of course not a great deal of money for this particular suspect. When Tommy was arrested in Bintaro at the end of last year, approximately Rp1.6 billion in cash was scattered around his room. Money in safes and in bank accounts is certainly even more. So if he has to stay in Cipinang as a result of the verdict at his trial, it is not impossible that even more facilities will come his way. For somebody like Tommy, everything can be bought.

[Arif Zulkifli, Yostinus Tomi Aryanto, Cahyo Junaedi, Eduardus Karel Dewanto, Deddy Sinaga - Tempo News Room.]

Rights body alleges AGO-TNI 'deals' in East Timor cases

Jakarta Post - March 26, 2002

A'an Suryana, Jakarta -- The landmark human rights trial for atrocities in East Timor more than two years ago has commenced, but disappointment persists as the Attorney General's Office fails to prosecute the top leaders implicated by the commission of inquiry into the crimes against humanity.

Secretary general of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) Asmara Nababan said the Attorney General's Office was tarnishing any sense of justice here in the human rights violations cases for its continued failure to heed the inquiry's recommendations that former Indonesia Military chief Gen. (ret) Wiranto and several other top officers in power when the crimes against humanity took place be indicted.

"Failure to further investigate the role of the military's top brass in the high profile cases will tarnish the image of Attorney General's Office before the public," he said.

Mandated by Komnas HAM to investigate the mayhem in East Timor after its independence vote in September 1999, the inquiry listed 30 military and civilians as persons held responsible for the violence. Wiranto was among those questioned, but excluded from the list.

There have been no exact figures of casualties, some sources say more than 1,000 dead, but at least 250,000 East Timorese were forced to flee the territory by military transport in September 1999. The massive logistical operation was expected by the military, according to former East Timor military commander Col. Noer Muis, one of the suspects in the case.

After its investigation led by then Deputy Attorney General for General Crimes M. Rachman, the Attorney General's Office announced last year 18 suspects in the case, with former Udayana Military commander Maj. Gen. Adam Damiri, former East Timor governor Abilio Soares and former East Timor Police chief Brig. Gen. Timbul Silaen heading the roster.

The trials of Abilio, Timbul, four middle-ranking military officers and a police officer are underway, with the remaining suspects in the on deck circle as their dossiers await completion.

Asmara said Wiranto, former military intelligence body chief Maj. Gen. Zacky Makarim and former Army deputy chief Lt. Gen. Johny Lumintang should also stand trial for their alleged involvement in the gross human rights abuses.

TNI leaders have questioned the legitimacy of the ongoing human rights trial on grounds that a recent constitutional amendment rules out any trial of rights cases that took place before the human rights court was established.

The amendment of Article 28I of the constitution made in November 2000 protects anyone from being prosecuted retroactively under newly enacted laws.

Asmara said the processing of the dossiers for the exempted military officers, including the three generals, was a must. "Should the state prosecutors fail to process the dossiers, the public will start to question whether there are some back-room deals going on between the suspects and the Attorney General's Office," he stated.

Asmara conceded that Komnas HAM had no intention of summoning the attorney general over his office's sluggish works, however. "It is the public, including the House of Representatives (DPR), that should summon members of the Attorney General's Office, since this case is a public case. We want to avoid public perception that the case merely involves the Komnas HAM and the attorney general," he said.

Rights court is a tool of foreigners: defence lawyers

Agence France Presse - March 25, 2002

Jakarta -- Defence lawyers Monday slammed Indonesia's new human rights court as a tool of foreign powers as the trial resumed of five army and police officers accused of gross human rights violations in East Timor in 1999.

For the second week running, uniformed fellow officers packed into the public gallery as a show of support for the accused. Outside, about 100 supporters of notorious pro-Jakarta militia chief Eurico Guterres shouted support for the Indonesian military and police actions in East Timor.

Four middle-ranking army officers and one police officer are accused of failing to prevent a massacre in a church at Suai in Covalima district on September 6, 1999. Some 27 people were killed.

In the dock are Colonel Herman Sedyono, former Covalima district chief; Colonel Lilik Kushardianto, the former district military commander in Covalima; Major Ahmad Syamsuddin, head of the general staff of the Covalima military command; and Captain Sugito, former Suai town military commander. Also on trial is Adjunct Senior Commissioner Gatot Subiyaktoro, former Covalima district police chief.

A total of 18 military, police, militia and civilian officials including Guterres are due eventually to face trial in the rights court over the army-backed attacks by pro-Jakarta militias against independence supporters in April and September 1999.

A statement, read out in turn by defence lawyers, argued the rights court had no authority to hear the case. They said some of the charges were criminal charges and not gross violations of human rights, that the court had no jurisdiction over East Timor and that it was set up through a flawed regulation that violates the constitution.

The same arguments have been used by defence lawyers in cases heard separately by the rights court, in which former East Timor governor Abilio Jose Osorio Soares and former East Timor police chief Timbul Silaen are defendants.

"It is very tragic that today the public is forced to watch a trial 'of the vanquished'," the defence statement said, describing the court as the tool of larger nations which conspired with Indonesians. It said the trial was based only on the result of investigations by foreigners. "What is being stated by the prosecutors is no more that a product which has only had its package replaced with a local brand."

The lawyers also argued the East Timor violence was not the doing of Indonesian security personnel or official policy but resulted from "the legacy of latent enmity within an ethnic group for over 20 years." They said the violence was purely between East Timorese from opposing camps -- pro-Indonesia and pro- independence. Defence lawyers also said the violence was sparked off by alleged fraud in the United Nations-organised independence ballot on August 30, 1999.

Militiamen organised by senior Jakarta officials waged a campaign of intimidation before East Timor's vote to split from Indonesia and a "scorched earth" revenge campaign afterwards. They killed hundreds of people, torched towns and forced more than 250,000 people into Indonesian-ruled West Timor after the vote.

Jakarta has come under strong international pressure to punish the atrocities but international rights groups are sceptical that the rights court will deliver justice. The case was adjourned to April 2. Neither defendant is in custody.

News & issues

No grand design to gag foreign media: Jakarta

Straits Times - March 27, 2002

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Buckling under increased international pressure, the Indonesian government said yesterday there was no grand design for a Suharto-like clampdown on the foreign media.

But it continued to evade questions about its recent decision to ban an Australian journalist from working in Indonesia.

Fears that Jakarta was reverting to banning critical journalists and censoring the press emerged earlier this month when the government refused to extend the working visa of an award-winning Australian journalist. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said it was concerned that Indonesia -- whose press is among the most liberal in Asia -- was showing signs of restricting the media. President Megawati Sukarnoputri was "showing worrying signs of being less friendly towards the press", it said.

The ban on Australian Lindsay Murdoch came in the wake of other worrying moves by the Megawati government -- such as the revival of an information ministry, criticism of the press by Mrs Megawati for negative reporting and restrictions on reporters covering the presidential palace.

Mr Gunawan Mohamad, a writer and senior editor of Tempo magazine, said Mr Murdoch's case was a "dangerous setback" to press freedom. He said he feared a return to Suharto-era censorship which kept the media under strict control and even banned magazines such as Tempo if their reporting was too critical of the government.

However, the Foreign Ministry yesterday denied that Mr Murdoch's ban was the start of press censorship. "As a government we revel in, we expect and we wish only the greatest freedom of the press ... there is no question whatsoever of us ever going back to the past," said ministry spokesman Marty Natalegawa.

Also of concern was news that an inter-departmental committee, which decides on visa extensions, has the power to reject other journalists applying for visa extensions. Senior local journalists suspect that military members of the committee were behind the decision to ban Mr Murdoch. While admitting that the committee might include members of the military, Mr Marty said it was "not some kind of censorship committee".

The Committee to Protect Journalists also pointed out that Indonesian journalists had suffered an increasing number of attacks or threats while covering regional conflicts and economic and political upheavals.

The largest paper in Aceh province, Serambi, was forced to suspend publication for two weeks last August after independence rebels threatened the paper for allegedly biased reporting. In another incident, a Serambi reporter was assaulted by army officers and threatened with death.

Ban on journalist: Ministry blames 'technical matter'

Jakarta refused to extend the work visa of award-winning Australian journalist Lindsay Murdoch (right) earlier this month.
The ban on Mr Murdoch was due to a "technical matter" and not his critical reporting on East Timor and Aceh, Foreign Ministry spokesman Marty Natalegawa said.
But despite calls from leading Indonesian media figures, Mr Marty declined to explain why the "technical matter" could not be resolved.
Mr Murdoch said his employers, the Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, had written repeatedly saying they would be happy to resolve any misunderstandings in order for his visa to be extended until the end of the year, but they had received no reply.

Scrap discriminatory 'rulings on Chinese'

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2002

Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, Jakarta -- While President Megawati Soekarnoputri was preaching to Chinese businessmen that there was no racial discrimination in Indonesia, experts and activists back home were demanding that her administration revoke over 60 rulings that discriminate against Indonesians of ethnic Chinese descent.

Leo Suryadinata of the National University of Singapore, noted lawyer Frans Hendra Winata, and human rights activist Ester Indahyani Jusuf asserted on Wednesday that unless those discriminatory rulings are scrapped, efforts to bring about ethnic equality were doomed to failure.

"The main thing that should be done is rehabilitating the legal system in Indonesia, and revoking regulations that discriminate against Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity," political observer Leo told a seminar on discrimination against the Indonesian Chinese here on Wednesday.

Ester, who won the 2001 Yap Thian Hien human rights award, told the seminar that racial discrimination was deeply enshrined in article 26 of the country's 1945 Constitution, which classifies the population into indigenous Indonesians and people of other races.

"The implementation of such differentiation appears in subordinate regulations and touches all aspects of life from education, the economy, and issues of the state administration," said Ester, calling for the speedy enactment of an antidiscrimination law.

Frans criticized Megawati, who, according to him, was busy preaching to the world that the country was respecting human rights but forgot that there were still many discriminatory laws facing persons of ethnic Chinese origin in Indonesia.

Discrimination against the ethnic Chinese is nothing new to Indonesia. During colonial days, the role of the ethnic Chinese was limited to trade. During former dictator Soeharto's 32 years of leadership, a large number of rulings were issued controlling the role and movement of ethnic Chinese.

After the fall of Soeharto, and especially during former president Abdurrahman Wahid's short spell in office, several regulations were revoked. President Megawati, who is currently in China for a five-day state visit aimed at boosting bilateral trade and enticing Chinese businessmen to invest in Indonesia, in February declared the Chinese New Year to be a national holiday.

The government, however, has been dragging its feet in reviewing discriminatory rulings, saying that there were still many other important issues to attend to. "Only when the President revokes these discriminatory rulings can she proclaim that she upholds human rights," Frans said.

Ester cited the importance of law enforcement as so far none of those instigating riots against Chinese Indonesians had been brought to justice, sending out the message that it was fine to attack the homes of Indonesians of Chinese descent.

"Nobody seems to care about the 1998 May riots against the Chinese. It seems that the case is already closed along with many other similar cases that happened across the country," Ester said.

Ester underlined that it was extremely important for the country to show to the world that justice would be upheld. "We should not be happy just because the government declares the Chinese New Year to be a national holiday as there are still several regulations that discriminate against us," she said.

Some anti-Chinese laws & rulings

1945 Constitution Article 26 on citizenship differentiates the population into indigenous Indonesians and people from other races.
Law No. 62/1958 on citizenship obliges Indonesian-born Chinese to have documents normally not required for "indigenous" Indonesians.
Presidential Decree No.240/1966 obliges all those of Chinese descent to adopt Indonesian names.
Presidential Instruction No.37/1967 limits the education and economic opportunities for Chinese-Indonesians.
Home Ministry Instruction No. 455.2-360/1968 on the regulated construction of Chinese temples.

Media 'ready to fight' for freedoms

Laksamana.Net - March 26, 2002

Fears of a crackdown on Indonesia's domestic media were expressed at a seminar in Jakarta, with senior media figure Goenawan Mohamad saying that if this was so, many people were ready to fight such a move.

"There was a lot of sacrifice by journalists to gain freedom of the press," he told the seminar organized by the Jakarta Foreign Correspondents' Club Tuesday. "I am afraid another attempt will be made to reduce press freedom. If that happens, there is no alternative but to fight again, and we are ready."

Mohamad was the editor of Tempo magazine when it was closed by the government in 1994. He shared the platform with another victim of Soeharto-era press control, Aristedes Katoppo, whose Sinar Harapan daily was closed in 1988.

Also on the panel were Solahudin, secretary general of Aliansi Jurnalist Independen (AJI), Dr. Marty Natalagawa, newly appointed spokesman for the Foreign Ministry, and Australian journalist Lindsay Murdoch. Murdoch hit the news on March 10 when he announced that the Indonesian government had refused to renew his visa to work as a journalist, suggesting that the decision was linked to his reporting on human rights issues.

Katoppo had a more mellow view of the government's approach to the media, saying his new daily, using the same name as his old publication, did receive many calls from officials and the military but never containing the threats that were so common a feature of the Suharto era.

He said what was of greater concern was the tendency of those who felt slighted by the media to send gangs of thugs around to intimidate journalists and editors. The most recent case followed a report on a new election for the governor of North Sulawesi that stated that the previous election was flawed by vote-buying.

Katoppo added that, with the Murdoch case, it also had to be remembered that other countries, including Australia and the US, often declined visas for Indonesian journalists who wanted to report from those countries.

The media also had to be aware of the requirement to work professionally. More freedom also included equality in the eyes of the law for all people.

Referring to his own paper's attempts to uncover the truth behind the case of East Timorese orphans who were taken to Indonesia -- one report alleged to have resulted in the refusal to extend Murdoch's visa -- he said that it had transpired that everyone agreed that the children should be returned to their parents.

Nevertheless neither Indonesian nor international authorities had begun the process required to re-unite the families, and in the meantime the children were being well cared for. "Sometimes stories are simplified," Katoppo said. "It is very easy in these stories to take a shortcut, and distortions can happen." He stressed that he had not read Murdoch's report on the case and was not making any sort of judgement on them.

AJI's Solahudin said that if the government wanted to restrain press freedom it had no need to change the laws but only needed to use current law on defamation. "AJI sees the moves [to change legislation on the press] as an attempt to win back control." Referring to the Murdoch case, he said "this incident has signalled that a journalist could be punished without any reason."

The Foreign Ministry's Dr. Natalagawa came under heavy pressure in the question and answer session, with questioners demanding an explanation of the committee that had made the ruling on Murdoch's work permit.

He strove to convince the audience that the decision had been made because the authorities were under the impression that a successor for The Sydney Morning Herald/The Age correspondent had already been nominated and it was considered three months was enough for a handover.

He said the committee was similar to those of other countries that made decisions on immigration issues and there was no reason to suggest that it was in any way sinister. He said denials of its existence by the head of immigration and intelligence chief AM Hendropriyono may have been simply because they were not aware of its existence.

He said there were many in the Foreign Ministry who could not accept restraints on freedom of the press, and there was no intention on the part of government to censor news or control what correspondents were allowed to work in the country and those who were not. There was clearly a discrepancy in understanding between the papers Murdoch represented. "What we would like to appeal to all is not to present the case as something other than an arrangement that did not go as smoothly as we wanted."

Lindsay Murdoch, in a prepared statement, said his employers regretted the publicity surrounding the case that had damaged Indonesia's image as an open society. However, they "must and will stand on the principle that a foreign government can not pick and choose a correspondent." He said the two papers' owner, John Fairfax Pty. Ltd., had deliberately kept quiet any news of the dispute over his status since questions were first raised by the Indonesian side last November, despite urgings from members of the media to go public earlier.

In later comments, Murdoch asked if a compromise might still be possible, to which the Foreign Ministry spokesman responded that "we have taken note of the point made by Lindsay and we will look into the matter".

Senior Indonesian media sources said after the seminar closed that they believed the Foreign Ministry was again being forced to "wash the dishes" for a decision made by other parties, and it was highly likely that such parties were using the case to create friction between Australia and Indonesia. It was also likely that the main target of this attack was not Australia but the Indonesian government itself.

Focus on Jakarta

Direct polls expected to prevent bribery

Jakarta Post - March 26, 2002

Ahmad Junaidi, Jakarta -- Amid allegations of the city administration bribing councillors, observers proposed on Monday the implementation of direct gubernatorial elections for the city's next governor to prevent "money politics".

"It would be more difficult for gubernatorial candidates to buy the votes of the millions of Jakarta residents to become the city governor," executive director of the Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro) Smita Notosusanto said in a discussion.

Under the current election system, it would be easier for candidates to buy the votes of half of the 85 councillors, she added. A Cetro' survey showed that more than 80 percent of the current elections in the country created troubles and disputes, such as allegations of money politics.

Money politics could also be involved before the governor presents the budget or accountability speech. Governor Sutiyoso was criticized recently for allocating Rp 17.8 billion (US$1.78 million) for the city councillors who would discuss, among other things, his budget speech on the 2001 city budget. Sutiyoso, who will read the speech on Thursday, denied the accusation.

In the discussion, political expert Andi A. Mallarangeng shared Smita's view, saying that with direct elections, the governor would also focus more on his or her programs promised before the election. "Nowadays, most of the governors, mayors and regents in the country think every day about what they should give to councillors to ensure the latter do not dismiss them," he said.

However, councillor Dadang Hamdani of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle rejected direct gubernatorial elections, arguing that it would create small states within the state. "Direct election violates the spirit of the unitary state of Indonesia," Dadang, a member of City Council Commission A for administrative and legal affairs, told the discussion.

Sutiyoso's tenure will end in October, but he has expressed his willingness to be reelected for a second five-year term. The next election, if conducted indirectly, would be determined by the 85 city councillors. The largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, has 30 seats and would play an important role.

Smita said Cetro had submitted a proposal to revise Law No. 22/1999 on regional autonomy, especially Article 49 on election of governors, mayors and regents. "We hope it can be discussed next month," she said.

Andi suggested that the next gubernatorial election be postponed until the law is revised by the House, saying that President Megawati Soekarnoputri could appoint an acting governor. "The acting governor could prepare the direct gubernatorial elections for at least a year," he said.

Cetro suggested that a Jakarta governor should get 51 percent of residents' votes and should secure at least 20 percent of votes from three mayoralties. A governor who secures significant votes in three mayoralties would be considered more legitimate and would be supported by the majority of city residents.

Where is the priority, Jakarta officials asked

Straits Times - March 25, 2002

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- The city council is planning to spend US$1.4 million to install red and white lights and new pipes in the city's most famous fountain.

But less than half that amount has been allocated this year to repair the city's woefully inadequate flood-control system, mere weeks after floods killed dozens of people and caused millions of dollars worth of damage. The flood-control project given the green light is a new dam in North Jakarta, which will cost US$600,000.

Work on the Hotel Indonesia fountain, a famous landmark for Jakarta's demonstrations, began a week ago. The authorities wish to complete the renovation before Jakarta's 475th anniversary celebrations on June 20. City council officials said the hefty renovation bill was due to a new water-spout configuration, underwater lighting in the colours of the Indonesian flag -- red and white -- an additional tier for the currently single-level pool, and new cables and nozzles.

But few local politicians could explain why so much was being spent on fountain renovations when the Jakarta government supposedly lacked 12 billion rupiah (S$2.4 million) to complete construction of the East Flood Canal -- crucial for preventing huge floods in the future.

The East Flood Canal is part of a network of canals that Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso promised to build after the disastrous floods. The canals are meant to collect water from the city's 13 highland rivers and channel it into the Java Sea.

One politician, who was asked why the government was spending so much on fountain renovations and so little on constructing new canals, said the canal project was too costly. "The problem with the floods is that it takes a long time to fund it. We need to buy up land and we haven't yet bought it from the community," said Ms Anna Rudiantika, head of Parliament's budget commission. Ms Anna said unless the central government stepped in to help with the funding, it could take 10 years to build the East Flood Canal.

Mr Aloysius Susanto from Jakarta's parks department argued that since the funding for the fountain came from income collected from billboard advertisements and not from taxes, the council was therefore free to use the money as it saw fit.

Non-government groups and newspapers have criticised the government's focus on beautifying Jakarta's main thoroughfare rather than building vital infrastructure. "Jakarta needs to fix the canals, it doesn't need to buy more spouts for the Hotel Indonesia fountain," said Mr Teten Masduki, director of Indonesian Corruption Watch.

"You can see from this project the government can use the budget for whatever purpose it wants. There is no control from the Parliament," said Mr Teten, who accused Parliament and the Jakarta administration of collusion. He alleged that the city administration had effectively bribed Parliament to turn a blind eye to such expenditures by giving 17.8 billion rupiah to fund Mr Sutiyoso's speeches and local parliamentary meetings.

The Jakarta Post in an editorial on Saturday also lambasted Jakarta's governor and administration. It said there were few attempts to improve the city's infrastructure and solve problems such as pollution and regular flooding, to the point that living in the capital had become almost unbearable.

Environment

El Nino may force rubber production to fall in 2002

Agence France Presse - March 26, 2002

Jakarta -- Indonesia's rubber production could fall by eight percent this year because of the El Nino weather phenomenon, a report said here Tuesday.

"The El Nino can reduce the Indonesian production by some eight percent," Chairman of the Indonesian Rubber Association (Gapkindo), Asril Sutan Amir said according to the Bisnis Indonesia daily.

Experts have warned that El Nino may strike again this year. It caused major long droughts in Indonesia in 1991-92, leading to a fall in the production of various commodities.

Gapkindo has forecast Indonesia's natural rubber production would only reach 1.44 million tonnes this year. Indonesia produced 1.56 million tonnes of rubber in the first 10 months of 2001. A total of 1.2 tonnes were exported that year.

Haze shrouds capital of Indonesia's South Kalimantan province

Agence France Presse - March 23, 2002

Thick haze shrouded the capital of Indonesia's South Kalimantan province on Borneo island, reducing visibility to only 10 meters (yards), the Antara news agency said.

The haze, apparently resulting from forest fires, also hung over busy waterways linking the city's three largest rivers Saturday, deterring many boats from plying the water. Smoke has also clouded parts of Sumatra island since the past week.

In 1997 thick smoke from extensive forest and ground fires covered parts of Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia for months, causing major traffic and health hazards.

Officials blame the use of fire to clear land, both by traditional farmers and large plantations, for the blazes. The Indonesian government has banned the practice but has been largely unable to enforce the prohibition.

The head of the Meteorology and Geophysics Body, Gunawan Ibrahim, warned Friday that the El Nino weather pattern, which is now developing, would worsen forest fires in Kalimantan and Sumatra.

El Nino refers to an extensive warming of the central and eastern Pacific Ocean that can change normal weather patterns.

Health & education

Poverty forces thousands of children out of school

Agence France Presse - March 25, 2002

Thousands of Indonesian children in one district alone have been forced to drop out of school because of poverty.

More than 20,000 out of 43,336 students aged between 13 and 15 dropped out last year in the district of Banjarnegara in Java, the Jakarta Post said. Almost 10,000 of a total of 108,395 elementary students also dropped out, the Post quoted figures from the local administration as saying.

Thousands of children could not attend school at all because their parents cannot afford fees, it said. "Poverty is the main reason. We hope the economic crisis will end so that the parents can finance their children's schooling," local education chief Washadun (eds: one name) was quoted as saying.

The East Asian financial crisis of 1997/98 forced millions of Indonesians back below the poverty line. The state subsidises education but parents still face a number of fees and charges to send their children to school.

Religion/Islam

Students brainwashed at Islamic school: Parents

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2002

Yuli Tri Suwarni, Bandung -- Islamic boarding school staff in West Java are brainwashing students into supporting the fundamentalist group Indonesian Islamic State (NII), parents claim.

Police and prosecutors are investigating the Al-Zaetun Islamic boarding school in the town of Indramayu, after parents complained to the provincial legislative council that the school's director, K.H. Abu Toto, was a leader of the NII movement.

"We have received reports from the parents of victims influenced by the NII movement. They feel their children have been 'turned over' from the true Islamic teachings," said Ruchiyat Noor, chairman of the council's commission E.

He said the NII movement had spread to other parts of West Java, including the provincial capital Bandung. Most of the victims were senior high school and university students in the first years of their degrees, who were sent to the school to study Islam, he said.

On Wednesday night, West Java Governor R. Nuriana and chiefs of the local police, prosecutor's office and religious affairs office held a closed-door meeting in Bandung to discuss action against K.H. Abu Toto, alias Panji Gumilang.

"Up till now, we have had difficulty finding accurate data on the relation between NII and K.H. Abu Toto, who is said to be leader of the movement," West Java police detective chief Sr. Comr. Yono said on Tuesday. He said his office had not yet received official reports from the parents. The students were not boarders at the school, Yono said. However, Yono said the local authorities were gathering information on the NII movement.

Head of the West Java prosecutor's office Sudono Iswahyudi alleged campaigns for NII had widened across the province, claiming hundreds of victims. But it remains unclear whether NII was linked with Al-Zaetun, he added. "We don't want to speculate until every thing is complete."

Nuriana said he left the investigation and any decision on Al- Zaetun to the local prosecutor's office. "It's difficult to look into the case because those filing the complaints never live there," he said.

The protesting families said they were shocked by drastic changes in their children's behavior after they took religious classes at Al-Zaetun. "Suddenly their children refuse to perform prayers and resist them because they consider their parents as infidel," Ruchiyat said. "Many of them spend so much money for their struggle and even some others are not reluctant to steal money from houses of their neighbors."

An organization of local Muslim preachers, led by K.H. Athian Ali, last month declared NII a deviant Islamic movement.

America's exaggerated interest in radical groups may backfire

Jakarta Post - March 28, 2002

Leo Wahyudi S, Jakarta -- The United States and its allies should tread carefully in their recriminations of radical religious groups here, since over-emphasizing their potential threat may create unwarranted sympathy for these groups, a leading Islamic scholar warned.

Azyumardi Azra said such these diminutive groups would gain recognition if they were continually slammed by major powers. The goal of constraining these groups would only backfire in a seeming battle of David versus Goliath, and alienate moderate Muslims who may perceive it as a battle against Islam.

"US overreaction may ferment discomfort among moderate Muslims," Azyumardi, who is rector of the State Academy of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, said in his presentation at a seminar on the perception of Islam in Indonesia in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attack.

While he did not accuse local groups like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), Lashkar Jihad, Hizb al-Tahrir and Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI) of being involved in terrorist activity, he did however, in his paper identify them as those who have come "to the forefront in a more visible, vocal and militant manner" since September 11. While these groups "exert only a limited influence", they would try to make use of any possible issue related to Islam and Muslims for their own purposes."

Since the United States launched their war on terrorism the existence of radical groups has become a point of focus in the search for possible terrorist networks in the region. Singapore, for example, has charged that MMI leader Abu Bakar Ba'asyir is a ring leader of a terrorist network in Southeast Asia.

There have been media reports also that Washington is also looking more closely at radical elements in Indonesia. Indonesia, however, has maintained that there is little factual evidence of this despite their apparent militant stance. Foreign envoys have also urged the moderate Muslim majority here to be more vocal to counter perceptions of Indonesia as a haven for Islamic extremism.

In Wednesday's discussion, held jointly by IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah and the Canadian Embassy, it was pointed out that the two major grassroots Muslim organizations -- Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama -- which claim to encompass over 70 million members are still regarded as very moderate.

Azyumardi believes that the best weapon to combat radical elements is to strengthen and empower democratic elements within the Muslim mainstream. He also urged moderate Muslim organizations to take a stronger stance to counter public misperception.

After the discussions, Azyumardi told The Jakarta Post that it was also crucial to ensure that the legal system worked properly in handling such threats. "The government together with moderate Muslim groups must make sure that the law works."

Armed forces/Police

'Clean and loyal' army chief gets Mega's vote

Straits Times - March 26, 2002

Jakarta -- Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri wants army chief General Endriartono Sutarto to head the armed forces, replacing Admiral Widodo Adisucipto.

A legislator from her political party said yesterday that Ms Megawati will nominate Gen Sutarto for parliament's approval when it resumes its session in May after a two-month break.

She believes her candidate is clean, loyal to the government and the President and dedicated to the armed forces and the state, said Mr Cahyo Kumolo, secretary of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, as quoted by the state Antara news agency.

Adm Widodo has long passed the mandatory retirement age of 55 and is due to be replaced.

Under the Indonesian system, the president proposes one or more candidates, based on the recommendations of a military rank promotion council, to parliament for approval.

Indonesia's once-powerful military's role has been reduced since former president Suharto resigned in 1998. But it is still a weighty player in Indonesian politics and one of the country's most influential institutions.

International relations

Indonesia, US to mull restarting security cooperation: official

Agence France Presse - March 28, 2002

Jakarta -- Indonesia and the United States are to discuss a possible resumption of security cooperation, during a meeting here next month, foreign ministry spokesman Marty Natalegawa said.

"We believe that talks on a possible resumption of military ties is one of the main items in the agenda of the meeting," Natalegawa told AFP.

The meeting, set for April 25 and 26, will serve as a follow-up to talks between President Megawati Sukarnoputri and US President George W. Bush in Washington last September, Natalegawa said.

The United States severed most military ties after Indonesian troops were implicated in the bloody rampage that followed East Timor's vote for independence from Jakarta in August 1999.

News of next month's meeting has come amid growing concern among some Western countries about Indonesia's potential as a refuge for international terrorists. Indonesia has also faced pressure from within and outside southeast Asia to take action against alleged terrorist leaders but has played down the threat.

Natalegawa declined to say if the meeting would discuss a possible role for the US military in helping Indonesian troops hunt down terrorists. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz has said he did not rule out the possibility of joint military training in counter-terrorism and counter-narcotics operations.

Megawati and Jiang pledge to boost trade and other ties

Straits Times - March 25, 2002

Beijing -- China and Indonesia pledged to boost trade and cooperation in wide-ranging fields yesterday, as the two countries' largest oil companies agreed to form a partnership on the first day of Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri's visit.

China was her first stop on an Asian tour that will also take her to North and South Korea, and to India.

In a meeting between Ms Megawati and Chinese President Jiang Zemin after her arrival yesterday, both leaders agreed to strengthen ties. "China and Indonesia are developing countries with important influence in the world," the Chinese leader was quoted by the China Central Television Station as saying. He said he hoped both countries would step up cooperation in regional and international affairs and make new contributions for a fair and reasonable international political order.

The Indonesian leader thanked China for helping her country during its economic development and said the two countries' friendship was "very, very long-standing". She agreed with the Chinese President's suggestions, noting that the two countries should increase cooperation in fields such as agriculture, education and tourism.

The two leaders then oversaw the signing of several deals, one of which was an agreement between the Indonesian state oil company Pertamina and China's largest oil company PetroChina to form a partnership. Details were not revealed.

China also pledged US$400 million (S$733 million) in low-interest loans to Indonesia.

The two countries also signed four other memorandums of understanding, including an agreement to establish Indonesian consulate generals in the Chinese cities of Guangzhou and Shanghai and Chinese consulates in Surabaya and Medan in Indonesia.

Both sides also signed a deal for China to provide a 50-million- yuan (S$11.1-million) grant to Indonesia for economic and technical cooperation and an agreement on cooperation in infrastructure projects in Indonesia.

The Chinese leader thanked his Indonesian counterpart for the efforts she has made in improving the situation for Indonesia's ethnic Chinese. The Chinese leader recalled that Ms Megawati's father Sukarno had close relations with China's former leaders.

Political and economic ties between Indonesia and China were close in the 50s and early 60s under President Sukarno, but relations cooled in 1967 after Jakarta, then under army general Suharto, accused Beijing of complicity in a failed communist coup two years earlier.

Economy & investment

Indonesia's S&P ratings still hinge on debt talks

Reuters - March 26, 2002

Jennifer Chen, Singapore -- Ratings agency Standard & Poor's said on Tuesday Indonesia's long-term sovereign ratings are still at risk of a downgrade to "selective default" despite recent positive economic and political developments.

Indonesia's ratings hinge on whether Paris Club creditors will demand equal treatment for private lenders in rescheduling the country's huge debt burden at crucial talks next month, Takahira Ogawa, director of sovereign ratings at S&P in Singapore, told Reuters.

The agency has said previously that it would downgrade Indonesia to selective default if the Paris Club insisted that private lenders shoulder some of the burden of rescheduling.

A downgrade to selective default would make it more difficult for the country to attract foreign capital and would force up the cost of borrowing.

S&P cut Indonesia's long-term sovereign debt rating to CCC from CCC-Plus in November, citing the same concerns about private lenders being asked to share the burden of restructuring.

Rescheduling total not an issue

Ogawa said Indonesian Finance Minister Boediono's comments on Monday that the country would seek to reschedule less than $5.5 billion in debt, scaling back from expectations of some $6 billion, made little difference to the ratings outlook. "I don't know where he got that figure from, and whether he has in mind that the Paris Club will ask private lenders to share the burden," Ogawa said.

Boediono did not say on Monday how the new figure was calculated. He has been lobbying foreign creditors over the need for Indonesia to reschedule the debt, part of the country's total $140 billion in foreign obligations.

The Paris Club is due to meet next month with Jakarta to discuss rescheduling of interest and principal payments due in 2002 and 2003.

The market has been debating whether private lenders will be asked to share the pain of restructuring. Commercial loans, such as $500 million in yankee bonds due in 2006, make up a sizable portion of the country's formidable debt burden.

Separately, Jakarta is seen trying to tackle endemic corruption with two high-profile cases. The parliamentary speaker and leader of the former ruling Golkar Party Akbar Tandjung is on trial for graft and former president Suharto's favourite son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra is charged with murdering a judge who convicted him for corruption.

Who is in charge?

Ogawa also noted a dispute between the central bank and finance ministry over the servicing of 144.5 trillion rupiah ($14.9 billion) in government bonds, which could have a serious impact on budget deficit figures for 2001 and beyond. The bonds were issued by the government to repay the central bank for loans made to debt-laden private bankers in the 1990s.

But the government is worried it will not be able to get repayment from the bankers and has refused to pay 7.8 trillion rupiah in interest on bonds due in 2001 until the central bank can verify that the banker loans were properly made.

The dispute has raised concerns among analysts that the burden could be placed on the central bank, and jeopardise its financial position and its yankee bonds.

S&P's Ogawa said this was another unfortunate example of the government's confused way of dealing with the economy. "It is not quite clear to me who is in charge of economic policy," he said.

BCA a good sign

Ogawa said the sale of Bank Central Asia (BCA) -- the country's largest retail bank -- to US investment firm Farallon was a step in the right direction for Indonesia.

Neverthless, he had reservations over the sale process and whether future assets sales would be successful. "The distance of this step might not be big. It's not a great leap forward because the process is still unclear and there are a lot of questions that remain," said Ogawa.

Farallon won the bid for 51 percent of BCA earlier this month, surprising many in the market who had expected long-running favourite Standard Chartered Bank to win. Jakarta has said it awarded Farallon the deal because it had fewer conditions than StanChart, though market talk still persists as to whether a hedge fund can successfully run a bank.