Democratic struggle

Student groups, NGOs declare neutrality in Wahid furore

Agence France-Presse - February 4, 2001

Jakarta -- Overshadowed by the tumultuous events in Indonesia this week the groups at the forefront of the overthrow of former dictator Suharto declared they would have no part in the furore over whether President Abdurrahman Wahid should resign.

Indonesia's five most active student groups and the country's respected pro-reform NGO coalition all announced their neutrality over whether or not Wahid should be allowed to stay in power. This time, they said, they would not be in the streets on either side.

The NGOs -- who include the Alliance of Independent Journalists and the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) -- held a joint press conference on Friday to urge people not to be drawn into an "elitist" struggle which could derail post- Suharto reform efforts.

At the conference the Joint Forum of Non-Governmental Organizations, whose members have been fighting corruption and working to prevent the return of still-powerful supporters of the former dictator, laid the blame for the Wahid conflict on Suharto's old Golkar Party.

Other groups included the Commission for the Victims of Violence and Disappeared Persons (KONTRAS), The Foundation of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI), The Urban Poor Consortium (UPC), and the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi).

"Don't be provoked and pitted against each other by Golkar which has succeeded in blocking out and obscuring the real issues," PBHI chairman, Hendardi, told the press conference.

The forum, Hendardi said, also called on people to keep the spirit of total reform alive -- keep working to bring Suharto and his cronies to court, eliminate corruption and nepotism in all its forms and to get the military out of politics.

The NGO forum, he said was determined "not to be drawn into or trapped " into the conflict over Wahid, and would continue its anti-New order struggle.

The New Order was the name Suharto gave to his 32-year-long regime which relied on the military and the Golkar to stay in power.

Those fanning the Wahid dispute were not representative of the public, and were acting "only in their own narrow political interests," said another speaker. The five student organizations, some new and some old, held their press conference on Thursday -- before parliament announced its decision to censure Wahid -- saying what everyone already knew -- that many of the groups on the streets were paid "rent-a-mobs."

In a joint statement issued at Jakarta's Atmajaya University, the five -- the Trisakti Students' Action Forum (Kamtri), City Forum (Forkot), Democratic National Students' League (LMND), Democratic National Forum (FND) and Indonesian Youth Struggle Forum (FPPI) Jakarta -- said they would "stand above the conflict."

Like the NGO's they said they were "more concerned with combating the legacy of Suharto's New Order regime," corruption both in the new government and outside it.

"We state our neutral attitude firmly. For us, corruption, collusion and nepotism established by the governments of the New Order and Gus Dur must be abolished," said Faisal Sainema, General Secretary of City Forum, referring to the 60-year-old Wahid by his nickname.

Developments had given rise to worries that the furore over the president were a "political game" or smoke screen under which Suharto loyalists hoped to seize back power," Sainema said.

FPPI secretary genral Muhaji, urged all students not to let themselves be played with by the political elite, to hang on to their reform program.

In Jakarta on Saturday, the results of the resolutions were clear but the reaction mixed. Students meeting in their hundreds inside campuses for meetings and discussion forums were divided -- some upholding the Atmajaya declaration -- others arguing that fighting corruption meant fighting Wahid.

But in the streets new banners had spung up on hoardings and at main intersections -- emblazoned with the reform and anti- corruption slogans of 1998 -- and warning Golkar not to try to take advantage of the situation to stage a comeback.

Rallies continue despite House's censure of Gus Dur

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2001

Jakarta -- Persistent opponents of President Abdurrahman Wahid seemed to keep their word on Friday to continue rallying until their demand -- that the President steps down -- is fulfilled.

In Yogyakarta some 800 students from various universities and organizations, including the Muslim Students Association (HMI), rallied on Friday, calling on President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid to resign.

Some of the students marched from their campuses at the northern end of the city to the Malioboro thoroughfare soon after Friday noon prayer, while some others walked from the provincial legislative council.

They converged in front of the State Building (Gedung Negara) on Malioboro, and began their street action, causing serious traffic congestion.

Waving posters and banners, the students rallied against corruption, collusion and nepotistic (KKN) practices. A banner read "Save the Reform Movement", and others read "Stop New KKN" and "Resign in Honor, Gus", referring to the President.

One of the students shouted; "Eight out of ten factions at the House concluded that Gus Dur may have links to the Bulog and Brunei financial scandals. There's no reason for him to retain his post." Fadhilah, of the Indonesian Islamic University (UII) said that Gus Dur could no longer claim to have support from the majority.

"Gus Dur may be a good leader, but he is just a human who can make mistakes. To err is human," said Fadhilah. The protesters dispersed peacefully at almost 4pm.

In the South Sulawesi capital of Makassar, around 20 lawyers, human rights activists and law students representing the Makassar Law Community marched to the provincial legislature urging that the legislature press the House of Representatives (DPR) to start the special session (to impeach the President) soon.

"The special session will wipe out any uncertainty that the public may have regarding what further steps should be taken in the handling of Gus Dur's saga," Sulthani, the group spokesman said. The protesters also wanted the People's Consultative Assembly's mandate for the President to be withdrawn, and asked the military and police to remain loyal to the public.

In Surabaya, the East Java branch of the Indonesian Islamic Students Association (KAMMI) said in a press release signed by one of its chairmen Supariyanto that Gus Dur should talk to his own inner self and take a wise step by resigning. Copies of the press release dated February 2, 2001 was distributed to reporters.

Chairman of East Java Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Ali Maschan Moesa called on NU members to remain calm. "There have been situations where other pro-New Order groups have opposed and challenged NU. Therefore NU supporters must abide by NU leaders' directives." He did not explain what he meant by pro-New Order groups.

A tense situation occurred in the Central Java town of Jepara on Friday when two large groups of supporters and opponents of Abdurrahman Wahid met face-to-face at a demonstration in the regency legislature.

A large number of policemen managed to separate the two groups, whose members brought sharp weapons in their hands, before a brawl took place.

Gus Dur's supporters said that pro-New Order groups were behind efforts to topple Gus Dur, waging banners reading "Jepara santri are behind Gus Dur", and "Ever onward to defend kyai".

While those opposing Gus Dur said that waving banners read, among others "Defending Gus Dur will make the country collapse". After making speeches and submitting "political statements" the protesters dispersed peacefully.

Meanwhile in the town of Salatiga some 5,000 people of the Forum for Defend Santri's Mandate held a mass prayer for the survival of Gus Dur -- Megawati Soekarnoputri duo. They also read political statements for the House speaker Akbar Tandjung. "Gus Dur and Megawati are the legitimate President and Vice President to deal with the chaotic situation created by the New Order regime."

Santri are students of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). Most pesantren in Java belong to NU, the religious organization base of Gus Dur's elders.

Demonstrators turn out if force outside House

Jakata Post - February 2, 2001 (slightly abridged)

Jakarta -- Braving heavy rain, thousands of protesters swarmed the streets around the House of Representatives (DPR) on Thursday to apply pressure on President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid to resign over alleged involvement in two financial scandals.

Thousands of others converged on the same site with contradictory calls, only to spark verbal clashes. Police estimated that as many as 10,000 protesters showed up, most of them calling for Abdurrahman Wahid to quit.

As most legislators strongly suspect that Gus Dur played a role in the Bulog and Brunei financial scandals, over 5,000 student protesters filled the road from the Jakarta Police headquarters on Jl. Sudirman to the DPR complex, shouting anti-Gus Dur slogans.

"Why Gus Dur? He is destroying our country. He is of no use," a student from the National University shouted through a megaphone prompting thousand of others to join him in crying out anti-Gus Dur slogans.

"If it is proven that he is involved in those scandals, Gus Dur must resign!" Traffic police were forced to block Jl. Gatot Subroto, the Cawang-Grogol tollroad and streets in Pejompongan leading to the DPR complex, to obstruct buses carrying hundreds of protesters.

Over 4,000 riot police officers tried their best to block protesters from entering DPR, and tried to keep them apart.

Grouped under various organizations like City Forum (Forkot), Trisakti Students Unity Action (Kamtri) and Students Action for Democracy Forum (Famred), protesters failed to break through the cordons of police officers guarding the DPR complex, but managed to heighten tension, and traffic in the Semanggi-Slipi area.

Heavy showers caused anti-Gus Dur protesters from Central Java and West Java to disperse and to retreat on foot towards Jl. K.S. Tubun in Tanah Abang, but the rain didn't stop the arrival of Forkot, Famred and Kamtri, who voiced their support for the special inquiry committee.

Although praising the protesters for refraining themselves from violence, City Police chief Insp. Gen. Mulyono Sulaiman admitted a small brawl erupted between two groups outside the heavily guarded House building as legislators were debating over what action should be taken against the President.

"So far, Jakarta remains under control, and we hope that that can be maintained. The protesters have exercised their right in quite an orderly manner," Mulyoni said.

Mulyono said some 15,000 police troops were deployed to maintain security and order in the capital and would remain in place for another few weeks under the operation code named Sadar Jaya.

National Police Chief Gen. Suroyo Bimantoro told reporters at the scene that the capital was in a "normal condition and secure." "I traveled around Jakarta using our helicopter. Crowds are concentrated at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout, in Salemba [Central Jakarta] and around the DPR complex. Other then that, Jakarta is safe," Bimantoro told reporters, after inspecting his forces at the DPR complex.

"I also ask all protesters not to use violence when protesting. If they do, the police will take firm action. The DPR com lex is actually not meant for people to take sides and protest."

Tension heightened as pro-Gus Dur protesters obstructed thousands of students grouped in the Student Executive Body (BEM) -- mostly arriving from Java -- from standing in front of the gates to the DPR complex. The students were finally allowed to do so, but it ended with police having to close the Cawang-Grogol tollroad.

Some pro-Gus Dur supporters armed with long sticks, who were separated from the students by the toll road partition, ended up throwing softdrinks bottles and paper at the students.

At a separate event, students grouped under the National Students League for Democracy (LMND), Forkot and the Swadarma University demanded the disbandment of the Golkar Party.

As the rain stopped, protesters marched on to the heavily-guarded presidential palace to repeat their demands after hearing that the House had almost overwhelmingly accepted the result of the investigation into the scandals which implicated Gus Dur.

Outside the palace, armored cars and security troops were prepared for action. After some time the students marched off to the nearby Supreme Court building, where another group of Gus Dur opponents had amassed.

Military troops and police watched over the rally, the largest to have been staged in front of the State Palace yet.

Supporters, opponents of Gus Dur rally again

Jakata Post - February 2, 2001

Jakarta -- As most factions of the House of Representatives (DPR) accepted on Thursday the recommendations of the special committee on the Bulog and Brunei scandals, thousands of supporters and opponents of President Abdurrahman Wahid took to the streets in various cities for the fourth time since Monday.

In the Central Java town of Blora, around 10,000 supporters of the President swarmed the square, expressing their support for Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri. Blora is located some 100 kilometers east of the provincial capital, Semarang.

Originating from 16 districts, the demonstrators claimed themselves to be from the Alliance of Blora People. The group consisted of farmers, workers and other professions from various ethnic backgrounds, including Indonesian-Chinese. They held speeches, urging the Indonesian public to be alert to the emergence of New Order remnants. "The orchestration of the Bulog and Brunei scandals indicated a conspiracy to overturn Gus Dur." "The people of Blora demanded that Gus Dur be retained until 2004. DPR should be more aware of the high social cost the country would pay if Gus Dur is unseated," an orator said.

Another expression of support for Gus Dur was demonstrated by some 200 members of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in Semarang. Gus Dur had chaired the largest Muslim organization for 15 years before being elected President.

In Surabaya, hundreds of demonstrators converged on the provincial legislative council building suggesting that Gus Dur quit rather than be impeached at the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) special session.

Ardian, one of the protesters from Airlangga University, said that the President had betrayed the public's trust by reviving corruption, collusion and nepotistic practices.

He referred to the DPR's vote to overwhelmingly accept the committee's report linking Abdurrahman to two multi-million dollar scandals. "We also call on everybody to stop worshipping Gus Dur as wali, a pious [Muslim] leader or an angel," Ardian said.

Gus Dur, known for his kyai line from his ancestors, was seen as wali by his fanatical supporters, especially those living in pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) in Java.

While Gus Dur's opponents were carrying out their speeches, another group of some 100 youths arrived, yelling slogans demanding the dissolution of Golkar for its notoriety during (former president) Soeharto's 32-year tenure.

Another 200 students, who claimed to be neutral, joined groups asking all layers of society to complete the reform agenda properly for the sake of the general public. No incidents were reported.

"Harsher" action was demonstrated by opponents of Gus Dur in Makassar, South Sulawesi, when they prevented Gus Dur supporters from entering the legislative council building. Hundreds of anti-Abdurrahman protesters said that violence could occur if supporters of the President were let in.

Following pressure from protesters, the South Sulawesi Legislative Council issued a "political statement", requiring the House to issue a memorandum for the MPR special session to impeach Gus Dur.

Meanwhile, in the West Sumatra capital of Padang, student protesters were consistent with their demand; Gus Dur should resign or else Sumatra should attain independence.

Some 500 students of various Islamic organizations and non- governmental organizations amassed at the provincial legislature again on Thursday to reiterate their previous demands. "We will be here again and again until Gus Dur resigns," Yarsi Sanif, the protesters spokesman said.

Massive protests expected at House on Thursday

Jakarta Post - February 1, 2001

Jakarta -- Thousands of people, supporters and opponents of President Abdurrahman Wahid, are almost certain to flock to the House of Representatives building on Thursday when the House plenary session is scheduled to discuss two scandals linked to the President.

Among them are at least 5,000 students from various universities in Java, including the University of Indonesia (UI), Trisakti University and the Bandung Institute of Technology.

"We will come in the same numbers as on Monday. It won't be less," the president of Trisakti Students' Union, Andre Roseade, told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.

Andre said groups of students from outside Jakarta were staying at the Salemba campus of UI in Central Jakarta, and were ready to march on the House building.

On Wednesday, hundreds of students staged a rally at the campus, demanding the cleansing of the old regime, the upholding of the reform vision and the preemption of a new authoritarian regime.

They placed more emphasis in their demands on the cleaning up of the old regime, amid accusations by UI alumni that they were being "paid" by a certain group to urge the President to resign.

Former alumni chairman Hariyadi Dharmawan earlier demanded the eradication of the new order regime and the banning of the Golkar Party as a symbol of that regime. Meanwhile, National Awakening Party (PKB) deputy secretary general Chotibul Umam Wiranu said that he could not guarantee that Abdurrahman's supporters would not resort to physical force to keep him as president.

"We live in a paternalistic culture. If something happens to their leader, we cannot stop them from expressing their discontent in their own way. This can be very dangerous," Chotibul told journalists on Wednesday.

He cited that in Pekalongan, Central Java, there had been a small clash between those in favor of and those against Abdurrahman. Such incidents could happen again in the future if the grass roots thought that various parties were trying to overthrow Abdurrahman, he said.

Chotibul underlined that the PKB had made many attempts to encourage the President's supporters to stay out of political controversies, but if the special committee tried to force its way, then people would flood the capital.

Police Separately, National Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Saleh Saaf said that at least 1,100 security personnel were already deployed in and around the MPR/DPR complex in Central Jakarta.

They consisted of 400 officers from the National Police's elite mobile brigade (Brimob), 400 officers from the Jakarta Police and 300 soldiers. "If the need arises, we'll increase the number of officers in the area," he said.

The police are prepared to deploy 100 police negotiators in the field on Thursday, to face rowdy demonstrators. "Our attitude will be to negotiate without resorting to the use of force. If the protesters persist and use any kind of weapon to attack us, we will take action," he said.

Meanwhile, waves of anti-Abdurrahman protests continued on Wednesday in several cities.

In the West Sumatra capital of Padang, scores of students from Bung Hatta University reiterated their demands for an independent Sumatra and Gus Dur's prompt resignation. Carrying mock gallows and an effigy of the President, the protesters yelled "Independent Sumatra" and "Gus Dur resign".

The demonstrators, led by the secretary of the student senate, Yarsi Sonif, then staged a parody of a people's court to try (the effigy of) Gus Dur. The trial ended with Gus Dur in the gallows.

In Makassar, violence almost broke out when some 200 anti- Abdurrahman demonstrators tried to break through a police barricade barring them from entering the South Sulawesi legislative council building.

The students grew angry after Comr. Marjuki, who was in command of the police at the council compound, said that only 25 students were allowed to meet with legislators.

The officers tried to stop the students with their batons. The peak of the protest was when the students of the University of '45 burned a bier with a chair (symbolizing the presidential seat) placed on top of it. A large picture of the President was also set ablaze. "Makassar students will continue demonstrating until Gus Dur quits and the birth of the second reform movement is brought about," spokesman for the students Al Mandari asserted. He said that another large protest would take place on Thursday.

In Bogor, hundreds of students from the Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB), Pakuan University and Juanda University, converged at the main gate of the Presidential Palace demanding that Gus Dur step down immediately. They also lashed out at the political elite for using violence and anarchy to achieve their goals.

"Gus Dur must quit voluntarily if he is found guilty in the Bulog and Brunei scandals," a student said in a speech. A large group of police officers managed to prevent the students from entering the palace. The students also availed of Wednesday's demonstration to discuss their plan "to occupy" the House in Jakarta on Thursday.

In the East Java capital of Surabaya, anti- and pro-Abdurrahman groups unexpectedly met at the provincial legislature on Wednesday. No clashes were reported. Some 200 people, claiming to be from the People's Group for Total Reform and Anti-New Order, moved from the Bungkul Park, which is close to the Nahdlatul Ulama head office on Jl. Raya Darmo, to the legislative council.

Yelling anti-New Order slogans, the protesters criticized Amien Rais, speaker of the People's Consultative Assembly who is known as the staunch critic of Gus Dur.

After they had spent about one hour "occupying" the legislative council grounds, another group consisting of around 200 students from various universities arrived at the scene to stage a protest against Gus Dur.

"We ask the DPR [the House] to stick to the reform movement's goals; creating clean and good governance," Debi, the students coordinator, said. About 200 riot police kept a close watch on the demonstrators closely.

Gus Dur supporters and opponents stage rallies

Jakarta Post - January 31, 2001

Semarang -- Groups of students staged rallies here on Tuesday in support of and in opposition to President Abdurrahman Wahid. The demonstrators marched along the city's streets with dozens of police officers separating them. No clashes were reported.

The anti-Abdurrahman group consisted of some 100 students from Diponegoro University, Semarang State University, the Islamic Institute and a number of other private universities. Those marching in support of the President called themselves the Semarang People's Forum.

While delivering speeches at the provincial legislative council, the President's supporters voiced their confidence in the administration of Abdurrahman and Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri. "Those against Gus Dur are taking to the street for money. They are bogus reformists. They must be opposed."

In Tegal, some 160 kilometers west of Semarang, around 4,000 supporters of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Muslim organization, converged on the regency legislature in support of Gus Dur. They also condemned the followers of the New Order, accusing them of attempting to make a political comeback by rocking Abdurrahman's administration.

In Pekalongan, 60 kilometers east of Tegal, some 5,000 NU members marched to the legislature. They criticized Akbar Tandjung and Amien Rais, the speakers of the House of Representatives and the People's Consultative Assembly, respectively, for being inconsistent in their support of Abdurrahman, who is the former chairman of NU.

They said the House special committee investigating the Bulog and Brunei scandals was illegal. The President is allegedly linked to both of these financial scandals.

A similar scene took place in the West Java capital of Bandung on Tuesday, with dozens of Abdurrahman supporters from the West Java Youth and Student Forum burning effigies of former president Soeharto, Akbar Tandjung and Bachtiar Hamzah, the chairman of the House special committee.

"They are trying to use the probe to divert attention from corruption during the New Order regime by raising the Bulog and Brunei scams," a speaker said. Also in Bandung, some 200 students from the Forum of Students and People for the Safety of Indonesia rallied to show their support for the House special committee. They delivered speeches in front of Bandung Indah Plaza demanding a special session be held to impeach Abdurrahman. No violence was reported.

On Monday, police were able to prevent a clash between supporters and critics of Abdurrahman in Purwokerto. At least 500 students rallied to demand that Abdurrahman and Megawati serve their full terms ending in 2004, while an opposing group demanded the President be impeached.

In the South Sulawesi capital of Makassar, the only member of the National Awakening Party (PKB) in the provincial legislature, Abdurrahman K, was reported missing following a student protest against the President on Monday. Abdurrahman is a cofounder of PKB. According to reports, Abdurrahman K was despondent after the students forced him to sign a letter demanding the President resign.

In stark contrast to Monday, the area around the House was quiet on Tuesday, with only a few hundred supporters of the President appearing. Some 350 people from various groups gathered to warn political leaders that people at the grass roots did not want President Abdurrahman to resign or be forced from office.

At the Hotel Indonesia traffic circle in Central Jakarta, dozens of students from various universities staged a peaceful rally. The students handed flowers to passersby and urged that the process of democratization be pursued peacefully.

Meanwhile, Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Mulyono Sulaiman said on Tuesday police have confirmed that provocateurs infiltrated student demonstrations on Monday. He said five people were arrested for carrying sharp weapons during the demonstrations.

Also in Jakarta, chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) Megawati Soekarnoputri asked the party's supporters not to get involved in such a rally. Megawati's message was conveyed by the party's secretary general Sutjipto at the party's board of executives meeting here on Tuesday.

Meanwhile, Student Executive Body (BEM) executives from a number of universities refuted allegations they had been paid to stage antigovernment rallies on Monday.

The chairman of BEM at the Bandung Institute of Technology, Sigit Adi Prasetyo, his counterpart from Jakarta's University of Indonesia, Taufik Riyadi, and the chairman of BEM at Jakarta's Islamic Institute, Burhanudin, said during a media conference that "those accusing them of being paid might have been paid by pro-Gus Dur groups to attack us".

Wahid surrenders sovereignty to IMF

Green Left Weekly - January 31, 2001

Max Lane -- In an end of year "state of the nation" report, the central leadership council of the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) described economic developments during 2000 under the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid and Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri as the subjugation of Indonesia to the neo-liberal policy dictates of the Washington-based International Monetary Fund (IMF).

According to the PRD report, this subjugation has been manifested in the Wahid-Megawati government's neo-liberal program of cuts to public subsidies on fuel prices, and the privatisation of state enterprises,

Prices rises

The PRD report noted that while the "Wahid-Megawati government was forced to back down on an April 2000 planned rise in fuel prices agreed to with the IMF", it introduced the agreed rise in electricity prices. "The prices rises, imposed on enterprises consuming more than 9000 watts per month, flowed on in general price increases. The textile and steel industries were also forced to make lay-offs as a result. Despite these effects, the government proceeded, supported by all the parties in the parliament, with the fuel price rises later in the year on October 1, 2000."

In the week leading up to the increases the price of basic goods rose by 5-10% and in a number of places the supply of kerosene shrank and its price shot up before the official increases. Cement factories increased their prices by 25%, house prices increase by around 15%. Taxi fares rose by as much as 46% and public transport fares increased in a number of cities. Furthermore, at the beginning of September 2000, the government increased train and ferry fares by as much as 70%.

"The subsidy cuts also impacted on the education sector", the PRD report noted. "A number of universities such as the Gajah Mada University, the University of Airlingga, the Bandung Institute of Technology, the Bogor Agricultural Institute and the University of Indonesia are pilot projects which are being forced to become financially autonomous. As a result the campus bureaucrats increased fees by 50-100%."

Similarly, farmers had earlier had to swallow the bitter pill of neo-liberal policies during the government of former president Habibie, i.e., an increase in the price of fertilisers of around 100% as a result of subsidy cuts.

Privatisation

In the 2000-01 central government budget, the report observed, the sale of state enterprises is estimated to contribute a massive 6.5 trillion rupiah. The IMF has a target of 10 years to shift more than 60 state enterprises to private hands. "In fact, these will shift mainly to foreign owners as they are the most financially prepared. In the midst of a major crisis and the collapse of the rupiah, the government has been `forced' to sell these assets at a cheap price."

Connected also to the policy of cutting subsidies, the government appears also to be preparing the State Electricity Company and the state oil company, Pertamina, to enter the private market, "where profit and not public service is the main motive".

The PRD report cites a number of examples of the loss of jobs resulting from the privatisation of state enterprises. "The sale of Pelindo II port facilities at Tanjung Priok in Jakarta has caused concerns because the new investor plans to sack 20% of the workers. The State Electricity Company, in a similar vein, is sacking 6000 employees and Telkom is sacking 13,000."

The privatisation of the public sector is clearly causing more unemployment. The privatisation of these public enterprises is also contributing to an increase in the costs of many basic services.

Trade liberalisation

"When tariffs on agricultural imports were reduced (initially they were actually eliminated), imported rice and sugar poured into Indonesia. The result was the destruction of the national sugar industry and big losses for rice farmers. Rice farmers faced huge rises in fertiliser costs, while the government was unable to guarantee decent prices for paddy", the PRD report stated.

"The influx of general imports has also increased the flow of foreign exchange out of the country. Furthermore many of the imports make no contribution to the welfare of the people. One example has been the liberalisation of the importation of luxury cars. The import of luxury cars between January and September 2000 increased 27.18% compared to the same period last year  worth a total of US$22.56 billion."

According to the report, current trade liberalisation and privatisation are contributing to the weakening  even the destruction  of national productive capacity. As a result, there has been a huge increase in the number of impoverished people in Indonesia. The report notes that "more than 136.8 million people now live below the international poverty standard of US$2 per day, more than in Bangladesh or India".

Foreign debt

One achievement of the last year of the Wahid-Megawati government, the report notes, has been another increase in Indonesia's foreign debt. The total foreign debt now is about US$150 billion, with US$80 billion of this owed by the government. In the 2000 budget 37% of government expenditure will go to debt servicing and repayments. In 2001 debt repayments will increase to 60 trillion rupiah. In fact, the report observes, "it will probably go over this as the government takes on new loans. It is no wonder, therefore, that the budget deficit increases every year because of the increase in the government debt burden".

"Where does the money come from to pay these debts?", the report asks.

"From the sale of state enterprises, the sale of other state assets, taking on new loans, profits from state enterprises and the taxes collected by the government all go towards these debt repayments. Even the windfall profits from the sudden rocketing of oil prices are being chased by the IMF for debt repayment. The development budget gets smaller and smaller because it is not considered a priority by the IMF."

The PRD report argues that there should be "no obligation upon the Indonesian people to pay" for most of the country's foreign debt, since it was accumulated during the corrupt Suharto military dictatorship, with the willing compliance of the IMF, the World Bank and foreign donor governments. "But the [Wahid- Megawati] government just accepts the IMF's myth that the demand for the cancellation of the debt will harm the recovery of the economy."

Moves towards anti-Golkar alliances begin

Green Left Weekly - January 31, 2001

Max Lane -- On January 23, Budiman Sujatmiko, chairperson of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) led a delegation to meet the leadership of the Nahdatul Ulama (NU), the religious organisation which Abdurrahman Wahid led before his election as president of Indonesia.

Sujatmiko called on the NU to join with the PRD in fighting any comeback to power of the forces that ruled Indonesia under the Suharto "New Order" regime.

At the meeting, Sujatmiko expressed his disappointment that Wahid and the National Awakening Party (PKB), which draws its support from the NU, had failed to mobilise their supporters to destroy the New Order forces. Instead, said Sujatmiko, they were accommodating to the New Order forces by such actions as letting deposed dictator Suharto escape a public trial, dropping charges against known big beneficiaries of corruption, and against known human rights violators.

Sujatmiko called on the NU to support a series of mass public meetings, protest actions, joint seminars and other campaign activities to push back the New Order forces. He proposed that such an open mass campaign should have four main demands.

The first of these would be the formation of a "commission for historical truth" to investigate and uncover all cases of human rights violations and corruption, collusion and nepotism during the 1966-98 New Order period.

Secondly, the campaign should demand the trial of all human rights violators and corrupters before a "people's court", or the trial of human rights violators before an international court. Third, the campaign should demand the confiscation and/or nationalisation of all wealth and assets of corrupt bureaucrats and corrupt New Order crony bourgeoisie. Fourthly, the campaign should demand the abolition of the dual role of the Indonesian armed forces (TNI).

In a statement released by the PRD after the meeting, Sujatmiko confirmed that the general chairperson of the NU, Hasyim Muzadi, stated his agreement with Sujatmiko's proposal for a general campaign of all democratic forces against the forces of the New Order. Muzadi stated that the themes of the campaign should be decided together with the student and youth organisations of the NU. The PRD statement quoted Muzadi as stating that "Once agreement has been reached on the themes, the NU will help with logistics, including mobilising its hundreds of thousands and even millions of members".

Golkar's comeback tactics

Ex-dictator Suharto's party, Golkar, and its allies among the commanding officers of the TNI, as well as right-wing Moslem clerics, are continuing their campaign to destabilise the Wahid government. This is despite President Wahid's repeated retreats on democratic reforms in the face of opposition from these forces.

Wahid has retreated on his previous promises to repeal the law banning the dissemination of "Marxism-Leninism", ending the TNI's representation in the parliament, holding a referendum in Aceh, and releasing West Papuan independence leaders, just to name a few examples. It appears, however, that the New Order reactionaries want nothing less than for Wahid to be removed from office.

The alliance of Golkar, the Armed Forces and Police Caucus and the right-wing Islamic parties of the Central Axis, make up the biggest bloc in the Indonesian parliament. They have been spearheading an attack on Wahid through special commissions investigating the so-called Bulogate and Bruneigate scandals. The former involves the theft of US$4.1 million from the national food agency Bulog by people claiming to be acting on Wahid's behalf, including his masseur.

Bruneigate concerns Wahid's acceptance of a US$2 million donation from the Sultan of Brunei in aid for humanitarian programs in Aceh.

At the same time, this Golkar-TNI-Central Axis alliance has blocked investigations into the billion-dollar Bank Bali scandal that involved mainly Golkar officials.

The clash between Golkar and Wahid started to come to a head on January 17 in the lead up to hearings of the special commissions of the House of Representatives that had summonsed Wahid to appear before them.

Various rightist Islamic groups, many of which had never been heard of before, mobilised thousands of people to demonstrate outside the parliament on January 17 to demand Wahid resign from his position. Prior to this the media had been full of prediction and counter-prediction of how many pro and anti Wahid supporters would mobilise in Jakarta.

As the atmosphere heated up, Wahid called on his supporters, organised in the Banser semi-militia formation not to mobilise in Jakarta. In the end, only anti-Wahid forces were mobilised. At least one of these demonstrations was dispersed by the police with tear gas.

Parallel with the newspaper polemics about who would or would not demonstrate and what dangers these demonstrations proposed to "security" in Jakarta, were more threats from the reactionary bloc of other actions to be taken against Wahid. The speaker of the parliament and chairperson of Golkar, former Suharto minister Akbar Tanjung, stated that Wahid would be liable to a one-year prison sentence if he did not attend the special commission hearing.

Other Golkar, and rightist Moslem figures, began to raising the idea of holding another special session of the Peoples Consultative Council (MPR). The MPR has the authority to dismiss the president.

Wahid appeared before the special commission on January 23 but only to state his view that it was overreaching its authority. He refused to answer any questions and abruptly left the hearing. He made it clear he would appear in any court hearing but would not answer questions of the parliamentary commission.

The commission was supposed to announce its findings to the parliament on January 24 with the parliament announcing its position on January 29.

Generals also counter-attack

On January 22, army chief of staff General Endriartono Sutarto attacked critics of the TNI and urged the military to stay united. Speaking at a ceremony to install Major General Bibit Waluyo, a known critic of Wahid, as the new Jakarta military commander, Sutarto rejected accusations that the TNI was behind various recent terrorist actions, including a series of 16 bomb explosions outside churches on Christmas eve.

"I do not say or even guarantee that none of my men were involved in the year-end incidents, but they [the TNI's critics] must have strong evidence to accuse someone of being involved in a crime", Sutarto said.

Human rights leaders, such as the prominent lawyer Munir, have named several retired generals as suspects in the bombings, implying also that they were using their influence in the military to have terrorists incidents organised. Wahid himself stated that the police had named ex-general Prabowo, Suharto's son-in-law, as a suspect. Prabowo later rejected the accusations.

Sutarto also accused the critics of claiming that the army was above the law and of trying to make ordinary soldiers feel that they were being used by their generals to destroy the country. He said these critics, whom he did not name, were out to destroy the army.

From these statements, it seems likely that the critics Sutarto had in mind organisations like the Anti-New Order Peoples Front (FRAROB). In one if its recent statements, FRAROB explicitly stated that the dual function of the military was the basis of policies that ensured that "all decisions (both political and economic) concerning the military will inevitably end up benefiting them", i.e., the generals, not the ordinary soldiers.

FRAROB raised the issue of why there has been no investigation of army-owned business conglomerates. In its statement, FRAROB declared that: "The number of members of the Armed Forces and Police parliamentary fraction may be small but they still have a qualitatively significant influence. No wonder then that there has been no discussion of the army's business operations. And, even if they were discussed, the results would only end up benefiting the generals alone."

FRAROB is a coalition involving members of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) activists campaigning for justice for the victims of the July 27 1996 attack on the PDIP headquarters, activists campaigning for investigations into the 1965 anti-communist massacres and organisations identifying with the anti-imperialist nationalism of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno.

FRAROB's positions are similar to those the PRD has proposed to the NU as part of a platform for a broad democratic opposition against the Golkar-TNI New Order forces.

Thousands rally with divided calls

Jakarta Post - January 30, 2001

Jakarta -- Thousands of students across the country took to the streets on Monday with divided calls but a unified claim to uphold the reform movement. No clashes were reported in the first massive head-to-head meeting between anti-Abdurrahman protesters and his supporters.

In what many believed to be the biggest rally ever, over 5,000 students from some 40 universities across Java and Sumatra marched from the University of Indonesia (UI) campus on Jl. Salemba, Central Jakarta to the House of Representatives to express their full support of the House special committee investigating two financial scandals allegedly involving President Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.

"How can Gus Dur lead the country, if he is proven corrupt. He should just step down," Andre Rosiade, president of students of private Trisakti University said in his speech.

Coming mostly from UI, the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB), State Academy of Islamic Studies (IAIN) and the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB), the students carried flags and posters inscribed with anti-Gus Dur slogans.

Traffic was blocked on Jl. Gatot Subroto as the marchers approached the House complex under the watchful eyes of more than 3,000 police officers deployed around the grounds.

Inside the House complex, legislators were debating the results of the inquiry into the financial scandals.

Police and riot troops blocked access to the House at noon as the wave of massed demonstrators approached and tried to break into the compound.

Teargas were fired at least five times by City Police at about 1.25pm after students crashed the building's main gate. The teargas scared nearby residents and sent students, some armed with rocks, running towards a nearby overpass and Taman Ria Senayan Park.

The students immediately regrouped, and managed to slide the gate open to enter the compound, only to face a cordon of police armed with batons, teargas masks and shields.

At 2.30pm, police allowed the protesting students to enter the compound for Muslim prayers. By that time, most students had decided to disperse and leave the compound.

Separately, city police detectives arrested five protesters for possession of weapons, only one of whom was a Jakarta resident. "We are investigating the possibility that these five protesters could be provocateurs," chief of detectives Sr. Comr. Harry Montolalu told reporters on Monday.

Harry identified the five as Mur Taufik, 40, a resident of Bangkalan, Madura in East Java; M. Sidik, 42, a resident of Batu Merah in Ambon; Letnur Iskandar, 25, a resident of Depok, West Java; Imron, 18, a resident of Bangkalan Madura; and Harun, 37, a resident of Koja, North Jakarta. Police seized daggers, a knife and a sickle from the five men.

Late in the afternoon, hundreds of Gus Dur supporters, arrived to demand the dissolution of Golkar Party as the symbol of the New Order regime. The protesters came from various groups such as the People's Democratic Party (PRD), Student Action Front for Reform and Democracy (Famred) and Student League for Democracy (LMND).

Meanwhile, the University of Indonesia Alumni Association (Iluni-UI) in a press briefing on Monday also demanded the dissolution of Golkar, which they accused of obstructing the reform movement. "Dissolving Golkar is the only way to put the reform movement back on track," Iluni-UI Chairman Hariyadi Darmawan said.

Amid the boisterous rally, a House staffer admitted to have received a bomb threat on Monday afternoon. The caller said a bomb had been placed on the third floor of the building. The National Police bomb squad checked the building soon after and found nothing.

In the South Sulawesi capital of Makassar various groups of students took turns marching to the provincial legislature on Monday, taking down the picture of Abdurrahman from the wall, saying that they did not trust the President any longer.

"The removal of the President's photograph symbolizes that Makassar people do not trust him any longer," Atok Suharto, the student spokesman, said.

They took the President's picture after the speaker of the legislative council, Amin Syam, refused to issue written support of the students's demand for a special session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) and Gus Dur's resignation.

In Bandung, West Java, more than 100 teenagers grouped in the People for Constitution (MPK) converged on the provincial legislative council on Jl. Diponegoro, expressing their support for Gus Dur and Megawati.

The teenagers, who hailed from Majalaya, South Bandung, demanded that Akbar Tandjung and Amien Rais, speakers of DPR and MPR respectively, step down.

"We call on the people not to trust the bogus reformists, who have provoked people to do anything for their own interests," a participant said. The other protesters yelled "Long live Gus Dur".

Separately in Bandung, some 100 artists from the People's Coalition Against New Order (KROAB) held a street rally urging the government and DPR to clear themselves of New Order remnants. The protesters carried the head of a pig, which they said symbolized political elite from the New Order regime.

In the East Java capital, Surabaya, some 50 students clad in jilbab (headscarf for Muslim women) gathered at the Surabaya mayoralty legislature, protesting violence.

The protesters, claiming to be from Women Against Violence (Permata), stretched banners protesting the use of violence in political activities. "Don't Handle Demonstrations by Deploying Hoodlums", one of the banners read.

Another student demonstration took place in Padang, the capital of West Sumatra province, on Monday. Claiming that they were tired of Gus Dur, the students said that Sumatra must be independent from Indonesia. "There is no reason to support Gus Dur. Independent Sumatra will be an alternative," Samsudin Harahap, the student spokesman, said.

The students of the Islamic Students Association (HMI) of the West Sumatra chapter marched to the provincial legislative council, demanding that Gus Dur resign.

Police fire tear gas as thousand descend on parliament

Detik - January 29, 2001

[The following is a compilation of four reports by Detik on the pro- and anti-Wahid demonstrations in Jakarta on Monday. Some sections of the text were edited for readability.]

Jakarta -- Seven thousand students from universities across Java and Sumatra are about to make history again as they marched their way into the Parliament building in Jakarta on Monday. The students were set to stage a massive rally to voice their disappointment because the embattled President Abdurrahman Wahid have failed to execute the reform agenda.

Today's demonstration was coordinated by Student Executive Body (BEM) of University of Indonesia. The students had gathered in the campus of University of Indonesia at Salemba, Central Jakarta since 8.30am this morning. Most of them come from prominent state universities in Indonesia such as Padjajaran University of West Java, Gajah Mada University of Yogyakarta, Brawijaya University of Malang, Bandung Institute of Technology in West Java, Lampung University of Sumatra.

As the clock strike 10am, they marched their way the parliament building, where they planned to stage their rally. Their long lively procession immediately created traffic congestion as they passed main streets in Jakarta. Most the demonstration's faces were white from toothpaste they were put on to prepare for a tear gas attack from security forces.

The field coordinator, riding in a white van, directed his fellow students using a microphone. He gave instruction repeatedly to organize the thousands demonstrators. Meanwhile to prevent any provocateur from intercepting their actions, the demonstrators bordered themselves with rope and walked in a very tight. As usual, the demonstrators waved posters with writing such as "We don't need your jokes Gus Dur, But we need your commitment to reform agenda" (Gus Dur is president's popular nickname), "Whoever involved in Buloggate must resign".

Rumor circulated last week, that a massive demonstration was set to take place today. In the same time, special committee of the House of Representative to investigate two financial scandals -- Buloggate and Bruneigate -- was scheduled to make final conclusion whether President Abdurrahman indeed involved or not in the case.

While thousands of demonstrator took their actions to street, Jakarta City Police has sent out thousands of police to secure the situation. "According to our estimates, at least 85 thousands people would be on street from both anti- and pro-President Abdurrahman. They come from sixteen NGO and student executive bodies, at least those are who have reported to us," said Jakarta City Police spokesperson High Comm. Anton Bachrul Alam to reporters, Jakarta City Police headquarters, Jl. Sudirman, South Jakarta, Monday.

In order to secure the situation, Anton added, Jakarta Police dispatched at least 9000 police personnel splitted into two groups. The first group consisted of 4000 personnel was assigned to secure parliament building. While the remaining 5000 personnel have been dispatched in several hotspots across the city such as shopping centers, government facilities and other places. In addition, the Police also received back up from Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI).

At least four TNI companies have been dispatched across the capital to help the police. The police have prepared forty police women and special police as negotiators. They were dispatched at Jl Gatot Subroto thoroughfares in anticipation of riot.

People's Democratic Party or PRD led by outspoken young activist, Budiman Sudjatmiko, was amongst the groups set to rally today. Different from other groups, PRD echoed anti-New Order Regime and the trial of disgraced former president Suharto, as their theme in the rally.

Various groups from both pro and anti President Abdurrahman Wahid continued to flood parliament buildings to stage massive demonstration and as of noon, the parliament complex in South Jakarta has been inundated by flood of demonstrators.

In anticipation of riots, police had set up barbed wires and formed human barriers at the front entrance The barbed wire has prevented students from going inside the parliament complex. They were hold out at least 300 meter from the entrance gate.

Meanwhile, pro-President Abdurrahman protesters begun arriving in the complex. Initially, security forces had prevented them from going inside the parliament complex. However, security forces finally let them in because their action started to attract more on-lookers. This had resulted traffic congestion in front of the parliament building. They were now assembled in the square inside the parliament complex.

Thousands of student demonstrators were still being held out of the entrance to the parliament complex, at 1.20pm local time. Barbed wire was spread out before the parliament gate. Security officers requested that the demonstrators enter the grounds through the back gate. They refused.

Meanwhile, more demonstrators were arriving. Around 1.20pm, demonstrators from the Committee of East Indonesian Youth were seen arriving at the complex. A few minutes later, another student group which had assembled at the back gate since the morning, joined their fellow demonstrators from Salemba at the front gate. As the demonstrators left the back gate, security officers were able to relax somewhat.

From the famous HI roundabout on Jakarta's main road, demonstrators from PRD marched towards Megaria, central Jakarta. They had come from Jl. Cendana, central Jakarta -- the turf of disgraced former president Suharto and his offspring.

As of 1.20, the HI roundabout was still packed with demonstrators making a lot of noise. Demonstrators from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) apparently took control of the roundabout which is a popular destination for demonstrations. The PDI-P demonstrators did not generally yell demands but entertained themselves and on-lookers by dancing and singing in the street.

The tense situation building out the front of the parliament complex finally but briefly flared up with police firing tear gas at students and other demonstrators Monday around 2pm. Tear gas was fired as frustrated demonstrators attempted to force their way into the complex.

The students managed to smash the gate open while the police remained firmly in their positions. Seeing the flood of demonstrators, the police fired tear gas to disperse them. The tear gas caused the students to run frantically but they not long afterward reassembled and began pelting the police with rocks.

Some demonstrators ran towards the Gatot Subroto toll road. Consequently, the main thoroughfare was closed to all motorists headed to the toll gate.

In order to prevent the situation form deteriorating further, field coordinators of the student actions immediately consolidated with their fellow demonstrators. They called all demonstrators to retreat from the complex and reassemble.

The situation remains tense and it has been announced that the special committee formed to investigate the Buloggate-Bruneigate scandals will announce their findings in two hours, around 5pm. Jakarta time. The committee session was postponed earlier due to repeated interjections by parliamentarians.

East Timor

UN closes in on killers of five Australian newsmen in Timor

Sydney Morning Herald - February 3, 2001

Jill Jolliffe -- United Nations investigators have sought international warrants to arrest three men -- including a former Indonesian Government minister -- for the murders of five Australian-based journalists in East Timor more than 25 years ago.

They believe they have enough evidence, gathered during a seven- month investigation, to prosecute the three for the killings at Balibo on October 16, 1975. The investigation was conducted by the national investigation unit of the UN Civilian Police in East Timor.

A source close to the UN administration in East Timor said the police investigators had asked the UN's Prosecutor-General in Dili, Mr Mohamed Othman, to authorise the arrest of Mr Mohammad Yunus Yosfiah, the former Cabinet minister; another Indonesian, Mr Christoforus da Silva; and Mr Domingos Bere, an East Timorese.

At the time of the killings Mr Yunus was an Indonesian Army captain commanding an elite RPKAD (commando-special forces) unit called Team Susi involved in the covert invasion of what was then Portuguese Timor. Mr da Silva and Mr Bere were members of the unit.

The source said the investigators recommended that the men be charged with crimes against humanity under the 1949 Geneva Convention.

Those killed were Greg Shackleton, Tony Stewart, and Gary Cunningham of Channel 7, and Brian Peters and Malcolm Rennie of Channel 9. Mr Peters and Mr Rennie were British citizens and Mr Cunningham was a New Zealander.

The chief investigator, Mr James Osborne, yesterday confirmed the request, saying: "I have submitted a court brief to the prosecutor-general, who is reviewing it."

Mr Othman said from Dili yesterday that the brief presented by the police team was under review to determine if further evidence was needed, whether forensic evidence was sufficient, and under which law the accused should be charged.

"There is a review going on as to whether or not we have jurisdiction over the case," he said. "The statute of limitations for murder in Indonesian law is 18 years, and I think 15 years in Portuguese law ... Indications are that this will proceed as a war crimes charge. There we have jurisdiction. That would be the most likely prosecution scenario. There were armed hostilities, and they [the journalists] were civilians."

A decision on the police request for warrants would be decided in Dili in "about a week". If the warrants are granted, Mr Yunus, who later rose to the rank of lieutenant-general, will be the first senior Indonesian official to be charged with war crimes since UN forces moved into East Timor in 1999.

The international investigation team obtained evidence that he, Mr da Silva and Mr Bere murdered the five television personnel as they were filming the attack on Balibo at dawn on October.

At least one of them had been protesting that he was Australian immediately before being shot at close range. The evidence disputes claims that the men were killed in cross-fire during the heat of battle.

UN links troops to security

Sydney Morning Herald - February 2, 2001

Mark Riley, New York -- The United Nations Security Council will consider withdrawing troops from East Timor in four months if the security situation continues to improve.

The council has asked the UN Secretary-General, Mr Kofi Annan, to put forward a political and military assessment of the situation in the territory by April 30 to guide its decision on future troop numbers.

The decision was announced on Wednesday after council members voted to extend the mandate for the mission until next January, one month longer than Mr Annan had requested.

In a unanimous resolution, the Security Council said the UN must maintain "a substantial presence ... after independence". This echoed submissions last week by Australia and East Timor's newly appointed foreign affairs spokesman, Mr Jose Ramos Horta.

However, it indicates the UN will consider trimming peacekeeper numbers after April if the situation continues to improve. At present there are 7,886 peacekeepers, 1,400 police and 2,668 civilian staff.

Canberra's deputy permanent representative to the UN, Mr David Stuart, said the Australian delegation was pleased with the stipulation that any troop withdrawal would be determined solely by the security situation.

Guerilla veterans transformed into regular recruits

Sydney Morning Herald - February 2, 2001

Mark Dodd, Aileu -- The Falintil guerilla force yesterday became the world's newest internationally recognised army -- the East Timor Defence Force.

At their mountain headquarters in mist-shrouded Aileu, an emotionally charged ceremony marked the official striking of the colours of a guerilla force that had once waged one of the world's most enduring battles for independence.

"The mission of the ETDF is to guarantee the defence of our homeland, of the new sovereign state of Timor, fully respecting the new democratic institutions and the political representatives democratically elected by our people," said the equally new army commander, Brigadier-General Taur Matan Ruak.

The former Falintil commander, who until one month ago sported a shoulder-length ponytail, paused frequently during his speech and appeared overcome by emotion. "Together we liberated our homeland -- together we will defend our homeland. For the future, viva the defence force of East Timor, viva Falintil," he shouted.

Addressing the massed ranks of several hundred soldiers, all recruited from Falintil, General Ruak said the legacy of the Falintil freedom fighters was now enshrined within the new army.

Mr Xanana Gusmao, the independence leader and former Falintil commander, was moved to tears when the Falintil flag was struck and presented to him as a gift.

In his speech, Mr Gusmao paid homage to the fallen heroes of Falintil's 24-year struggle for independence from Indonesia.

"The commanders present here today and those who died during the war are the true heroes," he said. "The structure of the clandestine network was the intelligent and astute central cog in the machine of struggle. They became masters in the art of waging guerilla war while living side by side with the enemy."

The first batch of 650 recruits drawn from 1,700 Falintil veterans will soon start 12 weeks of basic training conducted by Portugal.

Specialist training will be undertaken by Australia, which will lend the ETDF 300 M-16A1 assault rifles. The ETDF will consist of a light infantry force comprising 1,500 regulars and 1,500 reservists, to be recruited over the next three years.

A special fund worth $US2million has been established to provide income support and vocational training to an estimated 1,000 Falintil veterans who will be demobilised.

The head of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor, Mr Sergio Vieira de Mello, described yesterday's ceremony as a milestone in the transition to independence.

East Timorese becoming guests in their own land

Jakata Post - February 2, 2001

[The following are excerpts from an interview with sociologist George Junus Aditjondro with The Jakarta Post's Ati Nurbaiti, following his one-week visit to East Timor in early January. He lectures at Newcastle University in Australia and is a long-time researcher on East Timor and other areas with pro-independence movements.]

Last year, one of his latest books in Indonesian was published, titled Welcoming the Rising Sun on Mount Ramelau: Impacts of the Occupation of Timor Lorosae and the Rise of a Pro-Timor Lorosae Movement in Indonesia.

Question: What are your current impressions of Timor?

Answer: I have visited Timor four times since the referendum [for self-determination in August 1999]; the first was in November 1999 during the commemoration of the Santa Cruz massacre [of November 1991]. There was euphoria; men, women, young girls could walk anytime in the streets, also at night, without fear of the Indonesian Military, or the thugs, the so called milisi; it was the first time that the Dili massacre could be commemorated openly, there were thousands of people in front of the Santa Cruz cemetery.

I was really impressed by the freedom of expression ... but I was shocked at the speed of foreign investments pouring in; this certainly has a lot to do with the way Indonesia left East Timor; the way the military destroyed 75 percent of the infrastructure, and also "kidnapped" a quarter of the population with still more than 100,000 stranded in West Timor because they're afraid to return home for logical, psychological and security reasons.

This created the ideal bonanza for foreign investors especially Australians from [Australia's] Northern Territory. I was shocked to see how quickly the Country Liberal Party, the ruling party in the Northern Territory for 25 years, changed its position towards [Timorese leader] Xanana Gusmao and the whole independence movement.

For 25 years they supported Indonesia's occupation but now Xanana has become the darling of the Northern Territory government; NT businesses which were or still are the main funders of the CLP were among the first to invest in East Timor.

But what struck me was the East Timorese who became their first partners in most joint ventures -- because the United Nations encourages all foreign business to have East Timorese partners -- were often from Australia or were those East Timorese who were not involved in the independence struggle, or were maybe on the other side supporting Indonesia, or just lying down in Australia, or having their small businesses.

This also struck the young Timorese who fought for independence in East Timor and in Indonesia; they soon became simply spectators; they were also shocked to see how the leaders they supported and glorified like Xanana and Jose Ramos-Horta very quickly started to form inner circles in which East Timorese from exile and from the diaspora including young Timorese who grew up in Australia or Portugal, became their most loyal staffers.

Couldn't this just be a temporary situation?

It will be temporary only if a coalition of progressive parties now marginally or not represented in the East Timor Transitional Administration (ETTA) can win the upcoming election.

If the people from the inner circle form new parties or use existing parties with all the leverage they have gained, and win the election, then we'll still see this continued "unholy trinity" between the UN administration, the Timorese leadership and foreign businesses...

Are those of the diaspora less critical of the transitional government?

They are the government, because they have mastered English and Portuguese; here is where the language issue has become the "nail in the coffin". Because Xanana's organization, the CNRT [National Council of Timorese Resistance, umbrella organization of competing pro-independence groups], has decided on Portuguese being the official language, this has further alienated young Timorese who grew up in either Indonesia or East Timor.

The languages of struggle have been Tetum and Indonesian, not English or Portuguese. They've become a kind of second class citizens...

Are East Timorese from the diaspora less understanding of the local situation?

They have a different conception of development. They believe in the neoliberal development path [involving] the role of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and much foreign investment; while many of the young growing up here and in East Timor have digested the original strategy or philosophy of the Fretilin which was more socialist, stressing self-reliance, agrarian reform. These young people are now politically, culturally and also economically alienated.

They would prefer the fazenda or large estates be reformed, coffee plantations returned to the coffee growers, not owned by rich families. But, frankly speaking, after observing East Timor for more than a year now, I don't see the UN and the World Bank listening to these young people, but to the ruling elite ...

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has suggested the extension of the mandate of the UN Transitional Authority in East Timor (UNTAET) to December of this year; are people ready now?

People have formed their political parties; the [pro independence] Fretilin and the UDT are preparing themselves for elections, maybe with some excesses -- Fretilin has gone to villages and to Dili neighborhoods to reregister former members; UDT doesn't seem to be doing much as they're well represented in ETTA: some UDT and Fretilin members have set up the Social Democratic Party (SDP) led by Marie Viegas Carrascalao; his brother Joao leads the UDT; if they win this is a return to the status quo.

If Fretilin and the UDT win there can be some change. So back to the question, are the people, the grass roots, ready? Maybe the postponement by one semester [of formal transfer of authority from the UN] is good because it will give time to young activists -- those in the Sahe Institute for Liberation, the Impettu, Solidarity Council, Hak Foundation, to do political, civic education in villages and in Dili neighborhoods; because, until now, the Timorese, like Indonesians, have been more trained, or indoctrinated, to believe in "celebrities".

While people in Indonesia talk of Gus Dur, here it is Xanana, Ramos-Horta ... But people have not been thinking deeply about how the old leaders are trying to develop their country and what their rights are as a liberated people, not just a liberated country.

So a postponement of six months would give more time to the UDT- SDP coalition to prepare for victory ... but it would also give more time to young people in the above organizations to impart an understanding to the population about their rights, about the impact of foreign investment, the impact of depending on foreign aid, on how natural resources will or should be managed.

By resources I mean the community-based resources like coconut and sandalwood, and most of the coffee -- 90 percent is grown by farmers -- and also the onshore oil resources.

There are about 40 places where oil is simply bubbling to the surface and where simple refining methods could directly meet domestic resources. They are exploited only in some places like in Pualaka, where people have long used the oil, the deposits from the river bed.

Given that the World Bank and international donors look more to the interests of the ruling elite, and given the absence of regulations in business and the earlier dominance of Indonesian business and now other foreign businesses, how can "economic liberation" be realized?

I think in this situation it will be even harder, if the UDT and SDP coalition wins; then a new form of economic colonialism will simply be perpetuated. But I don't believe the Timorese, with a long history of resistance, will simply sit still; such a ruling coalition will certainly encourage parliamentary opposition including that of Fretilin; but also extra-parliamentary opposition among the young generation.

Here is where organizations in Australia and in Indonesia should do their best to be on their side, not that of the ruling elite.

The problem is that in the West and Australia, so many have fallen victim to the cult of Xanana and Ramos-Horta that they feel uneasy criticizing Xanana, Marie Carrascalao ... I've also been reprimanded by a friend for "meddling in East Timor's domestic affairs." I said that in the Timorese fight for independence we were also "meddling in Indonesia's domestic affairs." Why should we suddenly leave the [Timorese] alone to fight their own struggle against corrupt leaders, the UN and its bureaucracy, and against foreign investors? But, as an Indonesian, I'm proud that many Indonesians and Indonesian organizations are working together with Timorese to work for democratization.

The Timorese are not yet independent -- politically, culturally or economically.

Those in the solidarity movements from Indonesia -- like the Association of Independent Journalists supporting the Association of Journalists of Timor Lorosae, Fortilos (Solidarity Forum for People of Timor Lorosae) supporting the Hak and Sahe foundations, the feminists organizations hopefully continuing to support Fokupers and other women's groups -- are very welcome among the young Timorese.

But many Indonesians ask, is it true that many Timorese want to be back with Indonesia, now that there is more hardship?

I think this is the result of the propaganda spread by organizations or people who have been involved with the militia in the past, who are glad to see corruption in East Timor ... and believe that the East Timorese will one day "return to the fold." In all the four times that I went there, in spite of all the destruction, in spite of having to live under tarpaulin roofs, in spite of the dual economy -- the lucrative economy of the foreigners and the very poor economy of locals -- I have never heard anyone longing for the day when they were colonized.

But I don't overlook the possibility that the Indonesian state or the military or other sections in society will try to work hard to regain East Timor.

Because, in history every colonial power has always dreamt of the days when they were the benign rulers, while always disregarding the possibility that the former colonized people can finally manage their own affairs better, their freedom of expression and chances for economic development.

When Indonesia was pumping a lot of money into East Timor, the Timorese knew that the lion's share was recycled back to Indonesia, at least in civil servants' salaries, transportation charges by Indonesian shipping and airline companies, and the fact that the biggest economic players in Timor were Indonesians. So it seems very unlikely that the Timorese now would want to return to Indonesia.

What I do see is a reduction in hatred towards Indonesians compared to my visit in November 1999, when everyone would spin around to stare at anyone speaking Indonesian; now all languages are being spoken in the streets.

What will East Timor's future relations with Australia be like?

Again, if the UDT-SPD coalition wins there will be a kind of struggle of Australian and Portuguese interests. One example is in telecommunications. [Australian telecommunications firm] Telstra now manages the whole telecommunications system. Telstra came into East Timor riding on the International Force for East Timor, and signed a three year contract with Interfet.

Now Portugal Telekom is also lobbying to take over the telecommunications pie through small entrepreneurial loans to small and medium enterprises, which strengthens the structure of the CNRT.

Every application for a loan from the [Portuguese bank] Banco Nacional Ultramarino, needs a recommendation from the district head, who is the local CNRT chief. So here the Portuguese, after losing their political battle, are seen trying to regain cultural and economic influence.

When Portugal left, the owner of the BNU was also co-owner of fazendas under the Portuguese SAPT firm, which under then Maj. Gen. Benny Moerdani were nationalized under PT Salazar, controlling coffee and coconuts. BNU is a co-shareholder in SAPT. So there will be Portuguese resistance to agrarian reform.

So rather than changing from a colony of Indonesia to a "colony of Australia", Timor has been transformed from an Indonesian colony to an outpost of global capitalism with investors from Hong Kong, Macao, Portugal, Singapore ... Everyone wants a piece of the reconstruction pie.

The World Bank says East Timor is a showcase in how to build an economy from scratch, thanks to the Indonesian Military, but [rebuilding] also involves many other groups, so the Timorese are becoming guests in their own country; this is a more subtle and entrenched form of colonialism.

The old colonialism was brutal. The new one is pervasive, filling in the gaps, leading to a begging-bowl mentality. If you're Caucasian, you're regarded as a donor and this applies from the top to the grassroots level; begging has increased, which is why the first English word for many youngsters is "Hello Mister," ironically now the name of a supermarket in Dili.

So far there are no signs, at least official, of Indonesia wanting to regain East Timor, as you suggest...

There are signs already through the nonstop border intrusions, apart from the entry of Indonesian businesses; including those of the Kopassus [special forces] and SGI [intelligence] outfit and those with shady characters like PT Pura Barutama, which was implicated in the production of counterfeit money in Indonesia.

And with PT Gunung Kijang [a subsidiary of an Indonesian military-owned business] operating in [among others, renovation projects] in the heart of Dili, it is not unlikely that elements in Indonesia would attempt to make Timor its client state ... especially TNI with their belief in the [defense of the archipelago] Wawasan Nusantara concept; if one part in the circle of islands breaks then the whole chain will be affected.

Thousands of foreign troops in East Timor are seen as a potential threat to the archipelago. Thus, the need to change demographic structure by sending [civilian defense groups] to regions in eastern Indonesia. [The thinking is that] with East Timor soon gaining full independence, more regions will try to break away.

So the continuous offensive attitude [towards East Timor] is a strategy, evident from the fact that Indonesia has not been very cooperative in allowing those in West Timor to return, because [the refugees] are their bargaining chip [with the international community]. The international community have thus conceded that no international tribunal [will be conducted].

If Indonesia wants it could easily dismantle all the militias, it could work with organizations and the Church to accommodate the 100,000 [refugees]; therefore Indonesia has not been ready to give up East Timor.

With no chance of an international tribunal, with little hope for the bringing to account of those who ordered crimes in the courts of Dili or in Jakarta, how can reconciliation be expected among Timorese?

It's very hard and nearly impossible. The side effect, I fear, will be an East Timorese version of dwi fungsi [the Indonesian Military's concept of its defense and political role].

Xanana and Ramos-Horta earlier pleaded for a state without a military, only a police force. But they have backtracked because of this militia threat, now they are bent on trying to transform [pro independence militia] Falintil into a professional defense force.

This is also a strategy of Indonesia to bleed East Timor economically by forcing them to use their resources to support a professional defense force -- an army, navy and air force. Portugal and other countries have offered to share defense costs.

If East Timor did not have a hostile neighbor like Indonesia there would be no need for fully fledged armed forces. Falintil will seek justification, saying "We suffered the most" in the struggle, and deserve rewards.

Haven't the veterans already been given a fuel depot?

There could be more rewards. As in other countries with earlier guerrilla movements, if you have guerrillas in the government, you will soon have them in business.

So fighting for democracy has been no less difficult than fighting for independence. The young, the women and the villagers feel the most marginalized; this is the new task of the solidarity movement [to help them] instead of just shaking hands with Xanana.

Clash with Portuguese underlines resentment

Sydney Morning Herald - February 1, 2001

Mark Dodd, Dili -- An argument over a traffic infringement sparked an ugly brawl between East Timorese university students and Portuguese riot police yesterday, underscoring growing resentment at the United Nations mission and heavy-handed police tactics.

Witnesses said the fight began when Portuguese riot police tried to arrest an East Timorese taxi driver who had entered a one-way street behind the headquarters of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). The riot police, known as GNR, smashed the taxi's windows as they tried to remove the driver from the car.

His passenger was later identified as Christiano Da Costa, an official of the RDTL party, whose supporters have been blamed by the UN for a spate of recent clashes with political rivals. A violent struggle attracted the attention of hundreds of university students whose classrooms overlooked the scene.

When a GNR officer fired two warning shots to force the students off the street, they responded by hurling stones and lumps of concrete at the police and nearby UNTAET offices. As a hail of rocks crashed through office windows, UN staff fled.

The incident has fuelled mounting resentment at the Portuguese riot police, a no-nonsense unit based in Dili and armed with submachine-guns and tactical shotguns.

For many students, the GNR's strongarm tactics smack of resurgent colonial oppression by the Portuguese. "Don't treat us like militia," one student yelled, referring to the pro-Jakarta mobs who ransacked Dili after the 1999 ballot for self-determination.

"Don't speak Portuguese, we don't understand you -- speak Indonesian," yelled others, referring to the unpopular decision by senior independence leaders to adopt Portuguese as the official East Timorese language.

Following a tense stand-off, the crowd dispersed when UN Civilian Police and their East Timorese counterparts arrived.

Conviction in East Timor falls short of calls for justice

Christian Science Monitor - January 30, 2001

Dan Murphy, Dili -- Almost trembling as he awaits a decision, Joao Fernandes, barely literate and desperately poor, looked nothing like the cold-blooded killer described in the indictment against him.

Last Thursday, Mr. Fernandes became the first person to be brought to justice for the violent rampage by the Indonesian military and its militia proxies after East Timor's vote for independence in 1999.

His 12-year sentence -- as opposed to the 25-year maximum -- came in exchange for a guilty plea and a promise to provide evidence against his commanding officers. He admitted to killing one man, whose wife and daughter witnessed the act, and to participating in one of the worst massacres of the post-referendum violence.

But no one in East Timor, thirsty for justice after a 24-year occupation, is satisfied with the result. "We reject this verdict," said Catalina Pereira, the victim's daughter, outside the courthouse. "So many men were slaughtered, and this is it?"

The dissatisfaction of Ms. Pereira and thousands of other East Timorese illustrates how the effort to build a credible international justice system is faltering across the globe. A combination of weak political will, high costs, and poor coordination are hampering justice efforts from East Timor to the former Yugoslavia.

UN member states have historically been reluctant to build human rights components into the first stages of peacekeeping missions. When an Australian-led force arrived in East Timor in September 1999, it did not bring forensic investigators or orders to seek out and arrest perpetrators of the crimes that had been committed during the month.

The arriving peacekeepers' first priority was to avoid casualties. In some cases they even escorted Indonesian soldiers and militia leaders to the border with Indonesian West Timor -- where they are now beyond the reach of the prosecution.

"This is a mistake that can't be corrected," says Aniceto Gutteres, director of the East Timor Human Rights Foundation.

Indeed Battalion 745, the Indonesian Army unit that UN investigators believe murdered former Monitor contributor Sander Thoenes and at least 20 other people in the two weeks before it pulled out of the territory, continued the killings even after Australian troops had landed in Dili.

It's a familiar pattern: A reluctance to expose peacekeepers to danger allowed criminals to escape in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda.

International tribunals on the crimes in those countries have since handed down indictments, but many of the worst offenders are at large, either in friendly countries or in hiding.

Fernandes is in custody because he came home after, he says, his wife was raped by a fellow militia member. All of the men he has promised to testify against are in Indonesia, unlikely to make the same mistake and return. Leaders of the more than two dozen militia groups, with one exception, are likewise in Indonesia.

"Joao killed and he admitted it," says Olga Barreto, his court- appointed lawyer. "But he's just a small fry. He didn't have a plan to destroy East Timor. The ones who had a plan to destroy this country were the Indonesian military."

Dozens of survivors of the massacre Fernandes participated in have provided evidence.

On September 8 1999, Fernandes and other Red and White Militia members were assembled by their commander and handed machetes. They stopped at the Indonesian Army command post in Maliana, near the border with Indonesian West Timor, to apply warpaint to their faces. Then they went to the Maliana police station, where residents of surrounding villages had been gathered "for their own protection."

As local police and soldiers watched, the militia killed every man they could find. At least 40 were hacked to death, many in front of their wives and children. Commander Natalino Monteiro and his followers slipped across the border.

Frustrated prosecutors say they're hopeful Indonesia will cooperate, either with prosecutions of its own or extraditions. But Indonesia's rights prosecutions "are totally stalled," said Joe Saunders, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, in a statement on the verdict.

Indonesia's nationalist political climate ensures there will be no extradition. Western diplomats say the chance the UN will ever call for an international tribunal is almost zero.

The East Timor prosecutions are occurring in an unusual legal limbo. The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor has governed the territory since the referendum and will hold power at least until East Timorese elections, scheduled for August.

UNTAET is conducting the prosecutions itself, using a legal code patched up with bits of Indonesian and international law. UNTAET's prosecution is seen as crucial to the reconstruction effort. The UN believes convictions will help East Timor put its traumatic past behind it.

But prosecutors have been at work for more than a year and still haven't proven the systematic, willful destruction witnessed by thousands in 1999.

UN strategy to this point has treated most cases as common crimes, rather than crimes against humanity. "There has been no evidence -- either in Jakarta or Dili -- of a systematic strategy to prosecute the top militia commanders or the Indonesian officers behind them," said Human Rights Watch's Mr. Saunders.

In Fernandes's case, prosecutors felt they couldn't yet make a case for the more muscular charge of a crime against humanity. "There's tons of evidence. But we haven't gone out and gotten it yet," says one prosecutor.

"This man participated in one of the worst massacres and all they come up with is one count of murder," fumes Mr. Gutteres. "The evidence is everywhere. Perhaps they're not up to the job."

Chief Prosecutor Mohammad Othman says his team is slowly building up to cases that will implicate senior militia leaders and Indonesian Army officers in gross crimes against humanity, but that gathering evidence will take time.

The clock is running out. UN funding for East Timor is starting to dry up and UNTAET's mandate is scheduled to expire at the end of the year. The East Timorese government that will inherit the process will have only a handful of trained judges and prosecutors, and little extra money for the expensive business of justice.

Radio fights campaign of fear

Sydney Morning Herald - January 30, 2001

Mark Dod, Maliana -- A community radio station is being used to counter propaganda from pro-Indonesia militia groups and convince thousands of refugees who fled East Timor or were deported after the 1999 independence vote to return home.

Maliana, one of the areas worst affected by post-ballot violence in East Timor, is a few kilometres from the refugee camps across the border in Indonesian West Timor, where as many as 25,000 of the town's residents live in squalor.

The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) district administrator, Mr Gianni Deligia, says of a pre-ballot population of 94,403 people, only 70,318 have returned.

"We are missing about 25,000 people from the district. That is about a quarter of the refugee population on the other side who come from this district," Mr Deligia told the Herald.

The local radio station and a daily newspaper form part of the UNTAET campaign to woo Maliana's former residents back across the border by countering the militia claims that it is unsafe to return.

The district's close proximity to Indonesian West Timor, recent militia infiltration and the bloody legacy of army-backed militias have made security the biggest concern for the community and its leadership.

"It is clear the militias are attempting destabilisation and infiltration to disrupt the elections and impose their will again," said deputy district administrator Mr Joao Vicente, an East Timorese.

Australian peacekeepers were responsible for security in Bobonaro district but local people worried about what might happen after they and the UN civilian police left, Mr Vicente said.

"The militias will still be here when the UN leaves East Timor. When the UN leaves they [militia] think East Timor will be very weak and they will be able to recover their political advantage."

Their fears are real. Bobonaro suffered severely at the hands of the Indonesian police, army, militias and their backers from the intelligence services and special forces.

Once a thriving country town with some of the best infrastructure in East Timor, it was a deserted, charred ruin when Australian troops entered in October 1999.

The pro-independence umbrella group, the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT), says at least 200 people were murdered between January and September 1999.

CNRT officials and UN human rights investigators say at least 64 people were murdered during a 24-hour killing spree between September 8 and 9. The dead included 18 people butchered in the Maliana police station where they had sought protection from the militia. Thirteen people who managed to escape were caught and shot, among them the local CNRT chief Manuel Mayalhaes.

The district is preparing for parliamentary elections, scheduled for August 30, which will result in a fully independent East Timor and the withdrawal of UNTAET.

Already one political party, a breakaway faction of Fretilin, has been involved in violent clashes in the district. RDTL, a Portuguese acronym for Democratic Republic of Timor Leste (East Timor), is accused of receiving cash from Indonesian sources to support the cause of integration, according to the East Timor independence leader, Mr Xanana Gusmao.

RDTL's ability to organise in remote rural areas has taken many East Timorese and senior UN political officials by surprise. Mr Deligia said: "They have been very dynamic in the last two or three months. There have been a series of small incidents appearing on an almost daily basis."

UN workers in East Timor protest cut in living allowance

Associated Press - January 29, 2001

Dili -- Hundreds of UN workers in East Timor signed a petition Monday against cuts to their daily living allowances.

From February 1, the East Timor Mission Subsistence Allowance will drop from $109 to $95. "A lot of staff members will now have to start digging into their salaries at home," said UN employee Jan Koller, who is leading the movement against the cut. He said over 200 staffers had signed so far.

The world body is administering East Timor during its transition to full independence. Some 2,000 out of 9,000 UN staffers currently engaged on the mission are entitled to the per diem, which is added to their existing monthly salaries.

East Timorese UN employees are not entitled to the allowance, which is considered an incentive to attract qualified international staff. The average salary for East Timorese employed by the mission is less than $20 a day.

The United Nations estimates more than 75% of East Timorese of working age remain unemployed after retreating Indonesian soldiers devastated the territory in September, 1999.

The world body reduced the allowances because of a decrease in the cost of living and an improved security situation, said UN press spokesperson Barbara Reis. The reduction brings the East Timor per diem into line with the Kosovo mission, she said.

According to Koller, the reduction will affect worker's ability to take vacations, renovate destroyed accommodation, eat in restaurants and travel to and from work.

Rights groups say justice still long way off for East Timor

Associated Press - January 26, 2001

Dili -- Human rights activists Friday welcomed the first successful prosecution of an East Timorese militiaman implicated in the 1999 post-independence ballot rampage, but said Indonesian commanders responsible for the bloodshed have yet to face justice.

New York-based Human Rights Watch accused UN investigators in East Timor of only targeting low ranking militia members. "All the key perpetrators of the 1999 violence remain in Indonesia, and prosecutions there are totally stalled," said Joe Saunders, the agency's deputy director for Asia.

"There has been no evidence -- in either Jakarta or Dili -- of a systematic strategy to prosecute the top militia commanders or the Indonesian officers behind them," Human Rights Watch said in a statement received in East Timor's capital of Dili.

However, East Timor's top UN prosecutor Oyvind Olsen said investigators had already issued an arrest warrant for militia leader Eurico Guterres. Guterres is standing trial in Jakarta on unrelated weapons offenses allegedly committed in West Timor last year. Olsen said prosecutors would soon indict other militia commanders and members of Indonesia's military.

An international court Thursday sentenced 22-year-old pro- Indonesian militiaman Joao Fernandes to 12 years in prison for murdering a pro-independence activist a week after the territory voted for independence in August, 1999. Hundreds of people died and most of East Timor was destroyed when the Indonesian army and its local auxiliaries went on a rampage after the UN-sponsored plebiscite.

Some 250,000 East Timorese were forced from their homes and many fled to West Timor. Tens of thousands are still waiting for repatriation to East Timor. Most militiamen also fled with the retreating Indonesian troops.

The UN is administering East Timor during its transition to full independence, expected next year. About 60 other militiamen implicated in the violence are in detention in East Timor waiting for their trials to start. Indonesian prosecutors have named 23 suspects, including several senior army officers, in connection with the events of 1999. But none of them has been charged.

Labour struggle

Truck drivers strike against extortion

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2001

Banda Aceh -- Truck drivers who use the Banda Aceh-Medan road have staged a strike since last Thursday in protest against rampant illegal levies along their routes, paralyzing the local economy and distribution of food into and out of the province.

"We are tired of the levies demanded by officers and hoodlums along the road. Every day we have to spend millions of rupiah to pay these levies," Tengku Supe, one of the drivers, said on Friday.

The drivers have yet to set a deadline for their strike to end and said they will continue with it until the authorities take concrete measures to protect them.

It is reported that the worst areas with rampant illegal levies are in the Banda Aceh-Medan road passing the East Aceh and South Aceh regencies. "In each regency there can be 10 to 15 posts and the drivers have to stop and pay at every post ... and sometimes there are posts which have set a certain price, such as Rp 20,000 per trip," a driver said.

In many cases the trucks loaded with logs of wood or heavy equipment have to pay Rp 200,000 to certain police/military personnel to pass the road, he added. "We cannot stand this anymore," the driver said.

As a result of the strike and reduced flow of goods to Aceh, the price of food commodities has shot through the roof. People were seen rushing to the market to stockpile food supplies just in case the strike went on for a while longer.

"The price of a 'gallon' of mineral water has increased to Rp 12,500 from Rp 8,500," a local journalist said. Tomatoes are Rp 10,000 per kilogram from the previous Rp 3,000 and some kinds of vegetables such as carrots have also became rare in the market.

Spokesman of Cinta Meunasah Sr. Comr. Kusbini Imbar urged the drivers not to continue the strike as it would only cause the people to suffer.

"Please do not burden the people with more problems ... we believe that the drivers were forced to stage the strike by Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatists since the rebels have been frustrated by an intensive law and order operation along the Banda Aceh-Medan route," Kusbini said on Friday.

The officer, however, did admit that the practice of illegal levies took place in several posts and promised to handle the matter properly.

GAM's Abu Sofyan Daud refuted the accusation, saying, "We don't have anything to do with the strike." Reports said that police and military assigned along a restive section of the Banda Aceh- Medan route "were suffering from financial difficulties since their salaries and food allowances were very small and sometimes not even received at all".

Aceh Governor Abdullah Puteh urged the drivers not to provide any reasons which might enable the officers to collect levies and for the police/military to stop such illegal action. Meanwhile, after days of calm in Aceh, violence resurfaced on Friday in two separate incidents which took place in North Aceh. Three people were killed, including an officer and two rebels. Some 100 shops and fish market were burned in the incident.

"At 10am Brig. Ade Firmansyah and Brig. Nanang Suhendra were patrolling in Lhoksukon market when suddenly a gunman on a motorcycle sprayed bullets at them. Ade was killed instantly while Nanang was rushed to Lhokseumawe General Hospital, some 30 kilometers from the incident," North Aceh Police spokesman Adj. Comr. Abdi Dharmawan said later in the day.

In a separate incident, two alleged rebels identified as Jafar Ujud, 38 and Lukman Mustafa, 30, were killed in a gunfight at Simpang Leupe village in Blang Mangat district, about 15 kilometers north of Lhokseumawe, the capital of North Aceh, Abdi said.

Around 10am the joint forces were patrolling the area and suddenly they were ambushed by five gunmen. "The two died in the process while the other three fled," the officer said. The flow of Banda Aceh-Medan traffic was totally stopped for over two hours due to the incidents.

Also on Friday, 1,000 police's Mobile Brigade arrived in Aceh through the Malahayati Port of Krueng Raya in Aceh Besar on board the KRI Teluk Parigi, a Navy battleship.

Aceh/West Papua

Willem Onde releases 13 of 16 hostages

Jakarta Post - January 29, 2001

Jayapura -- Willem Onde, leader of the Merauke-based separatist Free Papua Organization (OPM) released on Sunday afternoon 13 of 16 hostages who were abducted by his men on January 16.

Three hostages, including two Korean nationals, were not released as Onde wanted a guarantee that his request to meet with President Abdurrahman Wahid is granted.

Deputy regent of Merauke Benyamin Simatupang told reporters here on Sunday that negotiators managed to convince Onde to release 13 hostages. Onde had told Merauke regent Gebse on Saturday afternoon that he would not free any of the 16 hostages, who are employees of a Korean timber company PT Korindo, until he (Onde) met with the President.

According to Benyamin, the three men who are still being held hostage by the rebel group are Kun Kwan, Lee Jongmy and Kamilus Muyu.

The 13 hostages left Onde's rebel camp together with the negotiators who were, among others, Merauke regent Gebse, Merauke Police chief Adj. Sr. Comr. Mulyono, chief of Tribuana IX Special Task Force (Kopassus) Lt. Col. Nus Rasia, Nurberta (Onde's sister) and three Koreans officials of PT Korindo. The negotiations were held three kilometers away from Onde's base.

The crisis started on January 16 when 11 employees of PT Korindo were abducted by members of the Papua National Liberation Army (TPN Papua), a faction of the Merauke-based OPM led by Onde, in the district of Asiki which is a 12-hour drive from Merauke town and about 900 kilometers south of the province's capital Jayapura. Two days later the OPM members abducted three more people who tried to negotiate with them.

The abductors demanded US$1 million in compensation for environmental damage, the withdrawal of the police's Mobile Brigade troops from Asiki and a total halt to logging.

The Indonesian authorities is exercising restrain in dealing with Onde and his men as not to endanger the lives of the hostages. Onde had earlier threatened to kill the hostages if military action was taken to free the hostages. However, as a precaution, a 12-member bomb squad and some 30 Kopassus personnel have been sent to Merauke.

Saturday, the first day of negotiations, Onde said he would not free any of the hostages because he first wanted to meet with President Abdurrahman Wahid.

"It doesn't matter if Gus Dur comes to Merauke or we go to Jakarta with our tribal leaders, and religious and political figures. If the [Indonesian] government refuses our demands for independence, we will go directly to the United Nations to have the Indonesian Presidential Decree No. 1/1969 on the integration of Papua [Irian Jaya] into Indonesia revoked," a negotiator, who asked anonymity, quoted Onde as saying.

"I'll kill the hostages if I come to know that the Indonesian authorities are searching for me. We are taking the 16 people hostage not because we are hungry. We have become impatient for the Indonesian government's reply [to our demand for independence]. And we have been quite likely cheated.

"Give us, Papuans, a clear answer [to our demand for independence] if you want the hostages to return home alive. I, Willem Onde, guarantee their safety while they are in our custody. I don't want anyone to meet with the hostages," Onde had earlier said.

Muhammad Nazar is still a man Jakarta fears

South China Morning Post - February 1, 2001

From behind the bars of his prison cell, as he awaits his trial for anti-state activities, mild-mannered Aceh independence activist Muhammad Nazar is still a man Jakarta fears.

Even while incarcerated, Nazar is gathering evidence against the Indonesian authorities he and his colleagues regard as an occupation force. This time, however, the material is coming from his fellow inmates. Nazar is also planning a new campaign -- one based on the evidence he collects.

Nearly all of his fellow inmates were tortured by police, he says. Among them were suspected members of the rebel Free Aceh Movement, but others faced ordinary crimes. Nazar, 27, has used his forced leisure time to collect statements from them. "The majority of them were tortured by police. Maybe if we are free we want to campaign about the brutal legal process here," he said.

Nazar does not claim to have been physically tortured himself, but came close during the time he was held in a cell at provincial police headquarters. According to him he had to endure miserable conditions after his arrest in November, was constantly watched by police intelligence officers and received death threats. He was well aware of torture within the building. "I heard their cries."

Now, as his trial approaches, he has been moved to an ordinary jail, where most of his jailers are fellow Acehnese and he can talk more freely to visitors. With a scraggy beard and thin frame, he looks little match for the Indonesian legal machine.

His defence team says Nazar is simply a political prisoner and his arrest merely a bid to silence the independence movement. He is the co-ordinator of Sira, a student-led lobby group campaigning for a peaceful referendum on independence for Aceh. The group has in the past organised large demonstrations calling for the Sumatran province to be given the same choice on its future as East Timor. The organisation's influence has been enormous and authorities have at times resorted to using controversial laws to incarcerate members.

The accusations against Nazar relate to a banner put up in August last year. They are based on three articles in the criminal code dating from Dutch colonial days. In essence, he is accused of causing hatred to the state. These laws were often used by former president Suharto to jail his political opponents.

Nazar's is the first case involving these laws since Suharto fell in 1998. Many legal experts fear the move augurs ill for Indonesian justice and the laws should instead be repealed. Nazar's lawyers are pressing for a quick trial and are optimistic they can get him acquitted.

In the 1990s, wide-scale torture and killings by the Indonesian military set the stage for the current push for independence in Aceh. However, human rights activists say the situation now is as bad, if not worse. It is not helped by the presence of large numbers of troops and police from outside the province, who generally do not speak the language and feel under constant threat from the rebels.

In the past the police were regarded as considerably less brutal than the military, but now that they are technically in control, that has changed.

Police, however, seem to realise that they could have a lot to lose by prosecuting Nazar after they seized notes he had made -- detailing prison activities.

SIRA activist wants to be tried in Aceh

Jakarta Post - February 1, 2001

Banda Aceh -- Detained chief of the Aceh Referendum Information Center (SIRA) Muhammad Nazar rejected on Wednesday the proposal to move the trial against him to Medan, capital of neighboring North Sumatra province. The activist insisted that the case be tried in Aceh.

"The ministry of justice thinks security conditions in Aceh are not stable and that it's not safe to hold the trial here. On the contrary, I guarantee that Acehnese will not conduct any acts of anarchy during my trial," Nazar told journalists by cellphone from the Banda Aceh penitentiary on Wednesday.

Nazar also expressed concern for his safety if the trial is moved to Medan. "I'm afraid for my safety ... and I think the police are afraid that I will reveal the truth about what has been going on here," he said.

Chairman of Banda Aceh District Court, Farida Hanoum, revealed earlier on Tuesday that the justice minister had appointed a court in Medan to try Nazar. Nazar's dossiers will be sent to the Medan District Court on Tuesday next week.

"Besides the lack of judges, the volatile security situation in the province [Aceh] was a consideration when making the decision to try him in Medan," Farida said.

Several fatal incidents took place in Medan last year, such as the unsolved murder in January 2000 of Tengku Nashiruddin Daud, a United Development Party (PPP) legislator in the House of Representatives (DPR) and a member of the special committee for Aceh. GAM spokesman Ismail Syahputra went missing in Medan in mid-2000 and has not been seen since.

Chairman of the New York-based nongovernmental organization International Forum for Aceh (IFA), Jafar Sidik Hamzah, also went missing in Medan in August last year and his body was found months later.

"Legally, since the case took place in Aceh, Nazar should be tried here. I think the change of venue is some kind of conspiracy to worsen the situation in Aceh ... So, we reject it," Abdurrahman Yacob, Nazar's lawyer, said.

Nazar has been in detention since November 20 last year after organizing a mass congress to demand a referendum in Aceh. Nazar is being charged under Articles 154 and 155 of the Criminal Code for showing hostile intentions/treason against the state, which carries a maximum sentence of seven years in jail.

On Wednesday, a group of representatives from the Aceh provincial legislative council met with Nazar at the penitentiary. The councillors similarly rejected the proposal to move the trial to Medan.

"Even the trials of major cases like the murder of Tengku Bantaqiah were held here. Why must they move Nazar's to Medan ?" councillors Mustafa A. Geulanggang and Muchlis Muchtar said.

"If the venue is moved to Medan, we're concerned that the trial can be easily engineered and interested parties can put pressure on the prosecution," said Gani Nurdin, member of the monitoring committee of the ongoing moratorium on violence.

Guerillas regroup after leader's arrest

Sydney Morning Herald - January 31, 2001

Ben Bohane -- The Free Papua Movement's spokesman in Australia, John Otto Oondawami, has outlined a new leadership structure for the guerilla movement following the arrest last week by Papua New Guinea police of one of the OPM's senior commanders, Matthias Wenda.

Wenda and 12 of his men were captured inside PNG territory, near the northern border town of Vanimo, and have been charged with operating an illegal army inside PNG. Wenda's men have been given prison sentences of six months' hard labour, while Wenda and his deputy face trial this week and could face life in jail.

In a statement released in Sydney, Mr Oondawami said there was a risk the arrested men would be handed to the Indonesia authorities. He condemned the PNG Government for its involvement in their capture.

"These freedom fighters are in great danger. They may be deported to Indonesian authorities. Any forcible handover to Indonesia is a crime against humanity. We urge the Government of PNG not to sell your own brother for a piece of bread and meat."

The OPM's statement comes a day after MELSOL (Melanesian Solidarity), a pan-Melanesian non-government organisation, accused the PNG Government for "doing the work of the Indonesian military".

The chairman of MELSOL, Mr Powes Parkop, says there appeared to be a deal between PNG, Indonesia and Australia to contain the Free Papua Movement.

As a result of Wenda's arrest, all operational matters for OPM guerillas based along PNG's 820-kilometre border with the Indonesian province were now in the hands of Commander Bernard Mawen, Mr Oondawami said.

At 71, Mawen is the oldest and perhaps longest surviving OPM commander. He is credited with having helped introduce organised OPM resistance into the highlands of Irian Jaya during the 1970s.

Mr Oondawami said that since the arrest of Wenda and the killing last year of another commander in the northern region, Hans Bomay, the Northern Command of the OPM was no longer "operational" and the headquarters for all OPM guerillas would now be in the south.

He said he outlined the new structure because "some other people" had been claiming to represent the OPM. He referred in particular to a southern operations commander, Mr Willy Onde. He recently captured three Korean timber workers and a number of Indonesian workers hostage and held them hostage. Some observers claim he has been working with Indonesian units in the south.

Land disputes/peasant struggle

Riau villagers demand promised rubber plantation

Detik - February 1, 2001

Chaidir Anwar Tanjung/Fitri & GB, Pekanbaru -- Around 300 residents of Bangun Sar village, Kampar Kiri sub district, Kampar regency, Pekanbaru, Riau province, rallied at PT Uni Seraya Group, Thursday. They claimed the company with extensive forestry concession rights in their village had failed to hand over one half of its rubber plantation to locals as previously promised.

Ramadan (45), a participant in the rally, told Detik that they came to the provincial capital because PT Rimal Seraya Utama (RSU) -- a subsidiary of PT Uni Seraya Group -- had not fulfilled their promise. PT RSU, he said, had promised to provide 150 villagers 1 ha of rubber plantation as compensation when the company opened forest concessions in the village.

The same deal was apparently also promised to 150 transmigrants from East Java who were brought to the area by the company to live in the village. The company promised to hand over the land in 1994. "But until now, we can not benefit from the plantation," said Ramadan.

Ramadan also said that the company had only planted rubber trees on the side of roads on the disputed land. One ha of plantation thus only contained 20 rubber trees. Unsatisfied, residents have many times demanded the company plant more rubber trees.

"After six years, they have turned their back on our demands. If our demands are not answered, then the company should take a hike from our village," said the spirited Ramadan.

Apart from the demand regarding the land itself, the residents also demanded the company pay compensation of Rp 28 billion. This was calculated from the company's failure to set up the rubber plantation and the losses suffered by the locals. "If we count the profitability of the plantation over the six years, then the company is obliged to pay out compensation," said a resident at the rally.

The villagers arrived in Pekanbaru around noon local time in four trucks. They ranged in age from toddlers to the elderly. The demonstrators unfurled posters and banners. One read: "Where is rubber plantation promised by the company? If you are not willing to guide us, take a hike from our traditional land."

Government/politics

In Jakarta, the pendulum of power switches to the Vice President

International Herald Tribune - February 3, 2001

Rajiv Chandrasekaran, Jakarta -- When he took office in October 1999, President Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia described his relationship with Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri as like an "older brother and younger sister." They squabbled. He playfully taunted her. And they patched up their differences.

But in recent months, the sibling rivalry has grown increasingly bitter. He has largely reneged on a pledge to give her more responsibility for day-to-day government operations. He has joked about her relationship with her husband, suggesting to large groups of visitors that she was having extra-marital affairs. And, in the past week, political sources said he had threatened to open an investigation into what he alleged were corrupt business dealings by her family.

On Thursday, Mrs. Megawati fired back with a potentially debilitating blow. She authorized her political party, which has the largest number of seats in Parliament, to vote for the censure of Mr. Wahid for his alleged involvement in two corruption scandals. The humiliating rebuke has initiated a months-long process that could culminate in a vote to remove him by the country's top legislative body.

Although Mr. Wahid insisted Friday that he would not resign and that he did nothing wrong, politicians and analysts said his survival now depended largely on his vice president and her party, whose support is essential for him to fend off calls for an impeachment from other parliamentary factions.

"The presidency is in her hands," said Andi Mallarangeng, a political analyst in Jakarta. "She has the power now."

Mrs. Megawati, who lost the presidency to the politically wily Mr. Wahid even though her party received far more votes than Mr. Wahid's in the elections 15 months ago, has said little about the political crisis in public. She has not called for Mr. Wahid to step down or indicated her desire to replace him.

But in private, people close to Mrs. Megawati say she is increasingly convinced that Mr. Wahid should leave office. What she is undecided about, however, is how that should occur.

On Thursday, she stopped short of calling for an emergency session of the nation's top legislative body, the People's Consultative Assembly, to begin immediate impeachment proceedings, favoring instead a drawn-out process that gives Mr. Wahid 90 days to respond to Parliament and an additional month for a second response before the assembly is convened.

Several of the president's opponents have urged Mrs. Megawati to support an emergency session, arguing that the country, which is struggling with a raft of economic and social problems, can ill afford months of political gridlock.

Mr. Wahid's opponents also have voiced concern that he might try to dissolve Parliament and use the armed forces to prevent his removal.

Earlier this week, Mr. Wahid urged army commanders to declare a military state of emergency, an order that the commanders refused, according to two high-level political sources.

He also has indicated a desire to "freeze" Parliament, according to a report of the president's comments at a meeting of Islamic academics on Sunday that was carried by the government-run Antara news service. Antara later withdrew the report after a government official said Mr. Wahid's comments were intended to be "off the record."

In a brief news conference Friday, Mr. Wahid dismissed speculation that he planned to dissolve Parliament and fire army generals who refused his orders, saying his opponents were spreading rumors as part of a "psychological war."

But people close to Mrs. Megawati said Friday that the vice president had become increasingly worried about how the president would react to the political pressure. Still, these sources said, she remains wary of pushing for immediate impeachment proceedings because she fears that if Mr. Wahid is ousted, it would set a precedent for presidential removal that could be used against her.

History also may be playing a role in her thinking. Her father, Sukarno, the first president of Indonesia, was ousted in a military coup in 1965. "She doesn't want to take over by forcing Wahid out," an adviser said. "She does not want to be seen as plotting his downfall. She wants him to fall and then to take over for the good of the nation."

Her party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, controls more 30 percent of the seats in Parliament, while Mr. Wahid's party only has 11 percent. The support of her party along with that of the former governing Golkar party were crucial to Mr. Wahid's ascension to the presidency.

Golkar members also supported the censure. "Wahid has totally misplayed his role with her," said a senior diplomat in Jakarta. "She supported him, but he has humiliated her and raised implicit threats of blackmail." "Now," he added, "she has become the power center, and he has become increasingly weak and unable to govern."

The move to censure Mr. Wahid came after a legislative investigating commission issued a report earlier in the week claiming that Mr. Wahid probably was involved in the theft of $4.1 million from the government's food-distribution agency by people who claimed to be acting on his behalf, including his personal masseur. The report also accused the president of failing to declare a $2 million gift from the sultan of Brunei. Mr. Wahid said Friday that the commission's report was "not based on facts."

Hazy impeachment rules boost Wahid

South China Morning Post - February 3, 2001

Vaudine England -- Indonesia's politicians are eager to give the appearance that they are acting properly in following a process that could lead to the impeachment of the President. The problem is that the constitution is vague about how to go about it.

"We have no impeachment process," a senior legislator of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, Subagio Anam, said yesterday.

A process has evolved which draws its legitimacy from the regulations of the highest constitutional body, the Peoples' Consultative Assembly (MPR). So far that system is holding, albeit with some improvisation.

Under the system, the House of Representatives, the lower house of Parliament, can censure Mr Wahid, as it did on Thursday, through a formal memorandum requiring the President to respond to Parliament's stated concerns within three months.

If Parliament remains dissatisfied with Abdurrahman Wahid, it could issue a second memorandum giving the President a further month to answer the allegations.

If he still fails to please the House by then -- four months from now -- the lower house could demand a special session of the MPR, which could pass a vote of no confidence in the President, probably by asking him to deliver an accountability speech, which the MPR would then reject. It is generally assumed that such a move would force the President to resign.

Former president Bacharuddin Habibie was required to give an accountability speech to the MPR in August 1999. The MPR rejected the speech and, after several hours of tortured negotiations, Mr Habibie withdrew himself from the vote for a new president. However, many experts argued that Mr Habibie was not legally required to step down.

With the tenacious Mr Wahid in a similar situation, it is impossible to predict if he would also choose to "do the right thing".

Constitutional experts say "gentlemen's agreements" have been integral to Indonesia's political process since the founding of the republic in 1945.

The constitution's lack of detail on checks and balances inspired Mr Wahid to claim the parliamentary committee that investigated him was illegal.

However, if Mr Wahid wants to be seen to be doing the right thing, he will have to find some way to respond to Parliament's concerns.

Cabinet meeting held amid crisis over scandals

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2001

Jakarta -- In a show of unity two days after being censured by the House of Representatives (DPR) for his alleged involvement in two financial scandals, President Abdurrahman Wahid called an emergency Cabinet meeting on Saturday. In a departure from usual practice, Army, Navy and Air Force chiefs of staff also attended the meeting, which was chaired by Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri.

"Today's Cabinet meeting is only to listen to the opinions of the ministers, as well as the Army, Navy and Air Force chiefs, on steps that should be taken to implement reform and uphold the law," Abdurrahman said after the closed meeting.

Speaking later in the day, presidential spokesman Wimar Witoelar played down suggestions that Abdurrahman was losing Cabinet support, saying the Cabinet was "fully functioning".

"Everybody is very happy to be on the team and if you compare this to past Cabinets, this is the only one in which decisions are discussed with great candor and openness," Wimar said.

He also said that Abdurrahman still had support from his deputy Megawati Soekarnoputri and that "[during the meeting] they made plans together to respond to the memorandum" from the DPR.

Wimar admitted, however, the meeting had "underlined" that Cabinet members should remain solid.

"The meeting stressed that Cabinet members should remain solid in creating the perception that they are not just a group of individuals but really part of a team who will be assisting the President in implementing reform," Wimar said.

Wimar added that "a legal and political team" would be drawn up to respond to the DPR's censure. He also reiterated that Abdurrahman remained confident that it was the DPR, not the people, who were against him.

"He doesn't feel pressured by the public ... he feels intense support [from the public] and he gets phone calls in the middle of the night expressing support," Wimar said.

State Minister of Research and Technology Muh. AS Hikam backed up Wimar's statement, saying that "all Cabinet ministers still supported Gus Dur [as the President is popularly known]." But Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra gave a contradictory account. Yusril said the meeting was "full of debate" and that he himself had advised Abdurrahman to resign.

"Yes I conveyed that [resignation] message to him. I told him that if I were in his position I would prefer to resign." Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said on Friday the Cabinet would run as usual despite the heated dispute between the President and the House and let the President handle his problem in his own way.

A House special committee's report concluded that Abdurrahman allegedly played a role in the withdrawal and disbursement of Rp 35 billion from Bulog's Yanatera foundation and that the President had been inconsistent in explaining a US$2 million donation he received from the sultan of Brunei.

Commenting on the resignation of State Minister of Administrative Reforms Ryaas Rasyid, Abdurrahman said that he accepted Ryaas' decision and that he had signed a presidential decree on Friday afternoon honorably dismissing Ryaas as a Cabinet member.

"At the end of the Cabinet meeting, I announced that Ryaas Rasyid had resigned and, therefore, I would like to thank him for all his contributions," Abdurrahman said.

TNI doesn't pledge support, but will protect President: Army

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2001

Jakarta -- Army Chief of Staff Gen. Endriartono Sutarto on Friday maintained the Indonesian Military's (TNI) stance in responding to the ongoing political turmoil, saying that the military will not pledge its support for the President, but will only protect him.

"As part of the state apparatus, we are responsible for securing the President, meaning that no one is allowed to 'touch' him," Endriartono told reporters after a visit of President Abdurrahman Wahid to the office of the Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs, where the newly established Crisis Controlling Agency is also situated. Endriartono, however, called on the public to differentiate between the military as a defense force and as a political arm of the TNI/Police faction at the House of Representatives (DPR).

"As a state official, Gus Dur [Abdurrahman's nickname] has the right to receive protection from TNI, while our faction at the House has nothing to do with this security matter," he said.

"Our representatives at the House deal with political matters. They must be able to decide whether to support the conclusion of the House special committee investigation into the two financial [Bulog and Brunei] scandals, or not," he added.

He was responding to questions that the TNI/Police faction had accepted the results of the investigation which censured President Abdurrahman for his alleged involvement in the scandals. The House agreed on Thursday to issue a memorandum, a move that could lead to the impeachment of the President.

Endriartono denied when asked whether Gus Dur had asked TNI to declare a state of emergency in the country. "No, he [Abdurrahman] has never asked about it. But, we did suggest to Gus Dur that introducing a state of emergency would only lead to grave consequences for the state and therefore we expected Gus Dur not to impose the status," he said.

Endriartono clarified the statement of Minister of Defense Mahfud M.D. who warned civilians that the TNI might take over power if the chaotic situation continued. "The TNI does not have the willingness to take power even given a chaotic situation. Such a move would not benefit the nation," he said.

Mahfud's warning came amid continuing conflict between Abdurrahman and the House of Representatives over an investigation into two financial scandals allegedly linked to the President.

Endriartono dismissed speculation in the past two days that he would be replaced for allegedly disobeying the President's order. "I've never heard anything about it. It's just a rumor," the Army chief said. Separately, Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the government had no intention to replace either the Army chief or the TNI chief.

"I've just heard about it from the newspapers. There's no such plan to replace the incumbent TNI chief and the Army chief. There have been too many rumors lately for my liking," Susilo said.

Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) chief Lt. Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu shared Endriartono's statement that TNI would protect Gus Dur in his capacity as Head of State. "Nobody is allowed to harm him. In much the same way as with other state leaders, such the Vice President, and the national flag," Ryamizard said after meeting Susilo at his office later in the afternoon.

The three-star general said TNI did not have any plans for a coup. "Those saying that we (TNI) will carry out a coup against the government are our enemy," Ryamizard said.

Suharto forces may yet stage comeback

South China Morning Post - February 3, 2001

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- Exuberant party politics is assumed to be a feature of post-Suharto Indonesia, making Parliament's censure of President Abdurrahman Wahid a heartening display of democracy in action. But a closer look at Mr Wahid's opponents suggests there are few new ideas in politics.

As Parliament tries to use corruption allegations to depose Mr Wahid, observers are pondering the adage that people in glass houses should not throw stones.

"We can't deny that there's an issue of corruption here, regarding Wahid's current plight," prominent lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis said. "But it's not the whole issue. It is unfair to isolate or to single out the Bulog or Brunei cases [in which Mr Wahid is implicated]. There is lots of corruption everywhere."

One such case was that involving Bank Bali, which involved far larger amounts of state funds finding their way into an account then used to support the Golkar party's campaigns and former president Bacharuddin Habibie in particular. Desultory legal efforts have ended in prime suspects being set free by Jakarta's corrupt courts.

It is only one of a long list of corruption allegations that could be laid at the doors of Mr Wahid's opponents. Instead, his Government has laid itself open to attack on corruption and dragged its feet on bringing massively indebted conglomerates to account.

The Government's failure to tackle economic reform transparently led this week to another delay in payments from the International Monetary Fund.

"If Wahid had tackled the Bank Bali case, he could have dismantled the whole structure of Golkar," Mr Lubis said. "Now he's left it too late. What is at stake here is the re-emergence of the New Order, of the status quo forces."

Mr Wahid's future is in the hands of Parliament, which is an amalgam of pro and anti-Wahid forces. Many allies of the Suharto regime can be found in Parliament, most obviously in the second- largest block formed by Suharto's former election-winning machine, Golkar. This remains the most cohesive party and is led by old hand Akbar Tandjung, who is also Speaker of the House of Representatives.

A Western diplomat said that Golkar was poised to be the victor in the battle with Mr Wahid. "They are the only party with a real organisation and some skilled people," he said. "They need only wait while this so-called democracy is increasingly discredited and be ready to step in. If they're really smart, they'll even make it look like the people's choice."

The largest block in Parliament, Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, freely admits its quality of representation is well below its quantity. Although Ms Megawati does not want to be seen as grabbing for power, her party men are pushing for parliamentary punishment of Mr Wahid. Some of them also have ties to Golkar and the armed forces.

Next is the United Development Party which, like both Golkar and Ms Megawati's party, was an approved party under Suharto.

Mr Wahid is the patron of the far younger National Awakening Party, which won about 11 per cent of the vote in June 1999.

Struggling with about eight per cent is the National Mandate Party, led by Amien Rais. His apparent weakness is offset by his post as chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly. He is a firm enemy of Mr Wahid and wants to alter the assembly's practices to suit an impeachment agenda.

Amid the welter of smaller parties, two are of note. The Justice Party and the Star and Crescent Party are young but focused. Their relatively dynamic leadership makes them an important part of a broad Islamic coalition called the Central Axis. This coalition helped elect Mr Wahid, but has long since deserted him.

Separately, many pro-democracy fellow travellers from Mr Wahid's pre-presidential days are also seeking to distance themselves from him.

Parliament censures Wahid for his role in scandals

Wall Street Journal - February 2, 2001

Timothy Mapes, Jakarta -- Indonesia's political crisis deepened as Parliament demanded that President Abdurrahman Wahid respond to allegations that he was involved in two multimillion-dollar corruption scandals.

The party of Mr. Wahid's popular vice president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, supported the move, which could be a first step toward removing Mr. Wahid from office. Political analysts said the decision by Ms. Megawati's party -- which is the largest in Parliament -- indicated that support for Mr. Wahid's 15-month administration appears to be rapidly evaporating.

But under Indonesia's convoluted legal procedures, it could take months to formally impeach Mr. Wahid over the scandals, if it happens at all. The result is that Southeast Asia's largest nation appears headed for an extended period of political uncertainty that increases the potential for violence and that will further hamper efforts to grapple with the country's severe economic problems.

"We're going through a period where we really have no guidance," said Manggi Habir, president director of Pefindo, a local credit-rating agency. This will increase already serious concerns among businesspeople here about the security situation and the effectiveness of the government, he added.

Some 15,000 people demonstrated against Mr. Wahid's administration outside Parliament on Thursday, far outnumbering about a thousand of Mr. Wahid's supporters. Inside the building, lawmakers voted 393 to 4 to endorse a report by a parliamentary committee that accuses Mr. Wahid of being involved in the two scandals. Fifty members of Mr. Wahid's party walked out before the vote was cast.

Feared violence didn't materialize, as a heavy police presence at Parliament kept the opposing camps apart. But Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra warned that political tensions could trigger a repeat of the bloody social unrest that toppled former President Suharto in 1998. "The potential for that is there, although we hope it doesn't happen," he said. Earlier this week, Indonesian Defense Minister Mohammad Mahfud warned that the country's powerful military could intervene to help force Mr. Wahid from office if the situation further deteriorates.

The parliamentary report accuses Mr. Wahid of participating in the alleged embezzlement of 35 billion rupiah ($3.7 billion) from a state-run pension fund by his personal masseur and former business partner. It also alleges that he made misleading statements about the whereabouts of a $2 million donation he accepted from the Sultan of Brunei.

Mr. Wahid has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing in the two affairs. He also has accused the committee of being unconstitutional and part of a conspiracy by his opponents to oust him.

Parliament now plans to send a letter to Mr. Wahid warning him that his actions appear to have violated the law. Mr. Wahid will then have three months to respond to Parliament's satisfaction. If he fails to do so, Parliament can issue a second warning letter, to which Mr. Wahid would have another month to respond. Then, if Parliament still isn't satisfied, it can summon the People's Consultative Assembly, a body that includes Parliament and other members appointed by special interest groups, which has the power to vote Mr. Wahid out of office and replace him with Ms. Megawati.

Parliament also decided Thursday to hand the cases over to legal authorities for further investigation, but it didn't elaborate on how it expected this to take place.

Even if Mr. Wahid isn't removed from office -- and some observers think he can still hang on -- Parliament's actions have inflicted further damage on the president's already constrained ability to govern. That spells more bad news for efforts to get Indonesia's struggling economy back on track. For example, the International Monetary Fund's $5 billion lending program for the country remains stalled by a lack of progress in several key areas, most notably proposals for a new law on central bank independence. With legislators now focused on their political struggle with the president, it seems unlikely that consensus on a new law can be achieved anytime soon.

Pefindo's Mr. Manggi also voiced concerns that the political mess would distract from efforts to clean up the masses of bad debt in the country's banking system, so that banks can resume lending to companies. And he warned that Indonesia could expect little letup in the rise in violent lawlessness that has become a major problem for businesses here. "For a businessman, if my truck is being hijacked in the middle of the highway, or my factory is being ransacked, then I have a big problem," he said.

[Staff reporter Puspa Madani and special correspondent Rin Hindryati contributed to this article.]

Parliament vote dims Gus Dur's chances of staying in power

Business Times - February 2, 2001

Shoeb Kagda, Jakarta -- Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid's chances of staying in power appeared bleak yesterday after the country's Parliament voted overwhelmingly to accept a special commission's report that implicated him in two financial scandals.

And in a surprise decision to hasten the impeachment process against Mr Abdurrahman given the clear verdict against him, the 500-member House of Representatives (DPR) was at press time debating whether to call immediately for a special session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) which has the power to remove him; to issue a memorandum giving him three months to explain his actions; or letting him off with a warning for his past actions.

Mr Abdurrahman has until now refused to answer questions about his alleged involvement in the scandals, and has, in fact, attacked the special commission as being illegal.

By a majority vote of 393 to 4, in which eight of the 10 factions in the DPR voted to accept the report, Parliament sent a clear message to the president, voicing its displeasure and its lack of trust in his 15-month-old government and calling him to account.

Members of Mr Abdurrahman's National Awakening Party (PKB) walked out of the proceedings once it became clear that the vote would go against the president.

Parliamentary sources told The Business Times that the DPR, which is the lower house, was split on what its next move should be.

Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDIP) and the powerful armed forces faction were in favour of letting the president off with a warning, while the Golkar faction was insisting on issuing a memorandum, which could trigger impeachment proceedings in five months under the constitution.

The reformist faction led by the National Mandate Party (PAN), however, wanted the MPR to convene a special session as soon as possible. Under Indonesia's electoral system, the MPR, the nation's highest legislative body, elects the president for a five-year term and is thus the only body empowered to remove him through a special session.

BT understands that if the DPR does move in the direction of calling for a special session of the MPR, Mr Abdurrahman or Gus Dur as he is popularly known, would resign in the very near future, possibly within the next week. "It looks like the president's position is now very weak as the mood in the country is against him. He may be forced to step down in the next three to four days if the situation deteriorates rapidly," one Cabinet source told BT. While the DPR was debating the president's fate, thousands of student demonstrators calling for him to resign stared down Mr Abdurrahman's supporters outside the parliament building in central Jakarta. But the large police presence prevented the two sides from clashing.

Indonesia's financial markets also rallied on news of the vote, with the benchmark Jakarta Composite Index gaining 4.97 points to close at 430.58 points. Market analysts said that trading volumes for the day were unusually high, with some 606 billion rupiah (S$111.5 million) worth of shares being traded. The Indonesian currency, however, fell marginally to close at 9,510 against the US dollar.

"The president keeps making the same mistakes which create political uncertainty," noted a trader with an international broking house. "The market went up because investors want a government which would provide greater stability." Despite his claims Wednesday that he still had the backing of the vice- president and the armed forces (TNI), both the Megawati-led PDIP, which holds 153 seats, and the TNI factions voted to accept the special commission report.

The former ruling Golkar party, the second largest party in the house with 120 seats, also accepted the results of the investigations into the financial scandals dubbed Bulogate and Bruneigate.

"The president has opened the way for the violation of an national assembly decree on clean governance," PDIP spokesman Laksamana Sukardi told Parliament.

The parliamentary probe found that he could be suspected of playing a role in diverting US$3.9 million (S$6.8 million) in funds from the state logistics agency Bulog, and that he failed to satisfactorily account for a US$2 million gift from the Sultan of Brunei.

[On February 1, the Straits Times said that most active senior officers maintain that Wahid's presence in the political arena is not an insurmountable barrier to the TNI's core area of interest -- security policy -- in which it is running its own show. Noted a four-star general: "We can live with Gus Dur for now even if he does not provide effective leadership. In the long run though we would prefer someone like Megawati. There will be greater certainty under her leadership." - James Balowski.]

Parliament paints Wahid into a corner

South China Morning Post - February 2, 2001

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid's future looked bleak last night after Parliament's decision to censure him over corruption allegations, a vote that leaves him with few options.

Even if Parliament allows him up to four months to respond to its concerns, Mr Wahid's rule has been deeply damaged. "I can't see how he can really get himself out of this now unless he tries extraordinary means, which probably would not work anyway," a senior Western diplomat said.

Sources in the presidential palace and elsewhere confirmed that people closest to the near-blind Muslim cleric had discussed what to do next. One group is looking for a graceful exit -- to persuade Mr Wahid to resign with his dignity intact.

But a political analyst said: "None of us see him as the kind of guy who will give up like that. And if anybody's looking at the Philippine model now, they will see that even [ousted president Joseph] Estrada refused to use that word 'resign'."

Consideration has also been given to the declaration of a state of civil emergency or of full-fledged martial law. The problem for Mr Wahid is that the armed forces chiefs are understood to have said they see no justification for such a declaration. With police displaying new-found skills in negotiation and restraint, chaos on the streets has been averted so far.

High-level representatives from foreign embassies have informed the palace that any suspension of the constitution, be it a "freezing" of Parliament or a state of emergency, would be disastrous for his foreign support.

"Wahid can declare whatever he likes in terms of emergencies, but he risks looking very silly," the senior Western diplomat said.

Parliament's memorandum of censure gives Mr Wahid three months to respond, and a month after that before a final special session of the full Parliament could vote him from office. Analyst Marcus Mietzner said: "From the moment the memorandum is sent to him, Wahid is legally required to respond. Considering his stand so far, it's very unlikely he will. At this moment, he seems set on a course of confrontation." A palace source said: "Wahid is feeling belligerent. He's determined to fight, even though he's been told that the presence of his supporters on the street is very dangerous. He just says he has more people on his side." Parliament could move quickly to issue its memorandum. It need be only a page long. The string of speeches from faction heads in Parliament yesterday outlined in detail Mr Wahid's supposed transgressions, including his alleged violation of a Peoples' Consultative Assembly (MPR) decree calling for clean government.

"The memorandum is tantamount to the beginning of an impeachment process. It gives Wahid only a breathing space," the diplomat said. "People around him are rehearsing the various options, such as somehow making him a figurehead and giving Vice-President Megawati [Sukarnoputri] more powers. But he's supposed to have tried that already since the last MPR session in August."

That the corruption report reaches only general conclusions based on circumstantial evidence is not holding parliamentarians back. Those propelling moves towards deposing Mr Wahid laugh off concerns about due process and rule of law, thus in effect admitting they are making up the process as they go along. They may decide that a majority vote in the House is enough for anything -- such as declaring the President "temporarily suspended", and thereby stripping him of immunity from prosecution.

Seemingly caught in the middle of all of this is Ms Megawati. She was in tears at Wednesday night's meeting of her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, the largest bloc in Parliament and the first to call for a memorandum against her "brother" Mr Wahid. While the party moved to open the way for her ascension to the presidency, Ms Megawati stayed on the fence, choosing to chair a cabinet meeting yesterday instead of going to Parliament.

2,000 rally against Sampang regent-elect

Detik - January 31, 2000

Budi Sugiharto/Hendra & GB, Surabaya -- Around 2,000 thousand demonstrators calling themselves "The Association of Sampang People" from the island of Madura, East Java province, rallied at the military court/military attorney's office located in the provincial capital, Surabaya. They demanded the elected Sampang governor immediately face trial and be sentenced to death. They hung posters, one reading "Hang Fadhilah!"

On Wednesday, the demonstrators -- Sampang residents and Sampang people living in Surabaya -- gathered at the Bungkul park to pray together. After that, around 10.30am local time, they went to the military court -- around 7 meters away.

On the street, the noisy traffic was cheered up with rally trucks, cars and bikes ridden by the Madurese demonstrators while tens of older demonstrators wore sarongs.

Several posters were hung -- "The Military Auditor has the New Order's Attitude", "Fadhilah appointed, Sampang explodes", "Hang Fadhilah" and the "Corrupter Fadhilah". In addition, several flags from the `Pagar Nusa' martial arts association, affiliated to the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation, were hung up.

Fadhilah Budiono of the Indonesian Armed Forces/Police faction and backed by the United Development faction (F-PP) was reelected as regent of Sampang on July 22, 2000 after obtaining 23 votes in the 45 seat assembly. He defeated his opponent from the National Awakening Party (PKB), the largest faction with 18 seats. President Wahid nominally heads of the PKB which is affiliated to the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).

So far, Fadhilah has yet to be inaugurated because those against him continue to claim that his election was illegal. In addition, he was allegedly involved in misappropriating rice supplies valued at Rp 1.6 billion intended for refugees living in Madura from Sambas, West Kalimantan.

To resolve this case, the military police detachment submitted the file to the Military court/Military auditor but the file was returned back the file to the military police detachment without any further explanation.

There has been much anger and tension within the community over the case. The anti-Fadhilah camp initiated a action at the Military court and demanded the institution immediately bring Fadhilah into court.

"We assumed that the Military court has tried to protect Fadhilah by returning back the file of the investigation from the Military police detachment. For this, we charged that Fadhilah immediately face trial by a Military court and sentenced to death according to Law numbered 31, 1999 article two," said the coordinator of today's demonstration, Subaidi.

During the demonstration, a man named H Pading attempted to provoke the demonstrators. Angry demonstrators almost caught and beat him but he managed to escape.

Meanwhile, as many as 10 representatives of the demonstrators held a dialogue with the head of the military court, Col. FX J Sukiman. According to Firmansyah, it was tough session. Sukiman denied the allegation that the Military court had protected Fadhilah.

Furthermore, he reasoned that the rejection of the file submitted by the military police detachment did not mean the end of the case. Sukiman told the reps that the file had been given to the East Java Chief police detective unit. Because the case involves a misappropriating the rice supplies- a civil matter- a `connectivity team' of police and military personnel will handle the case.

According to Sukiman, the file had been checked by the Military prosecutor attorney in Surabaya. After studying the file, it was submitted to the Military prosecutor attorney in Jakarta. After this, Sukiman continued that the Military prosecutor attorney in Jakarta will form the team of connectivity.

However, the demonstrators brushed aside these matters. They continued to demand Fadhilah be detained and face trial. They said that the official investigation report (BAP) had recorded that Fadhilah admitted he was responsible for the misappropriation of the rice aid.

As of 12.20pm local time, the dialogue continued while security officers stood watch outside the chambers. Hundreds of police and one water canon were on alert.

The case seems to be a never-ending source of friction. On September 4, 2000, hundreds of demonstrators gathered to protest the election of Fahdilah and the town of Sampang came to a complete standstill as government offices closed down and the town's entry and exit points were blocked by the angry mob.

The following day, they returned and destroyed around 85% of the local Regent's offices and government chambers. Many of those protesting were Madurese refugees forced to flee Sambas, West Kalimantan, and return to Madura because of ethnic unrest in the late 1990s. It was they who accused Fadhilah of misappropriating rice supplies intended for refugees.

On Wednesday, 182 village heads from Sampang regency -- Fadhilah's supporters -- demanded that the East Java Governor immediately inaugurate the elected regent without ignoring the ongoing legal process. Orations were held and the demonstrators sang in Madurese.

The upshot of this demonstration was that, if Fadhilah wasn't inaugurated immediately, Sampang would be ruined. Coordinator of the action and head of West Ketapan village, HM Nurun Tajela, said, "Of 189 village heads in Sampang, there's only four not here so this represents the people of Sampang." The deadlock continues.

And the survey says ... Gus Dur's performance is poor

Detik - January 30, 2001

Ananda Ismail/Fitri & GB, Jakarta -- A recent survey by the Public Interest Research and Advocacy Center (PIRAC) apparently reinforces the findings of other surveys: that if President Abdurrahman Wahid got a report card as if he was a student, he would not have passed. According to PIRAC, 63% of respondents believe Wahid's 15 month-old administration is bad or similar to the previous regime.

PIRAC conducted the survey in eight big cities across Indonesia- Jakarta, Bandung, Semarang, Surabaya, Denpasar, Medan, Padang and Pontianak -- from September 27 to November 2, 2000. The survey theme was: Public Assessment of Abdurrahman Wahid's Administration.

One might think that the Muslim community would be less critical and more forgiving of Wahid, a Muslim cleric and former leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation. The survey, however, appears to reveal otherwise.

Around 25% of Muslim respondents said the performance of Gus Dur's administration had been poor. This is higher than respondents from other religious backgrounds. Hindu (15%), Catholic (13%) and Protestant (12%) respondents were less likely to say that his performance had been poor.

The survey also shows only 12% of the 1,869 respondents said Indonesia is better under the leadership of Gus Dur -- as the President is popularly called -- than under the New Order regime of former president Suharto. As many as 25% of respondents refused to give their opinion.

The survey does not contain much good news for the beleaguered President. Only 32% of respondents do not believe that he is still capable of leading Indonesia. Around 30% believe he can and the majority, 38% of respondents, chose to remain non-committal on the issue.

Chaos among lawmakers works in Wahid's favour

South China Morning Post - January 31, 2001

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- The conclusion from a day of rumours and threats was clear. There is nothing approaching a presidential crisis yet in Indonesia but the ground has been laid for continuing destabilisation by various groups with differing agendas.

It is precisely this plurality of goals that is working in President Abdurrahman Wahid's favour. The problem facing those who wish to depose him remains the basic disunity of the opposition, and the personality of Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Legislators from several political parties wish to use the untested parameters of parliamentary procedure to get rid of Mr Wahid on the grounds of his alleged corruption. They are disillusioned with his rule, but their underlying aim is to get their own patrons in power for reasons of greed.

For this group, the way ahead remains long and tortuous. There are divisions within the biggest bloc in the House of Representatives, the Indonesian Democratic party of Struggle led by Ms Megawati.

The swiftest scenario for dumping Mr Wahid would require a decision by the Parliament to censure him. That would put him on notice for three months, after which, if he had not responded to its concerns, a second memorandum would be issued. A month later, a special session of the full Peoples' Consultative Assembly (MPR) could be called. Mr Wahid, lacking the numbers to block any MPR action, could then be impeached.

A second opposition scenario involves digressions from the constitutional route outlined above, either through military intervention or the fomenting of an atmosphere of crisis. This could only work if the pace and violence of demonstrations picks up dramatically, if wider segments of society are galvanised to join in and if a leader appears with the credibility and the will to force the issue. Such a leader is lacking, which explains why so much attention is focused on the enigmatic Ms Megawati.

Would she go against everything she has said until now and turn on Mr Wahid to force his overthrow? Or could she be forced to step in to save the nation after enough chaos has been created? Few observers can foresee either happening.

A third layer of the plot involves the presidential palace itself. Some presidential advisers have raised the possibility that, if pushed, Mr Wahid could choose to freeze Parliament, in an echo of founding president Sukarno's action in 1959 when he aborted the country's last parliamentary democratic experiment and, with military backing, declared a new state of "guided democracy".

"If the President froze Parliament, it would be his political death," analyst Marcus Mietzner said. "The only answer to this ongoing instability is for the elite to get together ... to solve the basic problem, which is that the President thinks this is a presidential system and the Parliament thinks it's at least partly a parliamentary system."

Akbar dismisses calls to dissolve Golkar Party

Jakarta Post - January 30, 2001

Jakarta -- Golkar Party chairman Akbar Tandjung on Tuesday dismissed calls to dissolve the party saying that it is a lawful organization and has the right to exist in the country.

"We cannot accept such calls because the Golkar Party is legitimate and registered with the state gazette. We have to respect the law and democracy that we have been trying to build," Akbar told journalists on Tuesday.

He admitted that Golkar was part of the New Order regime, but during the reform era, the party has been committed to improve the party's image and to correct their past mistakes as supporters of former president Soeharto.

"It's true that Golkar was part of the old regime, but we've tried to change ourselves and have apologized to the public for our past mistakes. In fact, people still voted for us in the 1999 general elections," Akbar said.

Calls that Golkar be dissolved have marked political discourses lately, saying that the party has become the major obstacle in the reform movement as it is part of the New Order regime.

The issue came amid the growing tension between President Abdurrahman Wahid and the House of Representatives over the investigation into the Rp 35 billion (US$3.9 million) financial scandal at the State Logistics Agency (Bulog), which allegedly involved the President.

"We have never tried to obstruct the reform movement, but have been trying to push for democratization. "There is no proof at all that we have tried to hamper the reform movement," Akbar said.

He further said that he considered such calls a character assassination by certain groups in the country against Golkar leaders, including himself.

Later on Tuesday, the Golkar executive board held a media briefing at its headquarters concerning the growing calls for the party's dissolution.

Golkar deputy chairman Agung Laksono said the calls were raised in an attempt to divert the public's attention from the investigation into the Bulog scandal.

"The accusation that Golkar is the obstacle to the reform movement is baseless," Agung said. He contended that Golkar had tried to correct itself and support the reform movement.

Regional conflicts

One policeman killed in Ambon gunfights

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2001

Ambon -- One policeman was killed and 17 police and marine personnel injured during overnight gunfights between the two groups, an officer said on Friday.

"The policeman who died in the fray was First Brig. Erinus Saragih and his body has been flown to Jakarta," Maluku Police chief Brig. Gen. Firman Gani told The Jakarta Post by phone. "The situation is now under control and everything is OK. The dispute took place because the troops were tense," he said.

Firman said the dispute was triggered by a minor misunderstanding between a member of the police's Mobile Brigade (Brimob) and a group of marines.

"The two units are actually close companions. On Thursday, a Brimob officer went shopping near the Halong Naval Base. As he was not wearing his uniform some marines became suspicious of him and beat him ... only to learn later that he is a policeman.

"The incident degenerated into gunfights near Lateri and Passo villages and a member of the Water Police, Erinus, was killed by a stray bullet," he said.

Twelve policeman were treated at Latumeten Army Hospital in Ambon, while five marines were hospitalized at the Halong Navy Hospital. The incident caused panic among residents, who locked themselves into their homes or fled the area.

"We hope that gunfights such as these never take place again ... security forces should be our protectors, they should not be fighting each other," a local resident said.

Several offices in Lateri and Passo villages in Teluk Ambon Baguala were damaged during the melee.

In a separate development, Firman said he has replaced Comr. Abdi Darma Sitepu, who was to become the Brimob chief in Maluku, with Adj. Sr. Comr. Hapsoro, who is due to arrive in Ambon in the next few days.

Abdi Darma had just arrived in Ambon and was staying in the Hotel Wijaya II when a joint military force raided the hotel on January 22, arresting 14 police and military personnel allegedly involved in rogue shootings during a fray in Batu Merah. Abdi also was arrested in the raid, but he was later released.

"Abdi will become a Brimob battalion commander at Brimob's base in Kelapa Dua, Jakarta. I think he does not yet have the necessary field experience to lead the squad in Maluku. "Psychologically, it is also hard for him to lead the Brimob in Maluku because of the incident at Hotel Wijaya II," Firman said.

He also said that the 14 police and military personnel arrested at Hotel Wijaya II would be prosecuted by the military police. "Although the National Police is now directly under the president's supervision, the law on court-martials has not been changed. So the 12 police officers [arrested at the hotel] will be tried in the military court," Firman said.

He also said he believed the investigation into the incident, which is being led by the intelligence assistant to the Indonesian Military chief of general affairs, Brig. Gen. Zulfahmi, was fair and impartial.

Soldiers from a special joint security force -- comprising members of the Navy's marines, the Air Force's Paskhas and the Army's Kopassus -- apprehended 14 military and police personnel who allegedly shot at them as they were attempting to quell riots that had claimed the lives of 10 people. The security force seized from the 14 suspects bullets, several guns and two grams of shabu-shabu (crystal methamphetamine).

Gunfight among security personnel erupts in Ambon

Jakata Post - February 2, 2001

Ambon -- A gunfight between disputed security personnel took place on Thursday in two villages, Lateri and Passo in Teluk Ambon Baguala district some 12 kilometers east of Ambon, forcing hundreds of residents to flee the area, an official said.

"It's true that there was a gunfight between police and Marine troops today. But, the situation is already under control now," John Tomasoa, spokesman for the civil emergency administration, told The Jakarta Post by phone.

Witnesses said the exchange of fire between members of the navy Marines and police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) broke out around 11.30am local time on Thursday and continued into the afternoon. "The troops told residents to stay in their houses to avoid possible casualties ... but many others opted to flee to safer ground," a local journalist said.

There was no clear explanation about the cause of the incident but unconfirmed reports stated that a number of soldiers and policemen were injured in the fray. Residents said that the incident broke out soon after a dispute between a policeman and a group of Marine soldiers at Halong Naval Base, but no official confirmation has been issued.

It is reported that a plainclothes Brimob officer was asked to remove his earrings when entering the naval base, but he refused to do so. The police officer ended up being mobbed by Marine troops guarding the base and the incident quickly spread into a fray between the two units.

Halong Naval Base is also home to approximately 2,000 Christian and Muslim refugees.

Marine troops were seen moving from their base in Halong Naval Base with two Amphibious vehicles to Passo, about five kilometers away from Halong. On the way to Passo, the convoy was intercepted by the Water Police Unit in Lateri village, but around 4pm local time members of the Marines reportedly breached Lateri village.

Maluku Police chief Brig. Gen. Firman Gani, Pattimura Military chief of staff Col. Syarifuddin Sumah and Ambon Naval Base commander Lt. Col. Pattorani were reportedly still at the scene of the incident late on Thursday afternoon. Tight security was also imposed in Halong Naval Hospital and journalists were banned from entering the site.

In another development, chairman of the Maluku Protestant Church Synod Rev. Sammy Titaley said on Thursday that TNI/Polri troops' existence in Maluku is still much needed. "The security forces in the Malukus cannot be pulled out yet due to the huge number of conflict prone areas in the islands," Sammy said.

He said that he would therefore send letters to the TNI Commander and the National Police chief and will meet Pattimura Military Command and the Maluku Police chief on the matter.

"We think that the troops deployment in Maluku is geographically misinterpreted. It seems that there are an abundant number of troops but actually the area of conflict is much larger. The troops are mostly concentrated on Ambon island, but not on other islands," he said. "There are villages that are tightly guarded whilst there are other villages which have fewer security troops," he added, while citing that during the Hatualang incident in Piru district, Seram island of Central Maluku last week, the village was only guarded by a group of eight soldiers while the attackers numbered hundreds.

Meanwhile, Maluku Provincial Council Speaker Etty Sahuburua called for the prosecution of those responsible for the alleged "forceful" action behind the conversion of 648 Christians to Islam in Kesui district, East Seram island, Central Maluku, last year. "We're glad that the 648 people who had been forced to convert their religion to Islam have been evacuated from Kesui, but we also want to get a legal process underway towards those responsible for this coercive action," Etty said.

Second round of troop withdrawal begins in Maluku

Jakarta Post - February 1, 2001

Ambon -- The second round of troop withdrawal from Maluku was held on Wednesday with Battalion 403 of the Central Java's Diponegoro Regional Military Command leaving Halong Naval base, some six kilometers east of Ambon, in a ceremony led by Pattimura military chief of staff Col. Syarifuddin Sumah.

"This battalion has served its duty in Maluku for seven months and we hope that their experience in Maluku will be used to enrich their skills and professionalism as soldiers," Syarifuddin said.

The officer expressed sympathy for three members of the battalion who went missing during an operation to suppress a riot at the border of Siri-Sori Amalatu Islam and Siri-Sori Amapati Kristen on Saparua Tengah island in central Maluku regency on October 7, 2000. The three missing soldiers were First Sgt. Nanang, First Sgt. Paryono and Pvt. Suyanto.

Acting spokesman of the Pattimura Regional Military Command Capt. Heri Suhardi said separately on Wednesday that the military will continue searching for the missing soldiers although their battalion has returned to Central Java.

"If any of the residents know about what happened to them or even find their skulls and bones ... please report it to us and we will make proper arrangements for their return home," Heri said.

The joint battalions of military and police from Maluku province will be scaled down gradually from 17 to only four by this February.

The latest records reveal that there are around nine military and police battalions in Maluku. These include the 407th battalion of the Diponegoro Regional Military Command, the 521st battalion and the 527th battalion of the Brawijaya Regional Military Command, the 144th battalion of the Sriwijaya Regional Military Command, the 623rd battalion of the Tanjungpura Regional Military Command, two joint security battalions, two Police Mobile Brigade battalions and two companies of Marines.

Meanwhile, two male bodies were found in the Mardika area on Wednesday morning and both were suspected of having been passengers of KM Lambelu who became victims of an attack by thugs on Monday night, an officer guarding the Batu Merah -- Mardika border said.

Meanwhile, the results of the probe into the Kesui case, in which a group of villagers living in East Seram island were reportedly forced to convert to Islam through mass circumcision, have been issued by Maluku Governor Saleh Latuconsina on Tuesday.

"We have conducted a survey of 405 villagers above 13 years of age and the results show that 97 percent altered their religion to Islam due to a lack of personal security if they remained non-Muslim. "And three percent were forced to convert to Islam as they had their lives on the line," Latuconsina said.

A total of 648 villagers were evacuated from Kesui following the investigation, while the remaining 81 villagers opted to stay with their relatives on the island, he added.

Latuconsina and Pattimura Military Commander Brig. Gen. I Made Yasa were reportedly leaving for Jakarta on Wednesday to report the latest situation in Maluku.

Human rights/law

Hassan will not return to jail despite two year jail term

Agence France-Presse - February 3, 2001 (abridged)

Jakarta -- Mohammand "Bob" Hasan, the timber tycoon and business partner of former Indonesian dictator Suharto, sentenced to two years jail for corruption, will serve his term under house arrest, the state Antara news agency said Saturday.

Antara quoted legal sources as saying that the Central Jakarta District Court had decided that Hasan could deduct the 10 months he spent in prison awaiting trial from his sentence, and serve the remainder under house arrest.

Friday's ruling was the first guilty verdict handed down to a Suharto crony since the former dictator fell from power in May 1998.

Hasan, 70, who was also Suharto's golfing buddy and last trade minister, was found guilty of abandoning an aerial forest mapping project, causing losses to the state of 14.2 billion rupiah.

The court also ordered Hasan to pay a 15 million rupiah (1,578 dollar) fine and repay the state the 14.2 billion rupiah he was charged with embezzling from the forestry association fund.

Hasan's defence lawyer, Agustinus Hutajulu, immediately appealed the verdict, while the prosecution which had demanded an eight- year jail term was undecided on whether it also would lodge an appeal.

The prosecution charged that Hasan's company, PT Mapindo Parama, cheated the state by mapping only 81 forest concessions, when the contract, awarded in 1989, was for 599 concessions.

The company also took eight years to carry out the incomplete mapping, when the contract called for completion in three years.

Additional charges against Hasan included the misappropriation of 168 million dollars from the members of the Forest Concessionaires' Association, and another 75 million in funds from the ministry of forestry.

House agrees to drop the 1999 Emergency Law

Jakarta Post - February 3, 2001

Jakarta -- The House of Representatives has agreed to drop the 1999 emergency law and to provide some time for the government to draft and socialize the new emergency bill.

House Speaker Akbar Tandjung said the government could have more time but underlined the needs to set up a new emergency law to avoid further used of the repressive 1959 emergency law. "But we do understand and agree to give more time to the government," Akbar said.

The decision was made after a consultation meeting on Friday between the House leaders and several cabinet ministers -- Coordinating Minister for Political, Social and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Minister of Defense Mahfud M.D., Minister of Home Affairs and Regional Autonomy Surjadi Soedirdja and Minister of Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra -- at the House leaders' meeting room.

"We have come to a new agreement as the House understands the government's decision to drop the 1999 emergency law and give us some flexible time to draft a new one," Yusril said at the joint media briefing after the meeting.

The law was enacted by the House in September 1999, but was later postponed indefinitely by then president B.J. Habibie following violent street protests by students. At least five people were killed in the protests, the majority of the victims were shot by security forces.

Being aware of the importance of having a new emergency law, the House and the government have included the bill on emergency law on the list of 108 draft laws prioritized for deliberation during the 2001 fiscal year.

Due to its postponement, the country will currently apply Law No. 3/1959 that provides overwhelming power to the president in deciding the security status of the country and to legalize unrestricted military use to deal with certain conditions.

The law was used as a foundation for imposing the current state of civil emergency in Maluku and North Maluku provinces since July 2000.

Susilo said that the new draft of the emergency law will be far more accommodative and responsive to human rights values, the prerequisite in any democratic country.

"Although, the 1999 emergency law is far 'softer' than the valid [1959] emergency law, the government will not force the public to agree and enact the law," Susilo said. He guaranteed to the public that the new bill will reflect the democratization process and conditions required of a civil society in the country.

Signs of more bunkers found underneath Tommy's home

Straits Times - February 1, 2001

Jakarta -- A number of test holes drilled in the vicinity of the home of Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra have confirmed suspicions of more underground bunkers located under the fugitive's residence, the National Police said on Tuesday.

"Other than the bunker which police located below Tommy's house, we have also drilled at six other spots, five of which are inside Tommy's residence. These were test holes," National Police spokesman Brigadier-General Saleh Saaf told reporters on Tuesday.

"In all six spots, we hit planks of some kind, not earth. This strengthened our suspicion that there could be more bunkers underground, and that Tommy could very likely be hiding there."

Tommy, the youngest son of disgraced former President Suharto, has been on the run since early November last year when President Abdurrahman Wahid rejected his plea for a pardon after he was sentenced to 18 months' jail for corruption. An earlier search in air-conditioned bunker found under the house had turned up little.

Brig-Gen Saleh said on Tuesday that National Police forensics experts needed to conduct more tests before they could actually drill and break into further sections of the residence and areas around it.

"Since we broke into the first bunker, we have found one person who is willing to lead us to where the bunkers are. His name cannot be disclosed as the police fear for his life," Brig-Gen Saleh said.

Separately, a National Police source said on the same day that police were able to locate the bunker early last month with the help of an informant.

The source also said that the sixth spot drilled was said to be in the residence of Mr Suharto's daughter, Ms Siti Hediati "Titiek" Hariyadi Prabowo.

PRD suit: Budiman's father was accused of being a communist

Kompas - February 1, 2001

Jakarta -- H. Wartono Karyo Utomo, the father of Budiman Sudjatmiko, chairperson of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), was accused of being an ex-member of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in relation to Budiman's activities in the PRD.

This accusation was made by the then head of staff the ABRI chief of sociopolitical affairs, Lieutenant General Syarwan Hamid when the New Order government was hunting Budiman who was accused of being the mastermind behind the July 27, 1996 incident.

"At that time, Pak Syarwan Hamid said that Budiman's father was ex-PKI, category B-2. When I heard this I became emotional. Then I sent a letter to the government requesting a document stating that I was not a PKI member because at that during, the New Order era, these matters were extremely important. I am not a PKI member and have never been involved in the activities of the PKI. As a result of this statement, for more than a year my family was ostracized by the community", said Wartono when he gave evidence at the PRD law suit against the government and military officers of the New Order at the Jakarta State court on Wednesday.

The trial, which was presided over by judge Musa Simatupang, presented three witnesses, Wartono, Nining (ex-leader of Semarang Student Solidarity for Democracy in Indonesia) and Sandra Fertasari (a PRD cadre). Sandra and Nining had been detained by the police and accused of being responsible for and involved in the July 27 case.

Before Wartono gave evidence, the judge questioned Wartono's status as Budiman's father saying that because Wartono was a blood relation of the plaintiff he could not give evidence. This resulted in a number of spectators calling the judge a remnant of the New Order. After the plaintiff's lawyers explained that the suit was not in the name of Budiman but in the name of an organisation, the PRD, only then did the judge gave Wartono permission to give evidence.

Meanwhile, Nining and Sandara said that they had been detained in a police office on charges of being involved in the July 27 incident. Nining said that as a result of this charge, his family experience [a great deal] of pressure and were often terrorised. During a ceremony on August 17, 1999, the Regent of Pati said that Nining and a friend were involved in the PRD which was a communist [organisation]. At the time of the July 27 incident Sandra was at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters. He was arrested by police and accused of destruction, attack on and the burning of property, According to Sandra, it was in fact the police to did all of this. "I saw it myself, on Jalan Surabaya the police took off their uniforms and put on T-shirts before they arrived and attacked the PDI offices. I know one of the attackers, Serka Berdis from the Central Jakarta Police", said Sandra.

[Translated by James Balowski.]

News & issues

Situbondo residents block Surabaya-Bali road

Jakarta Post - February 4, 2001

Jakarta -- Thousands of residents the East Java's town of Situbondo Saturday built a roadblock on the Besuki-Banyuwangi road connecting Surabaya and Bali in protest of the House of Representatives' acceptance of an investigation report on twoscandals involving President Abdurrahman Wahid.

"They closed the northern route after attending a grand rally at the Asembagus Islamic boarding school in Situbondo. The main road was closed from 10am to 8.30pm," chief of the Center for Operation and Control Command of the East Java's Police, Snr.Comr. SW Sabur, said Saturday night.

The protesters felled dozens of trees along the road, effectively closing down the road to traffic, Antara reported.

Sabur said he believed there was a connection between the closing of the road by the supporters of President Abdurrahman Wahid and the House's decision to issue a memorandum of censure to the President following its acceptance of the report of thespecial committee.

"Since they were very emotional, the police had to show patience in dealing with them," he said. By 9pm, the situation along the Besuki-Banyuwangi line had returned to normal although the road was still closed to traffic as dozens of trees were yet to be removed from Asembagus-Situbondo section of the road.

PRD leader denies they were bribed rupiah 2 billion

Detik - January 30, 2001

Lukmanul Hakim/GB, Jakarta -- Monday has seen the reemergence of mass action as a force in Indonesia's political development. One of the oldest and most influential mass action groups, the People's Democratic Party (PRD), which has come out on the side of bringing those guilty under the former regime to justice above all else, has been accused of accepting money to support the embattled President.

As reported previously, Pro and Anti-President Wahid groups have converged on the city centre bringing traffic to a halt along Jl. Thamrin and Subroto right out to the parliament complex in south central Jakarta. Security personnel attempted to keep demonstrators out of the parliament grounds, were rushed and then fired tear gas. Demonstrators regrouped and the push and pull continues as this news goes on line.

One of the most prominent groups, the PRD, was in the thick of it all. PRD demonstrators marched through Jakarta from Tebet, down Jl Sudirman, to the famous HI roundabout and on to the parliament.

During a brief stop at the Danamon Aetna Life building on Jl Sudirman where PRD leaders were giving orations, PRD Chairman Budiman Sudjatmiko took a moment to deny to Detik that they had been bribed by other parties.

"That's not true," Budiman said passionately. The bribery issue- to the tune of 2 billion rupiah (USD 213,400) -- has been circulating for sometime and appears to have originated from a submission to a mailing list. The piece in question claimed the PRD and other groups had been bribed by a faction of the military known to be close to the President which has currently been sidelined within the defense force.

"They, the ones spreading that story, only want to delegitimise the PRD. And that definitely won't be effective," Budiman continued.

Budiman explained that their action was not primarily concerned with the event which has sparked massive demonstrations across the country -- the release of the findings of the Buloggate -- Bruneigate special committee.

Many suspect the committee was formed as a mechanism to pressure and oust Wahid. They are set to announce their findings today and confirm the President's involvement in the two scandals which involve the misappropriation of around USD 5.8 million from the state. Thousands of demonstrators have rallied at the parliament Monday, most either calling for Wahid to stand down or defending him.

The PRD and many others, however, have chosen to protest against the entrenched power of the "remnants" of the New Order regime of former president Suharto. These parties and their new running mates in the parliament are largely responsible for the establishment of the special committee. Their ongoing power and the lack of political will from other parties to get rid of them has lead to increasingly disturbing political, economic and social repercussions, Budiman said.

"The New Order at the moment already controls economic resources, human resources and the House of Representatives has been made into the Trojan horse," he added. "The House has made the people forget this by blowing up the Bulog and Brunei cases," he said.

Rent-a-crowd demonstrators?

Straits Times - January 31, 2001

Marianne Kearney, Jakarta -- Student demonstrators seem to be changing from a force that called the shots and pulled politicians into line into a force manipulated and supported by the same politicians whom they would have previously objected to.

As tear gas exploded over the bandannaed heads and banners on Monday outside the Parliament complex, the student crowd -- previously packed tighter than sardines -- dispersed in a panic, scrambling over fences, shrubs and anything else they could find.

A few more cannisters of tear gas later, only some 100 students remained crouched on the ground, exposing half-heartedness in the largest student-led protest since the days of former President Habibie.

News reports were quick to draw comparisons between this demonstration and those which occurred during the rule of former presidents Suharto and Habibie, which effectively forced both leaders to relinquish power.

Analysts say Monday's protest was a far cry from previous demonstrations. They noted that many of the demonstrators had probably been gathered by Mr Abdurrahman's opponents to apply political pressure on the President in the name of "reformasi".

Some were demonstrating for clean government while others admitted to being there because their student unions had asked them to. The rest were not even sure why they were there.

"They're not necessarily being paid but they are being trapped into a political game among the elite," said one analyst who believes the student bodies are being manipulated by the political foes of President Abdurrahman.

He said that Monday's demonstration was organised by student university boards, dominated by Muslim student groups traditionally connected to the President's foes. Some are believed to be linked to the Suharto family.

But according to some organisers of the Monday demonstrations, businessmen were funding the student protests.

There were those like Mr Priyo, a student drop-out, who was asked by a friend to gather a group of his friends as well as other high school students at the city centre. They were then transported to the University of Indonesia.

Mr Priyo was assured that the demonstration was "pro-reform" and not anti-Wahid. It was all about supremacy of the law and stamping out corruption -- with the added perk of a day's wage of 10,000 to 20,000 rupiah (S$2 to 4), he was told.

The businessmen organising the activists were not short of cash to throw at the demonstrators, said Priyo. At a meeting last week, he saw a case full of 50,000 rupiah and 100,000 rupiah notes on the table. There may be those attracted to demonstrate for a few thousand rupiah, free lunch and a free bus trip.

But many of the students are truly disillusioned that the New Order disease, known as KKN, or corruption, collusion and nepotism, had not been wiped out. Others such as Mr Hardyansyah, a 19-year-old student, were on the streets partly to ensure the parliamentary committee did not allow President Abdurrahman's alleged involvement in the Bulogate and Bruneigate cases to go unpunished, but also because the politicians had forgotten "reformasi" ideals.

"Reform hasn't finished yet," he said. "Parliament should amend the Constitution, take away the military's parliamentary seats, give justice to Tommy and Suharto and create clean government," Mr Hardyansyah said.

Religion/Islam

Confucianism in favour with tolerant Wahid

South China Morning Post - January 30, 2001

Vaudine England -- After a peaceful celebration of the Lunar New Year in much of Indonesia, President Abdurrahman Wahid has further burnished his tolerance credentials by promising a greater respect of Confucianism as a religion.

At a New Year celebration at Jakarta's Senayan Stadium at the weekend, which was organised by the Highest Council Of Confucian Religion in Indonesia, President Wahid, his wife and many guests were dressed in Chinese silk shirts and cheongsams.

"I would like to renew the Government's commitment to stay out of religious issues. Let every religious believer take care of their own beliefs.

As we have all learned, any government intervention would only create negative consequences," Mr Wahid said. "Just as with other believers, Confucius followers also have equal rights and opportunities in Indonesia ... all discriminative actions against Confucianism must end."

In the year since a presidential decree nullified the Suharto-era clamps on Chinese expression, greater openness has come to ethnic Chinese cultural expression, most often expressed through the barongsarai, a local version of the lion dance. Only in the strongly Muslim town of Makassar, South Sulawesi, were plans to hold a lion dance given up in the face of local opposition, reports said.

Last week, the Government revised its visa rules for mainland Chinese visitors. In the past, they were required to travel in organised groups, only entering through designated entry-points.

"[Chinese] citizens can enter Indonesia through all immigration checkpoints," director-general of immigration M. Mudakir said. "There are no longer differences between them and other foreign citizens except for certain preventive measures. Now, visas for PRC citizens can be given without going through a 'clearing house'.

"They can enter Indonesia through all checkpoints. And they also can apply for visas just like any other foreign citizen."

Mr Wahid also touched on other sensitive issues for the Chinese Indonesian minority, such as former president Suharto's insistence that Chinese take on Indonesian names as part of a wider assimilation process.

Mr Wahid disagrees with such distinctions. "It is totally incorrect to say that some of us are indigenous and some of us are of Chinese descent," he said. "If we want to build a strong Indonesia, we should no longer differentiate indigenous from those of Chinese descent."

Indonesia cut diplomatic ties with China after the so-called coup that obliterated the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965.

Under Mr Suharto, Indonesia restored diplomatic ties with China in 1990 and bilateral warmth has increased under Mr Wahid. Trade has also increased, sparking local complaints from motorcycle assemblers who face competition from cheaper Chinese imports.

Business sources say most Chinese-Indonesian wealth and investment, which drained out of Jakarta during anti-Chinese riots in 1998, has yet to return.

Arms/armed forces

Gradual removal of military territorial commands sought

Jakarta Post - January 31, 2001

Jakarta -- Military observers called on Tuesday for gradual removal of the Indonesian Military (TNI) territorial commands and demanded TNI quit its interference in the civil government's decision-making policy.

The Alliance of Young Researchers on Civil-Military Relations said in a media conference that the action should be taken as a consequence of TNI's past involvement in politics and government affairs.

One of the researchers, Anas Saidi, said TNI's territorial commands were the source of its power and instruments of human rights abuses as the commands had performed as a shadow government for the civil administration.

"The measure should be implemented gradually as we have to be conscious of the future of the personnel in the military commands and ensure that the commands are not involved in local administration affairs.

"Meanwhile, the regional military commands (Kodam) are not supposed to be stationed in the capitals of the provinces," he said while disclosing the results of its recent survey on civil- military relations.

The research queried 16,223 respondents residing in provinces under the jurisdiction of the Jakarta Military Command -- the Siliwangi Military Command overseeing West Java province, the Brawijaya Military Command overseeing East Java, the Udayana Military Command overseeing Bali, East and West Nusa Tenggara provinces and the Tanjungpura Military Command overseeing the four Kalimantan provinces.

The survey, held through random sampling, found that a majority of the respondents allowed the provisional presence of the military commands as they could provide safety and security to the public. But they demanded that the commands be replaced by police as soon as that institution was capable of taking over the responsibility. The respondents also rejected military involvement in the executive and legislative bodies.

Quoting results of the survey, Anas said TNI's involvement in businesses should be controlled by the state, suggesting that there should be public accountability for TNI's non-budgetary funds.

"We have found that TNI's involvement in businesses has distorted the market as they 'carry arms' while running the businesses. We recommend that the businesses be converted into state enterprises to ensure public accountability and transparency," he said.

"Just like other countries in transition to democracy, isolating the military from politics will only make the force jump into businesses," he added.

Anas, however, reminded that while the state restructures the military commands, it also has to eliminate militaristic behavior from society, especially paramilitary organizations practicing military procedures and wearing uniforms. "We can also see people using the military's repressive approach in settling their problems," he said.

Indonesia seeks new sources for equipment

Jane's Defense Weekly - January 26, 2001

John Haseman, Bangkok -- India and Indonesia have signed a military co-operation agreement to expand military contacts and training opportunities and to step up defence purchases. The agreement was signed during Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's mid-January visit to Jakarta.

Indonesia cited a need to find additional sources for defence equipment because its primary supplier, the USA, has halted most arms sales. This is in protest against the Indonesian Army's participation in widespread violence and human rights abuses in East Timor in recent years. India needs customers for its burgeoning defence industries and could be expected to offer generous prices to gain access to the Indonesian market.

Chronic maintenance problems, unrelated to the US boycott, also plague Indonesia's armed forces. The air force's Lockheed Martin C-130 transport fleet, for example, is reportedly reduced to only four operational aircraft.

In addition, President Abdurrahman Wahid said in mid-December that only eight of the air force's 30 helicopters were operational. He also cited the 1960s-era Soviet amphibious tanks in the marine corps and the ancient vessels used by the Maritime Police as equipment in urgent need of replacement.

The USA recently agreed to resume shipment of C-130 spare parts, based on humanitarian missions frequently flown by the transport aircraft in Indonesia. However, the ban on sales of weapons and military equipment remains in place.

The agreement with India marks a notable shift in Indonesian thinking. The armed forces have long been wary of India's rapidly expanding 'blue water' naval capabilities. However, the two countries share important interests in Indian Ocean waters, and northwestern Sumatra and Sabang Island are close to India's Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Since taking office President Wahid has prioritised modernisation and expansion of the navy and air force to implement his high- priority policy of better surveillance and protection of Indonesia's vast maritime resources. Fisheries poaching, smuggling, and illegal resource extraction in remote regions of the Indonesian archipelago drain billions of dollars from the country's economy.

Jordan has also offered to donate and sell military materiel to Indonesia. Jordan reportedly is interested in providing aircraft, spare parts and other equipment.

Added to similar military co-operation agreements signed last year with Russia and China, it is clear Indonesia will seek actively to diversify its sources of military equipment.

Economy & investment

World bank approves plan to cut loans to Indonesia

Dow Jones Newswires - January 21, 2001

Jakarta -- The World Bank's board in Washington has approved a new lending program for Indonesia of $400 million annually over the next three years, much lower than the $1.3 billion average yearly funding in the mid-1990s.

However, the World Bank will lend the funds under more generous terms than previously, reflecting a desire to move from a "crisis" approach to a renewed emphasis on poverty alleviation, the bank said in a statement.

About one third of the total lending under the new program will be from the bank's concessional lending arm -- the International Development Association.

IDA loans, which are interest free and have terms of up to 40 years, would "ensure a continuing flow of finance for development and poverty reduction without increasing Indonesia's debt-service demands in the near term," the statement said.

Indonesia's foreign public debt is already a huge $70 billion, and the government relies on loans from the World Bank and bilateral donor countries to balance its budget.

Efforts by Jakarta to draw up a broad-based poverty strategy, and implement other economic reform measures, could lead to an increase in World Bank lending to $1 billion a year, the statement said.

Much of the World Bank's loan program to Indonesia in the last decade has found its way into the pockets of civil servants and family of former dictator Suharto rather than the poor, the bank has admitted.

On a visit to Jakarta last year, World Bank President James Wolfensohn said there had been estimates that 10% to 40% of bank loans to Indonesia had been squandered due to corruption under Suharto. But Wolfensohn added misuse of bank funds had been reduced after Suharto's downfall in 1998.

The World Bank said it would also put an emphasis on trying to eradicate corruption from its ongoing 56 projects in Indonesia.

RI should be free from World Bank and IMF

Jakarta Post - January 30, 2001

Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid said on Monday that Indonesia should learn from Nigeria's initiative to reduce its reliance on funding from international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

"[Nigerian] President Obasanjo has adopted the policy not to rely on anybody, including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund," President Wahid said during the induction of the new Indonesian ambassador to Nigeria, Moezdan Rasjad.

Moezdan served as a career diplomat in Thailand, the United Kingdom and Switzerland. He also served as deputy ambassador to Japan.

Indonesia, President Abdurrahman said, should also learn from Nigeria's attempts to catch up with modernization without forgetting its traditional heritage. The President is planning to visit Nigeria, but the date has not yet been set.

Indonesia is one of the largest debtors of both the World Bank and the IMF. The World Bank has said that it would probably cut its loans to Indonesia from US$1.2 billion a year to between $500 million and $1 billion because of the country's huge debt burden.

Meanwhile, the IMF is still stalling the disbursement of approximately $400 million to Indonesia, one installment from a total of $5 billion promised to the country over a three year period ending in 2003.

Foreign investors relocate as confidence diminishes

Straits Times - January 30, 2001

Robert Go, Jakarta -- Fed up with Indonesia's political paralysis and craving more stability, foreign investors are not only staying away from the country, but have also started taking their operations to other Asian countries and elsewhere.

As thousands stormed the parliamentary complex yesterday following a report implicating President Abdurrahman Wahid in two corruption scandals, several business analysts said that regardless of the outcome of this latest political skirmish, confidence in the government has reached a low point.

"Our expectations of the government are much lower now. Foreign investors have less faith in Indonesia and continue to stay away. Some have even moved their investments to other countries," said conglomerate owner Sofjan Wanandi, who previously chaired one of Mr Abdurrahman's now-defunct economic councils. "The manufacturing sector, including textiles, shoes and electronics, will be hit quite badly by the exodus. Once companies relocate, it will be very hard to get them back," he added.

Mr Arian Ardie, a business consultant associated with the American Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia, said the current street demonstrations -- mostly aimed against Mr Abdurrahman -- would raise additional question marks about the government's stability.

"From the foreign investors' standpoint, this is not good news. Many are tired of waiting around for a better condition; they have had enough. They may not see any potential for near-term improvement and can simply decide to go for Vietnam, or Venezuela, or other investment opportunities," he said. Other countries cited as possible beneficiaries of Indonesia's continuing troubles include China, India and Bangladesh.

Mr Raden Pardede, head of research at Danareksa Institute, also blames the government for failing to establish a political climate that is more conducive to business. "Our research shows a consistent decline in business confidence towards the government. And the government either doesn't seem to catch on quickly enough, or it is not interested in helping the economic situation," he said.

The government, he argues, is running out of time and unless it can stimulate confidence in the country, it will lose more investments in coming months.