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Women
activists rally in Central Jakarta
Detik
- November 24, 2000
Djoko
Tjitono/Fitri & GB, Jakarta -- Around 200 activists under the banner
of the "Women's Pledge" or "Kaulan Perempuan" held a lively demonstration
at Hotel Indonesia roundabout in the centre of Jakarta, Friday, to celebrate
"Anti Violence Against Women" day. The demonstrators demanded an end to
all violence against women.
Many
community groups and NGO's participated in the demonstration, notably the
Bureau for Women and Children, STSI Reformasi, the Commission for Disappearances
and Victims of Violence (Kontras), Apik Legal Aid Foundation, Jakarta Legal
Aid Foundation, TRUK and Women's Partnership (Mitra Perempuan).
Before
marching to the Hotel Indonesia roundabout which is a favourite spot for
demonstrators, they rallied at the Proclamation Monument from 1pm local
time. Similar to other rallies, they were equipped with large posters and
banners. Their purple banners read "Stop violence against women", "Create
a peaceful culture" and "Free the world from violence".
Along
their way to the HI roundabout, the rally participants shouted slogans
such as, "Stop violence against women, long live Indonesian women". Purple
ribbons, the symbol of peace, were tied to left arms of demonstrators.
The
rally became even more interesting when some of the demonstrators performed
a small play or display known in Indonesia as "happening art". A woman
was tied up with yellow, white and blue cloths. On the colorful cloths,
passersby could read "You have to accept the second position", "Sexual
Object" and "the Law does not side with you". Slowly, the woman was unwrapped
from the cloths, which symbolized the liberation of women from their shackles.
Indonesia:
Activists plan anti-globalisation conference
Green
Left Weekly - November 22, 2000
Max
Lane, Jakarta -- Leaders of the struggle against neo-liberal globalisation
here are preparing a major gathering of activists to discuss strategies
to stop the imperialist onslaught on the Indonesian economy and people.
"The
gathering", Kelik Ismunanto, a conference organiser told Green Left Weekly,
"is not just for Indonesian activists. We are inviting activists from the
region, the world even, to join the discussions."
The
Asia Pacific People's Solidarity Conference, to be held in Jakarta, June
7-10, is being organised by Indonesian Centre for Reform and Social Emancipation
(INCREASE), a new activist organisation of students, workers, peasant farmers,
urban poor, artists and others.
"We
are behind in coming to grips with the full nature of neo- liberalism and
how to deal with it", said Ismunanto, a member of the INCREASE Board. "We
hope that the discussions at the conference the experiences from other
countries in the region will deepen our understanding." Leaders from the
progressive and labour movements from South Korea, Pakistan, the Philippines
and East Timor will participate. Leaders of activist groups in India and
Nepal have also been invited.
Anom
Astika, the conference organising committee chairperson, is in Europe to
invite activists in the anti-neoliberal globalisation movement there.
"We
are glad to hear that there will be a large delegation from Australia",
Ismunanto said. "We hope there is good attendance from activists in the
First World because the movement in the First and Third Worlds must link
up."
Coordination
"We
hope that a commitment will emerge to continue these gatherings. We really
need greater coordination among progressives in the whole region. Australian
activists must be involved as the upheavals in the region have an impact
on it.
Asia
faces a situation where First World capital is on the offensive to increase
its already massive privileges", Ismunanto said.
At
least 10 Indonesian movement leaders will address the conference and scores
more activists will present workshops.
"Well
known leaders such as Budiman Sujatmiko, the head of the People's Democratic
Party, and Dita Sari from the Indonesian National Front for Workers Struggle
will speak.
"The
conference is also being supported by the National Peasants Union, the
National Students League for Democracy, the Popular Youth Movement and
the Artistic Workers' Network.", Ismunanto said.
"We
have an exciting radical and activist cultural scene here at the moment.
Many
of our protest actions have what we call `the people's stage' and we will
try to organise something like that for the conference.
"We
have never before organised an international gathering like this and it
will be a big challenge for our young activists. We need to do it, and
there's a need for more such gatherings to strengthen the anti-imperialist
movement here and around the region. The participation of workers', urban
poor and peasant farmers' organisations will ensure that the conference
discussions and resolutions will be taken up by the grass roots organisations",
Ismunanto told Green Left Weekly. Ismunanto added: "Cuba is taking the
lead globally against capitalist globalisation with President Castro's
call for the cancellation of the Third World debt, the abolition of the
IMF and the World Bank, and a tax on international financial flows that
is controlled by a financial institution under Third World control. We
appeal to all those who can help explain the gains and achievements of
the Cuban alternative to attend the conference."
UN
offers assistance to set up East Timor tribunal
South
China Morning Post - November 24, 2000
Vaudine
England, Jakarta -- The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson,
yesterday offered to help Indonesia set up a special court to hear cases
against suspects accused of atrocities in East Timor last year.
Mrs
Robinson discussed preparations for the trials, scheduled for next year,
with Indonesian Attorney-General Marzuki Darusman. "We discussed the detailed
steps that will be taken for the training of judges, and also for the prosecution
and defence and for the necessary steps ... for trial of perpetrators of
human rights violations," she said.
Mrs
Robinson, who ended a two-day visit to Indonesia, said the trials would
be a major test of Indonesian democracy. "And that is my responsibility
as High Commissioner -- to help Indonesia to meet this serious challenge,"
Mrs Robinson said.
The
Attorney-General said the prosecution of the 22 suspects, some of them
Indonesian military personnel and government officials, could start as
early as January. "We are ready to prosecute. We are just waiting for the
[human rights] court to be established," Mr Marzuki said.
Fifteen
months have passed since Indonesian generals helped East Timorese militia
gangs to lay waste to the territory, which had just chosen independence.
Most rights activists are deeply frustrated by the lack of progress in
getting anyone behind bars for the massacres and destruction.
Indonesia
has named 22 suspects in the violence, but former armed forces chief General
Wiranto and other key figures will avoid prosecution.
Legislation
has been provided for an ad hoc rights court specifically to try those
accused of forming, training and inciting East Timor's gangs, and it is
awaiting the presidential signature. The question is whether Indonesia
has the will and capability of bringing its own rights violators to book.
Mrs
Robinson has said that a failure by Indonesia's own judiciary to secure
justice in the East Timor case would cause the holding of an international
war crimes tribunal instead.
Indonesia's
armed forces have successfully created enough nationalist fervour to produce
strong public resistance against any efforts by Mrs Robinson and other
foreigners to lecture Indonesia on its rights record.
The
meeting was a key part of a busy two days spent by Mrs Robinson in Indonesia.
She first attended the annual workshop of Indonesia's National Human Rights
Commission (Komnasham), held in Surabaya. She said there that she was ready
to co-operate with anyone in securing convictions of senior generals.
30,000
watching as former soldiers return to East Timor
Sydney
Morning Herald - November 23, 2000
Mark
Dodd on the Patricia Anne Hotung -- As dawn broke yesterday scores of refugees
scrambled up to the deck of this former Australian Navy survey ship for
their first glimpse of Dili since the violence of September 1999 in East
Timor.
While
the children were excited, one group of middle-aged men was muted; there
were a few smiles, but most exchanged pensive glances and talked in hushed
tones, pointing to familiar landmarks, as the ship sailed east.
The
men are former Indonesian soldiers returning with their families to their
home villages in what is the most politically sensitive repatriation undertaken
so far by the United Nations mission in East Timor.
A total
of 410 men, women and children will land at Com and be taken by truck to
the the villages of Viqueque, Los Palos and Lautem. One man will be turned
over to UN Civilian Police for suspected involvement in last year's violence.
No details are being given about his case.
"It
is the first major repatriation since August and it is a politically sensitive
group whose safe return should send a positive message to those refugees
still living in West Timor," Chris Lom, of the Geneva-based International
Organisation for Migration (IOM), said.
The
operation, which began in June, has been organised by the IOM, the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the UN Transitional Administration in
East Timor, East Timorese independence leaders and the Indonesian army
and police. It marks the first return of UN agencies to Indonesian West
Timor since the murder on September6 of three foreign UNHCR staff in the
border town of Atambua.
Security
concerns were uppermost in the minds of senior UN officials during several
tense days of negotiations in Kupang, the West Timorese capital, before
the ship's arrival on Monday. The thorniest issue finally was payment of
salaries and pensions to the former soldiers and public servants, many
of whom were owed two or three years' arrears by Jakarta. If this first
repatriation of ex-soldiers is successful then up to 30,000 others, a number
that includes family members, are likely to follow.
The
UNHCR's senior Dili-based operations officer, Bernard Kerblatt, travelling
with the refugees, said the organisation had noticed a change in the Indonesian
attitude to refugee repatriation. "It took the Atambua tragedy to get them
to react," he said. "On [refugee] numbers they are delivering much more
than before. We have to ensure what they are doing is sustainable."
He
said the UNHCR sought a bigger role for Indonesian authorities, particularly
the military, in helping refugees to return to East Timor, and so far the
signs were encouraging. "Let the international community give them some
support. I think we must give the Indonesians a little time to do this
in their own way."
Increased
co-operation by Indonesia on refugee repatriation follows the recent replacement
of several senior police and army officers, including that of the army's
Eastern Region Commander, Major-General Kiki Syahnakri, with Major-General
Willem da Costa, a native of nearby Flores. "There is a completely different
understanding of the situation now. Clearly the police are playing a stronger
role in encouraging the refugees to decide for themselves whether they
want to go home," Mr Kerblatt said.
The
UNHCR estimates that 80,000 to 100,000 East Timorese refugees remain in
West Timor, most of whom are considered to be likely returnees. "Look,
at the end of the day, these poor buggers don't have a choice. They can
go back to their villages in East Timor, rot in a refugee camp or get involved
in some shitty transmigration program. I would be taking my chances on
returning to my village," said one aid official who asked not to be named.
Scars
of vote violence remain real for East Timor women
Agence
France-Presse - November 19, 2000
Dili
-- Women's groups and rape investigators say the victims of militia rape
and sex slavery continue to bear the scars of post- ballot violence in
East Timor, facing ostracism on their return home.
After
her rape, "L", 15, was taken by her rapist and captors, pro-Indonesian
militias, as a war trophy to Indonesian-controlled West Timor when the
militia fled the advances of international peacekeepers.
She
was picked from hordes of refugees sheltering in a church in the southern
border town of Suai in September last year. Her militia captors killed
her sister, 13, and up to 200 of the refugees, in one of the worst massacres
to follow East Timor's vote for independence last year.
She
became pregnant after a year as the sex slave of her captors in a refugee
camp in West Timor and her parents in Suai were frantically trying to get
her brought home.
But
the flight of aid workers from West Timor in September, following the brutal
slaughter of three UN relief workers, severed any contact her parents and
social workers in Dili had over the border. "We don't know what's happened
to her now. There is nobody we can work through there," Abuelda Alves,
chief of advocacy at East Timor Women's Forum (Fokupers) told AFP. "We've
lost all contact."
Fokupers
has documented 46 cases of rape during last year's violence: nine of them
by Indonesian soldiers, 28 by pro-Jakarta militias, and nine of them joint
attacks by militias and soldiers. Eighteen were categorized as mass rapes.
The
Special Crimes Unit set up by the United Nations administration in East
Timor (UNTAET) is investigating more than 100 cases. "Many of these crimes
were carried out with planning, organisation and coordination," a Fokupers
report states. "Soldiers and militias kidnapped women together and shared
their victims."
In
eight cases known to Fokupers the women were forcibly taken to West Timor
and turned into virtual sex slaves, raped on a daily basis and forced to
do the domestic work of their captors.
Fokupers
has documented four cases of rape victims falling pregnant, and two separate
cases where militias have taken their pregnant victims to clinics in West
Timor and forced them to undergo abortion.
But
for the victims, some bearing the babies of their rapists, the suffering
does not end even on their return home. Ostracism awaits them. "They are
viewed as rubbish," Abuelda says. "Their families are embarrassed. Women
who were already married, their husbands reject them."
A woman
brought her militia-fathered baby to UN Human Rights Commissioner Mary
Robinson when she visited East Timor earlier this year. "The mother said:
'Here, this is the product of a militia rape, what are we supposed to do?"
Alves said.
Victims
returning from the West Timor camps have to contend with the frequent perception
that they complied with their militia captors, said David Senior, sexual
violence investigator at the Special Crimes Unit.
"It's
usually not a situation where they've experienced one rape, usually they've
been put in a situation, over in Atambua or Betun, where offenders had
easy access to them once a week or three times a week.
"Whether
they acquiesced or were just so terrified they had to continue, after a
while that was perceived as acceptance," Senior said. "When they come back
here the fingers are pointed at them."
Senior
has interviewed victims who have been refused support in their community.
"In a lot of cases they've been forced to leave their village because they're
seen as militia wives."
In
all but one of the cases examined by Senior, the victims were the wives,
daughters or sisters of pro-independence guerrillas and activists. "I believe
that it's hand in hand," Senior says.
Fifty-six
East Timorese suspected of serious crimes, including rape, have been locked
up in Dili's Becora prison. Thirty-five have been released because resources
are inadequate to keep investigating them. Dozens more are believed to
be living in West Timor. Justice may be far off for East Timor's rapists,
but their victims are suffering plenty of punishment.
Digging
up the past in bid to solve Balibo killings
Australian
Associated Press - November 18, 2000
Catharine
Munro Balibo, East Timor -- Forensic investigators are looking for the
remains of five Western journalists murdered here 25 years ago during Indonesia's
occupation of East Timor.
Darwin
police investigator Senior Constable Kym Chilton is leading a team of four
in the painstaking task of looking for proof that the five men died in
this strategic border town while attempting to cover the Indonesian attack
on October 16, 1975.
The
five who died in Balibo were reporter Greg Shackleton, 27, and soundman
Tony Stewart, 21, both of Australia; British reporter Malcolm Rennie, 28,
and British cameraman Brian Peters, 29; and New Zealand cameraman Gary
Cunningham.
The
circumstances of their deaths have created controversy ever since. A senior
Indonesian minister under the Habibie government, Yunus Yosfiah, who led
the attack on Balibo as a young Indonesian commander, stands accused of
being responsible for the deaths of the Balibo five.
Documents
recently released from Australian archives show that Australia knew of
the planned attack but did not warn its citizens.
The
forensic team's evidence will form part of an investigation by the UN transitional
administration in East Timor and could lead to charges being laid against
senior members of the Indonesian military.
The
UN is administering East Timor after a vote for independence from Indonesia
last year. Senior Constable Chilton is relying on the evidence of East
Timorese witnesses who allege the reporters were killed by Indonesian forces
and their bodies burnt.
He
is working on the possibility that their remains were dumped at the back
of a house in Balibo, where the investigators are now working. "What we
are trying to do is just confirm witness stories," he said. "At this stage
what we are looking for is possible minute remains, like bone particles.
The best outcome is if they find evidence that they died there but we're
also just looking for evidence that they were here."
The
team is sifting carefully through soil covering an area of five metres
by 20 metres and digging to a depth of up to 30 centimetres.
The
house, neighboring one in which Mr Shackleton was famously filmed painting
the Australian flag on the wall, is now abandoned. An old wreath of bougainvillea
resting against the wall of a room pays tribute in the East Timorese language
of Tetum to "the five murdered Australian journalists".
According
to Senior Constable Chilton, it would not be hard to find a 25-year-old
skeleton if the killers had not tried to destroy the evidence. Identifying
any remains is also a difficult task: they must first be confirmed as human
bones and then the DNA must be matched up with several relatives' DNA.
There is a possibility that the bodies were taken to Jakarta, where a memorial
service was later held for the five.
UN
investigator Jim Osborne said it would be three to six months before he
could submit a file to the UN general prosecutor. Asked about the chances
of bringing charges against the suspected killers, Mr Osborne said: "Very
remote."
Evidence
links top brass with post-poll slaughter
Sydney
Morning Herald - November 20, 2000
Mark
Dodd, Dili -- Indonesian military officials actively directed and organised
last year's murderous political violence in East Timor, according to new
evidence uncovered by a United Nations official investigating war crimes
in the soon to be independent territory.
Foreign
affairs consultant James Dunn, 73, a former Australian consul in Dili in
1963, has been appointed "special rapporteur" by the UN Transitional Administration
in East Timor (UNTAET) to investigate Crimes against humanity committed
by army-backed militias last year.
"I'm
getting more and more evidence of deep Indonesian military involvement.
I'm getting much closer to the [Indonesian] military," Mr Dunn told the
Herald at the weekend.
He
said an army colonel had been positively identified as directing the mayhem
in Suai including the massacre of up to 200 people at the Ave Maria Cathedral
on September 6, days after the announcement of a pro-independence victory.
"He
was not just an ordinary military officer. He was a full colonel in the
infantry, and that was the highest army rank in East Timor," Mr Dunn said,
adding: "He was carrying a weapon and giving orders." Mr Dunn said the
officer had been identified in a photograph handed to him as evidence.
"The
people who organised this violence, it is now very clear, were the TNI
[Indonesian army]. They paid the militias and issued them with arms," Mr
Dunn said.
He
said his report, which will be finished by January, will name those responsible
for last year's violence who could be subject to UN or Indonesian prosecution.
One of the tasks facing Mr Dunn will be an investigation of repeated claims
that bodies of militia victims were taken out to sea and dumped to hide
the evidence.
On
August 30, 1999, East Timor voted in a historic UN-organised ballot to
end 24 years of Indonesian rule. In the three weeks of mayhem that followed,
human rights investigators estimate about 1,000 East Timorese independence
supporters were killed and more than 250,000 people deported to West Timor.
A controversial
UN mission to bring home as many as 30,000 demobilised Indonesian territorial
soldiers and their families got under way yesterday marking the first return
to West Timor by the UNHCR since three of its staff were killed there last
September.
Australian
envoy lashes Wiranto over Timor
Sydney
Morning Herald - November 20, 2000
Lindsay
Murdoch, Jakarta -- Australia's senior diplomat in Jakarta, Mr John McCarthy,
has accused Indonesia's former military chief, General Wiranto, of having
"broad knowledge" of the violence and destruction in East Timor last year.
In
the most direct claim by Australia that Indonesian military leaders were
complicit in the bloodshed, Mr McCarthy said General Wiranto knew of terror
tactics, including plans to intimidate and injure Australians and other
foreigners.
In
an interview with the Herald , Mr McCarthy dismissed General Wiranto's
claim that he was unaware of the campaign aimed at blocking independence
and intimidating foreign observers.
He
said there was international expectation that General Wiranto should be
punished. So far only 33 soldiers and militia members, all based in in
East Timor, have been investigated by Indonesian authorities.
Until
now Australian ministers and officials have avoided blaming General Wiranto
directly for the violence, saying publicly that they believed "rogue" elements
of the military were responsible.
Mr
McCarthy said he also believed that Indonesia came close to breaking off
diplomatic relations with Canberra when Australian troops led an international
force into East Timor to stop the violence.
If
large numbers of militia, or Indonesian soldiers, had been shot by the
arriving United Nations forces, relations would have turned "very sour
indeed". Mr McCarthy's naming of General Wiranto coincides with comments
by Mr James Dunn, the UN- appointed "special rapporteur" on war crimes
in East Timor, that he has uncovered new evidence that senior Indonesian
military officials "actively directed and organised" the political violence
.
The
Jakarta Government, wanting to head off an international war crimes tribunal,
is preparing to put on trial in January 22 suspects, including senior military
and police commanders who served in East Timor.
Mr
McCarthy's comments will increase the pressure on Indonesian authorities
to also charge General Wiranto, whom they have so far failed to name as
a suspect, but they will also anger anti- Australian elements in Jakarta.
These
elements often accuse Australia of interfering in Indonesia's internal
affairs. They also oppose any trip by President Abdurrahman Wahid to Australia
to help repair relations that collapsed over East Timor.
Mr
McCarthy said that the Indonesian military was not a "totally incompetent"
organisation. "I do not believe that the sort of activity that was taking
place in East Timor in the lead-up to the ballot could have taken place
without the broad knowledge of the senior commanders in that organisation.
"They
might not have known the details or were being kept up to date on everything
that was being done," he said. Mr McCarthy was the highest-ranking foreign
diplomat to remain in East Timor as pro-Jakarta militia, soldiers and police
rampaged through the territory.
Asked
whether it was just good luck that no Australians were killed in East Timor
at the height of the violence, he said: "What Timor showed was a very carefully
calculated exercise ... intimidating the foreigners and driving them out
straight after the ballot. I think it was lucky ... they were trying to
frighten people, injure people without killing them, so in that sense we
were lucky that a mistake wasn't made."
Entertainment
workers protest closures during Ramadhan
Detik
- November 23, 2000
Khairul
Ikhwan D/BI & GB, Medan -- Tens of entertainment workers gathered at
the Medan Tourism office in North Sumatra province to urge the Medan City
Council to revoke the Mayoral decree on the closure of their workplaces
during the Muslim fasting month of Ramadhan and Idul Fitri celebrations.
"Don't
you respectable gentlemen feel concern to see us starving?" read one of
the large banners displayed in front of the office Thursday. Around 60
entertainment workers attended the protest headed by the Leader of the
Entertainment Workers' organisation, Eddy Lubis.
Indonesia
is the world's largest Muslim country and many leaders see the closure
of the entertainment venues as a sign of respect. Many also maintain that
the venues are dens of iniquity and illicit activities.
Certain
groups, such as the Front for the Defense of Islam (FPI) have stated that
they will be ensuring such places are closed, through force if necessary.
A variety of, as yet, not entirely clear regulations are set to come into
effect in the provinces across Indonesia at the beginning of Ramadhan which
most Indonesians will be celebrating on November 27, 2000. In addition
to non- Muslims and non- practicing Muslims, workers in the entertainment
industry are the most affected by the onset of the fasting month and large
demonstrations were held this week in Jakarta.
The
protest by entertainment workers in Medan coincided with a dialogue between
the Municipality Head of Tourism, Khairul Anwar, and the owners of entertainment
venues, including nightclubs, karaoke bars, massage parlors and games venues.
The
dialogue was intended to convey and promote understanding of a Decree released
by the Mayor of Medan concerning the closure of all entertainment venues.
It was signed on November 1, 2000 to come into effect November 26, 2000.
However, the meeting was ultimately fruitless and both sides appeared dissatisfied
with the overall result.
With
the Head of Tourism against their cause, however, the protesters may be
fighting a losing battle. "It's unacceptable for night venues to open during
Ramadhan and the decision is final," Khairul Anwar told Detik at the conclusion
of the dialogue.
It
was reported that the protesters were heading to the Municipality Legislative
Council to further express their opposition of the Mayor's Decree.
500
North Sumatran workers rally for wage hike
Detik
- November 23, 2000
Khaerul
Ikhwan/Fitri & GB, Medan -- Up to 500 workers and NGO members staged
a rally in front of the North Sumatra Governor's office on Jl Diponegoro
in the capital Medan, Thursday. They demanded a rise in the provincial
minimum wage and that the Board established by the government to determine
the wages be disbanded.
The
protesters gathered at around 10am local time and the orations proceeded
quite peacefully with demonstrators unfurling large posters. The posters
read: `Dissolve The Regional Wages Board', United Labors Unbeatable' and
`Establish New Payment Board.'
The
action was supported by the Indonesian Prosperous Labour Union (SBSI),
North Sumatra Labour Union (SBSU), Indonesian Independent Labour Union
(SBII) and Independent Plantation Labourers' Association (Perbuni).
While,
the workers' representatives met with the Governor's secretary those outside
held lively orations demanding a rise in the regional minimum wage to Rp
743,000 per month.
The
workers took particular exception to the Regional Wages Board which determined
the level of minimum wages in the province because it is not representative.
The orators Thursday said the members of the board were only drawn from
a few organisations such as the Indonesian Entrepreneurs' Association,
the Ministry of Manpower and the All Indonesia Labour Union (SPSI) -- the
only labour union permitted under the dictatorial regime of former president
Suharto.
"This
puts restrictions on democracy because labour unions are not only the SPSI
which has tended not to side with labourers," said a demonstrator. The
workers demanded the Board be reconstituted and their wages increase.
The
demonstrators came in several buses. Most wore black and white headbands
emblazoned with `Perbuni'. This action was not the first. They held a similar
rally last October at the North Sumatra Provincial Legislative Council
and the Governor's office.
Workers
rally against bogus manpower agency
Indonesian
Observer - November 23, 2000
Jakarta
-- Hundreds of women yesterday staged a rally against a phony recruitment
firm that swindled them out of millions of rupiah.
The
illegal manpower agency, PT Shaymma based in Lampung province, had promised
about 250 women that it would provide jobs for them in Saudi Arabia, providing
that they each paid a registration fee of Rp4 million (US$423).
Most
of the duped workers were from Lampung, while a handful were from Java.
PT Shaymma had three months ago promised the women that it would register
them with an East Jakarta-based company, PT Suma Jaya, which would then
send them abroad as soon as possible.
After
each handing over Rp4 million, the women were sent to a dormitory on Jalan
Kramat Aris in Cilangkap, East Jakarta. For weeks on end they were neglected
by both companies and had to use their own money to buy food.
Eventually
they grew tired of waiting and yesterday staged a protest outside the Manpower
and Transmigration Ministry on Jalan Gatot Subroto, South Jakarta.
They
also issued a complaint to the Lampung provincial government, which informed
them that PT Shaymma was a bogus company. Its office in Bandar Lampung
has been abandoned, and the firms president director Yusuf Hambali is nowhere
to be found.
The
womens plight has been taken up by the Legal Aid Team for Indonesians Working
Abroad. A member of the team, Wahyu Suliso, said PT Shaymma and PT Suma
Jaya had clearly been in cahoots to dupe the women.
Although
PT Suma Jaya is a legal company, the women are having difficulty getting
any money out of it, because it claims their registration fees are with
PT Shaymma.
Suliso
said the dormitory at Jalan Kramat Aris, No. 48, does not belong to PT
Suma Jaya. The company had merely been renting it and the rent expired
this week, causing more problems for the women.
The
gypped workers urged the Manpower and Transmigration Ministry to force
PT Suma Jaya to return the money they had paid and to compensate them for
the three wasted months they spent in the dormitory.
Many
Indonesian women are lured to jobs abroad by the promise of high wages.
But there are pitfalls at every corner. Not only may recruitment firms
here try to rip them off, local civil servants may also attempt to extort
them.
And
once they are abroad, they may be subjected to excessive hours of work,
poor treatment, beatings, rape and even execution. Upon returning home,
some female Indonesian workers are ripped off by unscrupulous airport officials.
SBSI
chairman sues police for arrest
Jakarta
Post - November 23, 2000
Jakarta
-- Indonesian Prosperous Labor Union (SBSI) chairman Muchtar Pakpahan filed
a lawsuit on Wednesday against National Police chief Gen. Surojo Bimantoro
and East Kalimantan Police chief Insp. Gen. Togar M. Sianipar over the
recent arrest of the union's top executive in the province.
In
the suit, filed with the South Jakarta District Court, Pakpahan alleges
the November 12 arrest of Wuaya Kawilarang, the SBSI coordinator for East
Kalimantan, was illegal.
Pakpahan
is seeking the immediate release of Kawilarang, Rp 2.5 billion (US$266,000)
in compensation to be paid to the union and a public apology from the officers
to be printed in all newspapers published in East Kalimantan.
According
to Pakpahan, Kawilarang was detained in the provincial capital of Samarinda
when a number of SBSI members at oil mining company PT Paiko went on strike
to demand access to facilities guaranteed in regulations issued by the
Ministry of Manpower. "It is legal for laborers and employees to go on
strike, but the East Kalimantan Police chief prevented them from doing
so," Pakpahan said.
Sianipar,
a former National Police spokesman, said earlier his office wasprepared
to face any legal action taken by Kawilarang or his union. "We had adequate
evidence to make the arrest," he said at the time. Sianipar could not be
reached for comment on Wednesday.
Pakpahan
said the police charged Kawilarang with inciting workers to go on strike,
and attempting to resist law enforcers. Under Article 160 of the Criminal
Code, these charges are punishable by a maximum sentence of six years in
prison.
During
the strike, Samarinda Police officers fired rubber bullets at the strikers
in an attempt to force them back to work, Pakpahan alleged. After the arrest
of Kawilarang, Sianipar made a number of statements in which he threatened
to eliminate SBSI entirely from East Kalimantan, saying he viewed the organization
as having disrupted peace and order in the province, Pakpahan said.
He
also said Sianipar had asserted that SBSI had violated the so-called SARA
policy in its recruitment. SARA is the acronym for suku (tribal affiliations),
agama (religion), ras (race) and antar golongan (societal groups). The
past administration urged the media to avoid these topics in order to prevent
unrest.
He
alleged that Sianipar's statements triggered East Kalimantan youth organizations
such as the Indonesian National Youth Committee, the Youth Renewal Generation
of Indonesia and the Pemuda Pancasila youth organizationto stage a rally
demanding SBSI immediately leave the province.
Caltex
warns strikers of salary cut
Indonesian
Observer - November 23, 2000
Pekanbaru
-- No work! No pay! Thats the message from embattled oil company PT Caltex
Pacific Indonesia (CPI) to its striking contract workers in Riau province,
central-eastern Sumatra. CPI yesterday warned some 3,000 striking contract
workers they will not be paid and there will be no negotiations until they
go back to work.
CPI,
along with our business partners, is extremely disappointed in the workers
decision to leave productive discussions and to begin striking.
In
the last month, we have in good faith worked with the Riau government,
local legislative assembly and manpower department to resolve these worker
compensation issues, CPI Managing Director J. Gary Fitzgerald said in a
statement yesterday. The striking workers yesterday discontinued negotiations
over their demands for higher pay and benefits. The strike commenced on
Monday at Jengkol, near the township of Duri, around 120 kilometers from
the capital of Riau, Pekanbaru.
Caltex
described the strike by 3,000 of its 26,000 employees as illegal. The strikers
had worked with several Caltex contractors, including Schlumberger, Dowell
and Tripatra.
Fitzgeralds
statement emphasized that CPI cares about the welfare of workers and respects
their right for better compensation. But any demands must be conducted
through the existing fair and transparent negotiation process, he noted.
The striking workers have been asked to discontinue their disruptive and
illegal strike and to have their representatives return to reasonable negotiations.
Local
workers are angry that foreign employees are paid much higher salaries.
Although current local salaries are described by CPI as competitive, the
workers have demanded a 360% increase in overall pay and other benefits.
CPI
claims this is unfair, unreasonable and simply not realistic in todays
fragile economy. Any business attempting to absorb such a significant cost
increases would be injured competitively and forced to lower other operating
costs in order to survive. Such measure would also backfire on workers,
since job layoffs become the most likely remedy for reducing costs, argued
Fitzgerald.
The
strike is disrupting the production of oil, which decreases the largest
source of government revenue for Indonesia. This harms the people of Indonesia,
including the very workers and their families, which participate in this
illegal activity, said the statement.
We
encourage all workers to return to work and to allow your representatives
to continue productive discussions, without further loss of pay, appealed
Fitzgerald.
One
thousand PT Caltex laborers stage a strike
Detik
- November 21, 2000
Haidir
Anwar Tanjung/ Hendra & PT, Jakarta -- It is clear that PT Caltex Pacific
Indonesia's luck continues to decline. Previously, their oil pumps which
are located in the Riau province had been seized and burnt by locals. This
time, thousands of contract laborers have staged a strike demanding a hike
in their living costs.
The
strike started at 7am local time and took place at the township of Duri,
around 120 kms from the capital of Riau, Pekanbaru. They have accused that
there has been a discrimination of living costs between native and foreign
laborers. Head of the Reform Committee on Native Riau People's Rights Struggle
Syafrudin, revealed this information to Detik, Tuesday.
When
contacted by Detik, the spokesperson of Riau Police, Superintendent S Pandiangan
admitted that strikes had been going on. The Public Relations Manager of
PT Caltex, Poedyo Oetomo also admitted that strikes were taking place.
However, Poedyo has yet to clarify the laborer demands. He promised to
send information to Detik about the strike.
It
has been reported that thousands of laborers have been gathering and siting
in front of the Duri Military Sub-district Command in Pekanbaru. However,
according to Syafrudin, the laborers have remained calm.
The
latest information reported is that PT Caltex Pacific Indonesia announced
that three out five oil pumps in the Riau province oil field are back in
operation. The pumps were badly damaged after hundreds of angry local set
pumps on fire during a stand off between the oil giant and local residence
last Monday . Caltex is yet to determine when to repair the rest of the
oil pumps.
Megawati
affirms support for ailing Wahid
Sydney
Morning Herald - November 24, 2000
Lindsay
Murdoch, Jakarta -- Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri has reaffirmed
her support for President Abdurrahman Wahid amid growing calls for his
resignation.
Ms
Megawati, Indonesia's most popular politician, said though she is ready
to become president, she does not want to see Mr Wahid removed from office.
"I worry that if a president is toppled ... then such action could happen
with future presidents," she told a meeting of her Indonesian Democratic
Party of Struggle.
Influential
members of the political elite have been calling for Mr Wahid to resign
over his erratic style of leadership and corruption scandals at the presidential
palace. The economy is floundering, reform of the military has stalled,
demands for independence are growing in restive provinces, and the value
of the rupiah continues to fall.
But
Mr Wahid is showing no sign of giving up the job he was elected to in October
last year by a shaky political coalition that ended decades of authoritarian
rule.
Observers
say attempts by the President's political rivals to unseat him would almost
certainly fail unless Ms Megawati, whose party controls the biggest number
of seats in parliament, abandoned support for him.
"I
have no reason to refuse if nominated to become president," the state-owned
Antara newsagency yesterday quoted her as telling supporters. "The readiness
of a vice-president to become president isn't a requirement for the resignation
of the President."
But
Ms Megawati's relationship with Mr Wahid has been stormy at times and remains
strained, government sources say.
Politics
impairs Wahid's attempts to reform military
Asia
Times - November 23, 2000
Kanis
Dursin, Jakarta -- Opposition from civilian politicians is stalling efforts
by Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid to assert civilian authority
over the military, blocking efforts to curb rights abuses and resolve past
violations, analysts say.
"The
enemy of President Wahid is not the military but civilian politicians in
the House of Representatives," said Munir of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation
(YLBHI).
In
August, members of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the country's
highest legislative body, passed a regulation requiring the president to
obtain House approval before replacing chiefs of Indonesian military and
police force. Likewise, Munir cites the example of how many Parliament
members came to the defense of former armed forces chief Wiranto when Wahid
fired him, accusing the president of "bowing to international and Western
pressures at the expense of national interest".
Wahid
had removed Wiranto from his post as coordinating minister for political
and security affairs in February for his alleged involvement in gross human
rights violations in East Timor last year. Wahid has taken moves designed
to control the military -- moves that the institution with a political
role does not like.
Analysts
say Wahid's problems with the military have made it difficult to curb human
rights violations in restive provinces, get to the root of past abuses
where justice has been delayed and put the armed forces under full civilian
control. "This is a much bigger problem because some civilians protect
the military against other civilians," said Munir.
Army
Chief of Staff General Endriartono Sutarto shared Munir's opinion, lashing
out at bickering civilian politicians. "What has come to the fore is how
to get power," Endriartono said. "It is under this situation that the Indonesian
military, even though it has asserted its commitment not to enter practical
politics, it is still viewed as a primary political force," he said.
Critics
say that violence and torture by the military continue -- and have tended
to escalate since Wahid took over. The Commission on Missing Persons and
Victims of Violence (Kontras), founded by Munir, pointed out that throughout
1998, there were around 59 cases of human rights violations by the military,
mostly by the Indonesian army. The figure went up to 85 in 1999 and reached
63 cases from January to August 2000. In the past three years, the Indonesian
army committed 131 gross human rights violations out of 207 human rights
violations, said Kontras deputy coordinator Ikravany Hilman.
Of
the abuses committed by the military, torture accounts for 117 incidents,
extra-judicial killings 40 cases, arbitrary arrest 23 cases, intimidation
23 cases, and robbery and destruction of property 17 cases, Kontras said.
Aceh, at the tip of Sumatra province northwest of Jakarta, has the highest
human rights violations with 114 cases. This is followed by East Timor
with 63 cases, and Ambon 12 cases, according to Kontras.
"Every
day we see violence in Jakarta and other parts of Indonesia such as in
troubled provinces Aceh, West Papua, Maluku, and the government does not
do anything to stop it. The people are already frustrated with the present
situation and have begun to take the law into their own hands," said Munir.
The
secretary-general of the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM)
Asmara Nababan agrees that torture, arbitrary killings and involuntary
disappearances and other rights violations have tended to increase after
Suharto's fall. In fact, he said: "The Wahid administration does not have
the necessary political power to stop violence and human rights violations
by the Indonesian military and it is time for the government to seek international
assistance."
YLBHI
and other human rights groups have called on the United Nations to assign
a special envoy or working group in Indonesia to monitor human rights violations
by the military. Nababan said farmers and workers have suffered severe
human rights violations at the hands of the military after Suharto's fall.
Farmers are now trying to reclaim their ancestral lands controlled by the
military, which, according to Munir, are acting like landlords.
According
to Nababan, the biggest human rights issue facing Indonesia now is "transitional
justice" -- how to deliver justice, meaning solving past human rights violations,
in the transition to democracy. "This is a dilemma as the instrument mechanisms
and the personnel belong to the authoritarian regime. How do we expect
these instrument mechanisms and the personnel to deliver the justice?"
Nababan said.
The
political will and capability to address rights violations is crucial to
Indonesia's becoming a working democracy, activists say. During the Suharto
era, Nababan said, people lost their property, freedom and other fundamental
rights. "They are right now demanding justice because for 32 years they
could not ask for justice.
But
if we look at our law, regulations, judiciary system, judges and attorneys,
they are all from the old regime," Nababan argued. "On the other hand,
we cannot ask the people to be patient, to wait until the transition period
is over before we can deliver the justice. We cannot ask them to be patient
and wait in the next two to three years before we are able to deliver the
justice," he added.
In
1998, Komnas HAM proposed the creation of a South Africa- style Truth and
Reconciliation Commission to address past human rights violations. But
it got strong opposition from the Indonesian military.
"Without
solving the past human rights violations, we cannot develop our future
humanely and justly. We have to do this not only to restore the rights
of the victims, but also to develop the human rights culture in Indonesia
in the future. Until today, not one single case has been solved in the
courts," said Nababan, adding that Komnas HAM is incapable of handling
all rights violations because of budget constraints and lack of staff.
He
called on the government and parliament members to set up independent human
rights commissions at the regional level, especially in strife-torn provinces
such as Aceh, Maluku, West Kalimantan and West Papua.
But
human rights activists believe people will eventually reign over the military.
Argued Munir: "Every day now, people in several places in Indonesia, including
people at the grass roots level, set up military watches to control the
military and check their human rights abuses. This is, I think, is the
embryo of a movement, the next movement."
Police
probe 20 corpses hanging from trees
Indonesian
Observer - November 26, 2000
Jakarta
-- Police in Cianjur, West Java, yesterday began the grisly task of examining
20 corpses that were recently found hanging from trees at Mount Sawo Valley,
a report said.
Antara
quoted local residents as saying the victims are believed to be practitioners
of black magic. Police arrested several of the alleged killers yesterday.
Yes,
we have heard about the case and arrested scores of killers and the mastermind
behind the crimes, 47-year-old Apih B.R.M., and all of them are now being
held at Cianjur Police headquarters, Cianjur Police Detective Chief, Senior
Inspector Agus Nugroho, was quoted as saying by Antara.
The
Media Indonesia daily yesterday reported that a group of lost trekkers
had discovered the decomposing bodies hanging from trees in the valley.
One
of trekkers, Heru (18), told Media Indonesia they had found the rotting
corpses on Tuesday but did not inform police of the gruesome discovery
until Thursday.
Heru
said he and his friends had become lost in the valley beneath Mount Sawo
in Cianjur district, some 150 kilometers southeast of Jakarta, during a
trekking competition.
The
trekkers were horrified when they saw the rotting corpses. We ran away
when we spotted the decomposing bodies hanging from the trees, Heru told
police yesterday.
He
was accompanied by a lawyer, Yudi Junadi, during his police interrogation.
Junadi said rumor has it that 90 shamans in the district have been kidnapped
and murdered by an evil vigilante gang over recent months.
An
extremely bad smell always came from the valley at the mountain, but we
never dared to go there to find out what had happened, a local resident
who wished to remain anonymous told Antara. Residents of Cianjur have found
several bodies in other locations and claim the victims are all sorcerers
killed by the vigilantes. In 1998 a wave of killings of alleged sorcerers
took place in East Java and Central Java, leaving more than 100 dead.
The
killings were believed to be politically motivated, as many of the victims
were followers of the Nahdlatul Ulama Muslim organization, which in those
days was led by cleric Abdurrahman Wahid, who went on to become president,
despite opposition from hardline military supporters of ex- president Soeharto.
'Black
shaman' murders terrorise West Java
Straits
Times - November 20, 2000
Marianne
Kearney, Cianjur -- West Java has been hit by a wave of brutal killings
of shamans, with at least 19 suspected sorcerers being killed by enraged
mobs in the past three months.
In
a case six weeks ago, at least five men hacked to death a 70- year-old
woman who was accused by neighbours of being a dukun santet (black shaman).
The five men entered Ibu Jumsih Canak's house and quickly severed her head
with matchets.
Her
crime? She had given fish to a sick neighbour, who died a few weeks later.
Several other villagers who came into contact with Mrs Jumsih had either
died or become seriously ill. Naturally, Mrs Jumsih was suspected of performing
black magic on them.
In
another case, a 60-year-old man, blamed for illness in the village, was
attacked by a gang with matchets and tools. Nearly all of the killings
of the dukun santet have been very 'sadistic', with beheading being the
usual cause of death, says Inspector Widodo from Cianjur police station.
However,
police believe that most of the accusations of being dukun santet are trumped-up
charges. The accused is often a business competitor of another businessman,
or a political opponent of someone vying for the position of village head,
or sometimes just someone hated by another man because he is richer, says
Senior Inspector Agus Nugroho.
Inspector
Agus says that while local villagers often join in the killings, most are
done by an organised network of dukun killers. For a small fee, as little
as one million rupiah (S$200), these gangs will get someone in the village
to start accusing the person of being a dukun santet, and when the village
believes the accusations, they will perform the killings.
Police
say they are investigating 19 dukun murders, but they say there could be
dozens more as cases in remote villages are often not reported.
Villagers
join in the killing frenzy because they really believe they have a dukun
santet in their midst. "They really believe in the soul medicine," said
Mr Barnas Canak, the late Ibu Jumsih Canak's son "For example, if there
are two people in a quarrel and one of them becomes sick, the sick one
will point at the other and say he is the dukun santet."
Anthropologist
Anto Ahadiat says this new trend of killing the once-respected dukun santet
is occurring partly because during ex-president Suharto's new order, traditional
village structures were destroyed and people are starting to forget their
culture.
"Who
can solve the problems of the village? Not the village head because he's
a representative of the new order," he said, adding that with the police's
authority waning, villagers are enacting street justice.
In
the past, dukun santets were rarely killed. Their magic was usually combated
by visiting a stronger dukun to fight off the spell, says the anthropologist.
Learn
from East Timor, Jakarta told
The
Age - November 25, 2000
Tony
Parkinson -- The elder statesman of Asian politics, Lee Kuan Yew, has warned
Indonesia that it cannot afford to risk making the same mistakes in West
Papua that it did in East Timor.
In
an interview with The Age, Singapore's senior minister issued a blunt caution
to Indonesia, an ASEAN partner and Singapore's biggest neighbor.
Amid
fears in the region that Indonesia may be preparing for a military crackdown
on West Papuan separatists, Mr Lee said he hoped President Abdurrahman
Wahid's advisers were conscious of the potential harm to Indonesia's international
standing. "They ought to be telling the President just how risky such unthoughtful
acts can be forthe reputation of the country," he said.
He
said the images screened worldwide of East Timorese villagers trying to
flee militia violence had been horrendous. "I hope they have learnt from
what happened in East Timor and don't allow the same syndrome to develop
in West Irian," Mr Lee said.
"They
must learn the lessons. They must sit back and say, `What went wrong in
East Timor?' They had 25 years, and it all went wrong so decisively? Why?
Surely, a lesson can be learnt."
Mr
Lee was in Australia to launch the second volume of his memoirs, From Third
World to First: The Singapore Story 1965- 2000, a wide-ranging appraisal
of the political evolution of South-East Asia.
It
is unusual for a senior ASEAN figure to comment on the affairs of another
member nation, especially when Singapore, like Australia, firmly supports
Indonesia's continued sovereignty over West Papua.
Although
a critic of Australia's role in the lead-up to East Timor's independence
vote, Mr Lee has since praised its action in leading the UN InterFET forces
sent in to stop militia violence.
In
the interview, he expressed concern that Australia could again come under
pressure from church and aid groups to respond if systematic abuses of
human rights occurred in West Papua. "I would be very unhappy to see that
happen," he said. "But it is not just Australian non-government organisations
and Christan groups. It is worldwide." He said that governments had to
recognise that acts of brutality could not be obscured from world scrutiny.
Mr
Lee said he only recently came to understand the true extent of the horror
of the militia violence in East Timor when he watched a BBC World documentary
that tracked events after last year's East Timorese independence referendum
with dramatic footage of the rampage by pro-Jakarta militias after UN staff
were ordered to evacuate.
"It
was horrendous," he said. "The fear, the terror, the throwing of babies
over barbed wire fences into the UN compound ... it was heart-rending."
He said the impact on the world was devastating, "and it causes so much
revulsion that people want their governments to take action that their
governments would not like to take normally". "This is Tiananmen plus 11
years."
Jakarta
to issue ultimatum to Aceh rebels
Straits
Times - November 26, 2000
Susan
Sim, Jakarta -- Putting an end to months of policy drift, the Indonesian
government is set to issue today an ultimatum to the Free Aceh separatist
movement GAM: Start negotiations in the next seven weeks or we will wipe
you out when the current "humanitarian pause" expires.
And
to show it means business, Jakarta will order the police to begin enforcing
a strict ban on civilians carrying weapons as provided for under the pause
agreement, which means effectively that the police can start hunting down
any alleged GAM member they suspect to be in possession of arms.
This
new game plan is scheduled to be unveiled before Parliament today in a
show of unity of purpose between the executive and legislative branches.
"We're
just short of imposing a civil emergency in Aceh. But our preference is
not for it now," Attorney-General Marzuki Darusman, one of the Cabinet
members who formulated the new policy stance, told The Straits Times yesterday.
"We want to reinvigorate the efforts of the humanitarian pause to the full."
The
bottom-line remains yet unchanged -- Jakarta will not brook any challenge
to the sovereignty of the state by either Aceh or Irian Jaya -- "we are
still open to negotiation".
Jakarta,
however, wants to be able to negotiate from strength and not allow GAM
or the student referendum movement, Sira, to continue to dominate the discourse
because it believes their goals are not necessarily shared by the public.
Especially
if the government can deliver on previous promises to speed up development
and bring some high-ranking military officers to trial for human-rights
abuses.
Accordingly,
today's policy declaration will state unequivocally that Jakarta will not
further extend the humanitarian pause -- first implemented on June 2 to
reduce tension by stopping offensive actions on both sides -- when its
second phase ends on January 15.
The
pause was meant to be what veteran diplomat and key negotiator Hassan Wirajuda
calls an "appetiser before the main course", a confidence-building measure
before substantive political talks begin between separatists and Jakarta.
But
officials say that GAM has instead made use of the pause to continue intimidating
the population and extorting from businesses while refusing to start talks.
Noted Mr Marzuki: "Elements of GAM have now become more forceful and somewhat
acting with impunity. Police and soldiers have been killed in the hundreds."
In contrast, the authorities have been "very restrained", the former human-rights
activist said, noting that reports of continued abuses and killings of
civilians by troops were just one side of the story.
Accordingly,
the police will now start implementing the law- enforcement provisos of
the pause more seriously and arrest anyone with weapons.
And
if there is no breakthrough by January 15, the government will 'revert
to the national policy of taking action against insurrectionist movements,
which could entail the security option. "But this is an act of last resort."
By
issuing its new policy statement today, Jakarta is hoping to pre-empt any
unilateral declaration of independence by either Irian Jaya or Aceh when
their separatist movements commemorate anniversaries on December 1 and
December 4 respectively.
Mr
Marzuki said that the ministers in charge of security and law, under the
leadership of Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security, Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono, reached the consensus that a tougher line had to be taken last
Tuesday night.
Vice-President
Megawati Sukarnoputri signed off on it the next day. "It was not easy to
reach a consensus. We had to first imagine the unimaginable: What if Aceh
broke away like East Timor? So we had to imagine where we started going
wrong and work on that."
Separatists
tell Australian FM to stay out of Papuan affairs
Agence
France-Presse - November 23, 2000
Jakarta
-- Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer should stay out of Irian
Jaya's affairs, the man spearheading a growing separatist movement in the
remote Indonesian province said Thursday.
Theys
Eluay, chief of the presidium of the pro-independence Papua Council, challenged
Downer's statement last week that Indonesia would disintegrate into a "bloodbath"
if its easternmost province, otherwise known as Papua, seceded.
"I
ask Alexander Downer not to get involved with Papua's problems. Let the
people of Papua discuss Papuan affairs. Australians can discuss Australian
affairs," Eluay said during an interview here with AFP. "He doesn't understand
our problems, and he doesn't know our history. So don't get involved. Ask
first."
Downer
made the comment at last week's Asia Pacific Economic Co- operation Forum
in Brunei, before Prime Minister John Howard met Indonesian President Abdurrahman
Wahid and reiterated Australia's stance of opposing any further break-up
of the archipelaegic republic.
"The
fragmentation of Indonesia will lead to a bloodbath, and then people would
be coming to me and saying what was I going to do about it," Downer said,
rejecting calls for a repeat of a UN- approved vote in 1969 that integrated
Irian Jaya into Indonesia, but which Papuans now say was flawed. Downer
added that Indonesia's disintegration would have a devastating impact on
South-East Asia.
Eluay
said Downer should study the history of West Papua before judging its future.
"Downer can't reject Papuan independence or support it, until he studies
our history," he said. "Learn our history first. When he's studied our
history then he can talk."
The
people of Irian Jaya declared independence on December 1, 1961 before the
former Dutch colony became a part of Indonesia under the 1969 vote.
Eluay
said bloodshed was a normal part of any country's struggle for independence.
"I'd like to ask Mr Alexander Downer, try to prove where in this world,
in which national struggle, in which fight for independence, has there
not been blood? It is natural. To have victims, that is normal," he said.
Asked
if he thought there were likely to be more victims in Papua's pursuit of
independence, Eluay replied. "It's not just a probability. Already 100,000
Papuans have been killed by Indonesia. They're increasing the number of
victims all the time."
Eluay
said that telling Downer to stay out of Papuan affairs did not contradict
efforts by Papuan separatists to lobby Australian politicians and institutions
for support. "We have never begged for support. We, very openly, await
offers of help from whichever country wants to help. If they want to help
us, go ahead. But with joint understanding," he said.
Papuan
independence supporters will commemorate the 39th anniversary of Papua's
independence declaration next Friday with prayers and thanksgiving in defiance
of warnings from Jakarta, Eluay said. "It will be no more than a commemoration.
We will not read our [independence] proclamation text, because we already
proclaimed independence in 1961. For what would we declare it again?"
There
would also be ceremonies to pull down the separatist Morning Star flag
at sunset on December 1, before re-hoisting it outside the homes of tribal
leaders in five designated districts, Eluay said.
The
separatist movement in Irian Jaya has gained momentum following East Timor's
split from Indonesia last year. Delegates to a congress held by the Papua
Council in June called on Jakarta to recognize the 1961 declaration. Ruling
out independence, Jakarta has set May 1, 2001 as the date for implementing
the promised broad autonomy.
West
Papuans to ignore warnings
Sydney
Morning Herald - November 24, 2000
Jakarta
-- Independence celebrations in Indonesia's eastern province of West Papua
will go ahead next week despite stern warnings from Jakarta, the province's
independence leader said yesterday.
Theys
Eluay's insistence that the celebrations would proceed came as the New
Zealand Foreign Affairs Minister, Phil Goff, confirmed he had met a representative
of the West Papuan independence movement in Wellington on Wednesday.
That
meeting, and Mr Goff's statement that New Zealand wants to encourage peaceful
dialogue aimed at solving West Papua's problems with Indonesia, are likely
to rankle Australia.
The
Howard Government has been at pains recently to remain at arm's length
from the independence movement of West Papua, formerly known as Irian Jaya,
and support Indonesian sovereignty over the province.
The
Prime Minister, Mr Howard, declined to meet a West Papuan independence
spokesman, Franzalbert Joku, and his colleagues at last month's Pacific
Islands Forum.
The
Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, recently backed West Papua staying within
Indonesia and declared that "the Balkanisation of Indonesia, if that were
to happen, would create enormous regional instability".
Mr
Eluay said yesterday that Mr Downer should stay out of West Papua's affairs.
"He doesn't understand our problems, and he doesn't know our history. So
don't get involved. Ask first," he said.
Mr
Goff said Wellington's position, which was being pursued with Jakarta and
the independence movements, was "to encourage peaceful dialogue with a
view to exploring the parameters of autonomy which might give people in
West Papua a high level of control over their own lives".
West
Papua independence movements were keen for New Zealand to play a role because
of its reputation as an impartial broker, he said. But he stressed: "While
New Zealand will always be ready to help if requested, it would require
the Indonesian Government and the pro-independence movements to ask for
that. It's unlikely at this point that the Government of Indonesia would
ask for outside intervention. We're not trying to tell anyone what the
outcome should be, we are simply encouraging restraint."
Mr
Eluay, who heads the Presidium of the Papua Council, the body spearheading
demands for independence, yesterday said Papuans would commemorate the
anniversary of a 1961 declaration of independence, but would not make any
new declarations. "On December 1 we will commemorate our 39th independence
day with prayers and thanksgivings," Mr Eluay said in Jakarta, where he
is trying to meet President Abdurrahman Wahid and senior politicians.
Indonesia's
Co-ordinating Minister for Security and Political Affairs, Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono, warned on Wednesday that the Government would consider any commemoration
on December 1 an "act of treason".
Last
week the Indonesian armed forces sent two elite reserve battalions, about
1,300 troops, to West Papua. Observers believe the new troops will take
to more than 10,000 the number of police and soldiers in the province.
There
are also unconfirmed reports Jakarta has sent elite troops from Kopassus,
the unit blamed for orchestrating much of the violence in East Timor last
year. Activists fear Indonesia's security forces have encouraged the formation
of East Timor-style militia to provide an excuse for a brutal military
crackdown.
Jakarta
threatens to get tough against separatism
Agence
France-Presse - November 22, 2000 (abridged)
Jakarta
-- The Indonesian government on Wednesday warned that it will get tough
against separatist movements in Aceh and Irian Jaya provinces at opposite
ends of the far flung archipelago.
Coordinating
Minister for Security and Political Affairs, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono,
warned separatist leaders in the easternmost province of Irian Jaya that
celebrating the 39th anniversary of their declaration of independence next
month would be treason.
Yudhoyono
said he had heard reports that Free Papua (OPM) separatists planned to
celebrate the commemoration on December 1. "If that takes place, it will
be considered an act of treason and the government will take stern actions
based on the constitution," he said.
Yudhoyono
also warned Free Aceh Movement (GAM) guerillas that Jakarta may declare
a state of emergency in the rebellious province of Aceh if separatist violence
keeps up despite a shaky truce between the two sides.
"If
alternatives proposed are rejected, the government will adopt legal measures
and deem it necessary to impose an emergency status, although it's not
an ideal thing to do," Yudhoyono said after meeting with Vice President
Megawati Sukarnoputri.
Yudhoyono
also warned the popular Aceh pro-independence group, the Information Center
for an Aceh Referendum (SIRA), against mobilizing people against the government.
SIRA
earlier this month mobilized hundreds of thousands of people during a two-day
rally organized to demand a referendum on self- determination for the strongly
Muslim region on the northenr tip of Sumatra island.
They
marked the anniversary of last year's first public call for a vote on self-rule,
which was attended by almost a million people. On November 14, independence
supporters also issued a declaration in favour of the province breaking
away from Jakarta through a UN-sponsored referendum.
Acehnese
youths demand release of SIRA leader
Indonesian
Observer - November 23, 2000
Jakarta
-- At least 150 Acehnese youths living in Jakarta staged a protest outside
National Police headquarters yesterday, demanding the release of Muhammad
Nazar, head of the Aceh Referendum Information Center (SIRA).
Separately,
a human rights campaigner said police have been conducting a covert campaign
in Aceh to curb the provinces independence movement and to preserve instability
in the territory.
The
protesters outside police headquarters were members of the Solidarity Action
for Acehnese People (SARA) group, reported Detik. The report said the protesters,
who were wearing red-and- white headbands emblazoned SARA, unfurled large
banners with slogans such as Aceh Police Chief Should Be Responsible.
Police
this month has issued three summons to Nazar (28) after SIRA hung a massive
banner in the center of the provincial capital, Banda Aceh, on Indonesian
Independence Day, August 17. The banner read Neo-colonialism must get out
of Aceh in a sly reference to the Indonesian military and government. Police
said that was tantamount to fomenting public disorder and inciting hatred
of the government. SIRA has been campaigning for a referendum on the future
of the province, since the fall of ex- president Soeharto.
Nazar
did not meet the first summons because he was organizing a two-day massive
rally, during which some 400,000 people demanded freedom for Aceh. He ignored
the second summons, but complied with the third and presented himself to
police Tuesday and was promptly arrested. The SARA protesters yesterday
demanded that police in Aceh Besar district revoke the arrest warrant against
Nazar and free him. The group maintained that Nazar is innocent.
It
said he should be receive an award from the Indonesian government for his
attempts to hold the peaceful mass demonstration for a referendum in Aceh.
When
Acehnese were slaughtered, no one was arrested. But why just because M.
Nazar held the SIRA mass rally, he is accused of a crime, a SARA member
was quoted as saying by Detik. SARA said the Indonesian Defense Forces
(TNI) and police had plotted the arrest and made up the charges.
Apart
from demanding Nazars release, SARA also demanded the National Police be
held accountable for the deaths of Acehnese who were slaughtered for attempting
to join in the mass rally. The group also reiterated calls for international
intervention to settle the prolonged conflict in Aceh which has claimed
thousands of lives. Despite efforts to open a UN monitoring post in Aceh,
the Indonesian government has rejected the offer.
Executive
Director of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association, Hendardi,
who is acting as Nazars lawyer, yesterday said it appears that police and
the military are trying to preserve the instability in Aceh.
In
a press statement, Hendardi said the arrest of Nazar on charges of fomenting
hostility against the state and disturbing public order, is identical to
the methods used by ex-president Soehartos regime to arrest pro-democracy
activists and other dissidents.
Hendardi
said the only way to resolve the problems in Aceh is to withdraw the military
from the restive region and give the Acehnese a sense of justice by taking
the human rights violators to court.
Arrest
accompanies threat of emergency rule
South
China Morning Post - November 23, 2000
Vaudine
England -- Police arrested Aceh's leading student activist and yesterday
threatened imposition of emergency rule if progress was not made towards
dialogue.
The
activist, Muhammad Nazar, heads the Information Centre for a Referendum
in Aceh (Sira), which is lobbying for Acehnese to be allowed to choose
independence or continued rule by Jakarta.
In
interviews, Nazar insisted his group was not part of the rebel Free Aceh
Movement, but sympathetic to it. However, contact with the rebels had been
possible through his student network.
Nazar's
arrest on charges of "spreading hatred" follows the gathering of tens of
thousands of Acehnese on November 11 to call for an independence referendum.
Rights groups said scores of civilians had been killed when they tried
to attend the rally, as security forces fired on vehicles and boats trying
to reach the capital, Banda Aceh.
Police
chief Superintendent Sayed Husaini said Nazar had provoked hostility against
the state by circulating pro-independence posters during a protest on August
17, Indonesia's national day.
The
student had then organised a mass gathering "as if Aceh were not part of
Indonesia", said Mr Husaini, adding that Nazar's detention was valid for
20 days and could be extended for a further 40 days.
Sidney
Jones, Asia director of Human Rights Watch, said: "Nazar and other Sira
activists are being punished for organising a peaceful rally attended by
hundreds of thousands of ordinary Acehnese. If this is incitement, Indonesian
democracy is in serious trouble."
Sira
members now say they will call off demonstrations planned for next week,
while back in Jakarta the mood hardened. Chief security minister Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono said: "The Government will impose an emergency situation
in Aceh if they [the Free Aceh Movement] reject the Government's appeal
to continue dialogue. This is not an ultimatum or threat. We're just trying
to work within a framework of dialogue so that Aceh remains part of Indonesia."
Nazar's
arrest marks the first time that the supposedly more tolerant Government
of Abdurrahman Wahid has used Articles 154 and 155, the haatzai artikelen
[spreading hatred] articles of the Indonesian Criminal Code, against a
political activist. Left over from the colonial administration, these statutes
were used by the former Suharto government to punish free expression and
to discourage pro-independence activities in East Timor.
West
Papua - Howard repeats Timor crimes
Green
Left Weekly - November 22, 2000
Pip
Hinman -- Prime Minister John Howard, under pressure, once described the
successive Australian governments' approaches to East Timor as "bipartisan
wrong policy". Yet this hasn't influenced his views on the self-determination
struggle being waged by the West Papuan people.
Howard's
"wrong policy" comments -- made after the anti- independence militias backed
by the Indonesian army (TNI) unleashed their post-ballot rampage -- were
designed to placate Australians furious at the government's support for
Indonesia's invasion and annexation of East Timor.
Now,
in a bid to ameliorate relations with Jakarta, Howard and foreign minister
Alexander Downer -- backed by the Labor "opposition" -- are leading the
charge internationally to support Indonesia's declaration that it will
never let West Papua go.
At
the Pacific Islands Forum in Kiribati last month and more recently at the
APEC conference in Brunei, Howard and Downer have been at pains to reassure
Jakarta they do not support West Papua's secession from Indonesia or the
West Papuan people's right to have a UN-supervised referendum on independence.
For their efforts, Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid is extremely
grateful.
Downer
warned that support for the West Papuan secessionist movement could lead
to a "bloodbath". "The international community can't promote the disintegration
of Indonesia. It would have a devastating impact on South-East Asia", he
was quoted as saying by the November 14 Sydney Morning Herald, adding that
Australia's national interest was best served by not supporting independence
movements.
The
same line was put by Paul Dibb, head of the Strategic and Defence Studies
Centre in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at the Australian
National University and former head of the Joint Intelligence Organisation
in the defence department, in a paper presented to a Jakarta-based institute
in Bogor in May.
Having
demolished the argument that Indonesia is any military threat to Australia,
Dibb said the biggest single threat to "regional security" is the "continuing
turmoil" inside Indonesia, the result of "greater freedom in Indonesia
since the downfall of president Suharto".
Bemoaning
the fact that the secessionist movements in Aceh and West Papua were encouraged
by the success of the East Timorese national liberation movement, Dibb
warned: "If any of these regions get independence, the reaction from the
military will be intense, and may well put an end to democracy in Indonesia".
Military
violence
Dibb,
like the Howard government (and Kim Beazley's Labor opposition), seem oblivious
to one of main factors driving the independence movements: the military
violence and terror unleashed against largely unarmed populations.
This
was clear from Australian governments' unstinting support for Indonesia's
brutal rule in East Timor, in spite of horrifying massacres such as the
one in Dili in 1991. It was reinforced again in 1999 when despite intelligence
reports revealing that the TNI was training and arming the East Timorese
militias, the Howard government insisted it should be entrusted to supervise
the ballot and aftermath.
The
Australian government also has ample evidence of the criminal role the
Indonesian army played in an effort to wipe out the West Papuan resistance
movement, the OPM, from the early 1960s (including the napalm strafing,
bombing and raping of whole villages) onwards.
Now,
as the 40th anniversary of West Papua's December 1, 1961 declaration of
independence approaches, Indonesia has stepped up its terror campaign,
sending in two battalions from the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad).
Indonesian police have also launched a three month campaign (from November
to February) -- Operation Tuntas -- against the separatist movement.
The
Wahid government has now banned the raising of West Papua's "Morning Star"
flag -- the symbol of independence -- with the military systematically
killing those who do.
Comparisons
with East Timor
Meanwhile,
Downer and Howard are at pains to avoid commenting on the detail of the
events surrounding Indonesia's annexation of West Papua in 1962.
Perhaps
it has something to do with the fact that it's hard to justify the military-led
take-over given the rubber stamp by the UN following a sham act in which
1025 West Papuans were lined up in front of Indonesian troops to raise
their hands in favour of West Papua's incorporation into the Indonesian
state.
The
1962 New York agreement, signed by the Indonesian, Dutch and US governments,
specified that all adult West Papuans had the right to participate in an
act of self-determination. The UN "took note", with resolution 2504, that
an "act of free choice" had taken place, but not according to international
practice. The West Papuans are appealing for international support for
a genuine act of self-determination.
Howard
and Downer continue to deny that there are any comparisons to be made between
the national self-determination struggles in East Timor and West Papua.
It's
true that the history and circumstances of the two peoples are different,
although both were invaded after moves by their former colonial rulers
to grant them independence. However, what is the same is the Australian
government's attitude to both struggles.
In
the case of East Timor, the government was forced by the build-up of mass
domestic pressure to change its policy -- after the 1999 ballot and post-ballot
bloodbath. Let's make them change their criminal policy before the same
scenario unfolds in West Papua.
[Pip
Hinman is the national secretary of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia
and East Timor (ASIET).]
Traumatized
settlers leave Wamena in Stone Age
Indonesian
Observer - November 20, 2000
Jakarta
-- Thousands of settlers have fled from Wamena town in Irian Jaya (West
Papua), following last months ethnic rioting that left at least 31 people
killed and dozens badly wounded.
The
exodus from Jayawijaya regency has brought activities to a standstill at
local state schools, hospitals and government offices, because just about
all civil servants from the region have left, Antara reported yesterday.
Jayawijaya
regency spokesman Jack Rumbekwan and Wamena Senior High School 1 principal
Benyamin Hubi said the town is now safe following the October 6 killings,
but the civil servants arent coming back.
They
said education, governmental activities, development and social/medical
services have all ground to a halt, not because civil servants are lazy,
but because they have fled. Thousands of students at elementary, junior
and senior high schools in Wamena are now on holiday because there are
almost no teachers left.
The
non-Papuan civil servants left the region in small aircraft supplied by
the Mission Aviation Fellowship, Trigana Air Service, Manunggal Air Service,
and the Air Force.
Rumbekwan
said it wasnt only non-Papuans who skedaddled after the riots. He said
non-Jayawijaya Papuans from the cities of Sorong, Manokwari, Serui, Biak,
Fakfak, Merauke, Nabire and Jayapura also suffered during the bloody October
attacks and have also left the region and have no intention of going back.
Many
of them have already obtained documents from the government permitting
them to work in other provinces.
Police
have detained several people who were involved in a massacre at Woma village,
7 kilometers east of Wamena.
The
suspects have said they know nothing about politics, but were hired by
a certain pro-independence group to launch the attack. If police dont settle
the problem, there will be a local war in the future, between those who
agree with independence and groups that prefer Indonesian unity, said Rumbekwan.
Today
there are just a handful of civil servants left in the region. They are
all men, while their wives and children have been sent to Jakarta, Sulawesi
or other regions.
Hubi
predicted that Jayawijaya could soon return to the Stone Age. Although
Im a native born in Baliem Valley, I cant do anything [for education] here
because all of the other teachers have gone, he said.
Locals
with enough money have sent their children to attend lessons in Jayapura
or Sorong, Biak, Manokwari and Serui. In this current condition, Im afraid
this region will be back in the Stone Age in the next few years, said Hubi.
Tommy's
gone, and so is justice
Far
Eastern Economic Review - November 23, 2000
Dini
Djalal, Jakarta -- Luxury resorts across the country were inspected, as
were fancy restaurants and race tracks, the favourite haunts of the youngest
son of former President Suharto, 38-year-old Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra.
Family retreats have been under scrutiny, their closets and cabinets searched.
What
could have been a watershed moment for Indonesia's threatened leadership
is a wash-out. Two weeks after police attempted to jail him on charges
of corruption, Tommy Suharto remains Indonesia's most famous fugitive.
Rather
than setting the stage for the prosecution of a once- invincible family
accused of pocketing billions of dollars during the patriarch's 32-year
rule, the failed arrest is fast descending into farce. Legal reform is
at stake, as is the presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid, elected partly for
his promises to crack down on corruption.
Officials
point out that Suharto crony Mohamad "Bob" Hasan has been detained, as
have a handful of other graft suspects, including Tommy's business partner
Ricardo Gelael. But many Indonesians believe that if the government is
unable to arrest Tommy, whose estimated $800 million fortune amassed under
the umbrella of his Humpuss group hardly makes him the wealthiest of Suharto's
six children, other cronies -- and new ones too -- will never see a jail
cell.
Already
the government has postponed legal investigations of major debtors like
Texmaco, whose 16 billion rupiah ($6.7 million) debt to the Indonesian
Bank Restructuring Agency makes it the country's biggest debtor. Probes
of two other major debtors, Prajogo Pangestu of the Barito group and Sjamsul
Nursalim of Gajah Tunggal, also have been delayed.
Meanwhile,
it is turning out to be dangerous for business executives from foreign
companies who buy out local debtors. A senior Indonesian official of Canadian
insurance firm Manulife is in police custody after increasing Manulife's
stake in local life insurer Asuransi Jiwa Manulife Indonesia to 91% from
51%, though it is unclear what law, if any, has been broken.
Virgin
Islands-based Roman Gold contends that it too bought a 40% stake in the
local firm, a subsidiary of the bankrupt Dharmala group, days before Manulife's
acquisition. The culture of impunity, it seems, applies only to some.
An
open window to freedom
Tommy's
escape from punishment has been especially galling because it was so easy.
He had ample time to prepare his getaway. Seven weeks had passed since
the Supreme Court handed him an 18- month jail sentence in connection with
an $11 million land scam.
The
police summons arrived at his residence one day after the president rejected
his plea for clemency, making his arrest imminent.
When
police and prosecutors finally knocked on his door on that rainy Friday,
the multimillionaire, free from police surveillance, had quietly slipped
away. Police and prosecutors banged on his locked doors, and then gave
him what they called a few days' "rest" before actually searching his residence.
The authorities goofed on their paperwork too, buying him time by sending
Tommy's lawyers only photocopies of documents, and even then to a municipal
office which, improbably enough, could not be pried open on the weekend.
The lawyers argued that Tommy needn't appear before the papers arrived.
Bureaucracy won over justice.
Critics
say prosecutors and police have been sluggish because of their deference
to the elder Suharto, a five-star general whose powerful patronage fuelled
three decades of bribery. Many Indonesians believe that the Suhartos are
still doling out "gifts," and that Tommy can match the finder's fee the
police have offered.
The
authorities "are too discriminative, even though Tommy has already received
too many favours," says Hendardi, a human-rights lawyer. Even Attorney-General
Marzuki Darusman has disclosed that his office's ability to function has
been compromised by Suharto sympathizers who work there, many of whom are
suspected of colluding with those they should be prosecuting.
Tommy's
lawyers, meanwhile, are crying foul, contending that their client has been
made a scapegoat for Wahid's political troubles. Wahid accused Tommy of
being behind the bombing of the Jakarta Stock Exchange on September 13;
when then national police chief Gen. Rusdihardjo failed to arrest him because
of lack of evidence, Rusdihardjo was promptly fired.
Tommy's
lawyers are arguing for a judicial review, as well as special jail privileges.
Already prison officials have prepared a 12-square-metre cell in a block
isolated from common convicts at Jakarta's Cipinang Penitentiary. Like
many other well-to-do prisoners, Tommy will likely be able to have his
own TV, cellphone, and perhaps even "holidays" out of jail.
But
Tommy wants more than just air-conditioning and a soft mattress. His lawyers
say he is ready for detention so long as his bodyguards can join him to
protect him from other prisoners. The lawyers say death threats have come
from Anton Medan, a former gangster who recently organized prisoners to
protest against special treatment for Tommy.
Tommy,
believed to be Suharto's favourite son, famously invites public contempt.
The racing car enthusiast, who once owned a stake in Italian luxury car
maker Lamborghini, arrived at a press conference for his controversial
KIA-manufactured, tax-free "national car" in an imposing Rolls-Royce.
Even
one of his six lawyers has lost patience with the fussy client. Erman Umar
says he has not spoken to Tommy since his disappearance, and has quit the
case.
"He
does not respect our advice, and that hurts his case, our reputation as
lawyers, and the integrity of the law," Umar tells the Review. Umar says
he believes the assertions of Tommy's friends and family that he has not
fled the country, but is merely "out of town."
Hence
the "manhunt," which now extends overseas with the help of Interpol, which
has put him on its wanted list. Citizens' arrests are now condoned, say
police, but vague offers of a reward merely confirm public perception of
police incompetence. "This is proof that law enforcement is weak and can
be arranged," says Sri Mulyani Indrawati, an economist and adviser to the
president.
Indeed,
there is growing speculation that the current theatrics are nothing more
than that. Many Indonesians suspect it is no coincidence that Tommy's surprise
indictment came just two days before a state court declared in late September
that his father was too ill to stand trial -- a decision that sparked anger
on the streets.
And
prior to refusing Tommy's clemency request, Wahid met twice with Tommy
in a Jakarta hotel -- prompting suspicions that the rendezvous produced
a face-saving settlement. The president has made no secret of his offer
to Suharto of clemency in exchange for his fortune. "The public will be
more convinced of a conspiracy if this farce continues," says lawyer Hendardi.
Yet the coincidences continue. Last week, as police scanned Suharto's home
for his missing heir, the Jakarta High Court allowed state prosecutors
to resume attempts to bring the ailing 79-year-old former president to
trial.
Presidential
spokesman Wimar Witoelar denies that any deal has been struck, and attributes
the muddle to mere inexperience. "We have never arrested the son of a person
who was super, super strong and is still super, super strong," he says.
In a fledgling democracy where the executive's authority is consistently
being undermined by forces in parliament, says Witoelar, even presidential
orders takes time.
But
time is running out. With the blame turning increasingly towards Wahid
and the police, some observers believe public anger may swell the ranks
of conservative forces who yearn for political stability. "If the people
feel the law is not working, then they will think that the old regime was
much better. They will become much less critical of the Suharto family,"
says economist Mulyani. Tommy Suharto, wherever he may be, is surely grinning
at that prospect.
Nine
top officers named suspects
Jakarta
Post - November 24, 2000
Jakarta
-- After a series of long investigations, police named nine high-ranking
military and police officers on Thursday as suspects in the violent takeover
of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta
in 1996.
National
Police spokesman Brig. Gen. Saleh Saaf said the suspects were top officers
at the time, including former chief of the then Indonesian Armed Forces
(ABRI) Sociopolitical Affairs Lt. Gen. (ret) Syarwan Hamid, former Jakarta
Military commander Lt. Gen. (ret) Sutiyoso, now governor of Jakarta, former
chief of the Armed Forces Intelligence (BIA) Maj. Gen. Zacky Anwar Makarim
and former Jakarta Police chief Insp. Gen. Hamami Nata. The list also names
former Central Jakarta Police chief Brig. Gen. Aboebakar Nataprawira and
other senior Jakarta Police officers at the time,namely Insp. Gen F.X.
Soemardi and Brig. Gen. Indro Waskito. The military officers include Maj.
Gen. Tri Tamtomo and former assistant at the Army Intelligence Body (BIA)
Brig. Gen. (ret) Syamsiar.
However,
Saleh did not explain the suspects' roles or why the suspects were not
in custody at the police detention center. "We'll see," he said.
Saleh
said a joint military/police team investigating the case had summoned Syarwan
and Sutiyoso for questioning earlier. "But the two failed to answer the
summons," he said. Saleh's announcement was the first official statement
to name the senior security officers as suspects in the July 27, 1996 incident.
A group
of supporters of PDI's splinter faction, backed by elements of ABRI, raided
and took over the party's headquarters from the loyalists of ousted PDI
leader Megawati Soekarnoputri.
A ministerial
coordination meeting on politics and security affairs, which was held two
days before the bloody attack, concluded that the ongoing free speech forum
at the headquarters should be stopped since it disturbed public order.
The
takeover triggered unrest throughout Central Jakarta on the same day,resulting
in the deaths of at least five people. Twenty-three people are still missing.
Saleh
said there was a total of 11 high-ranking and middle- ranking military
officers and seven police officers who were named suspects in the case.
"The officers are being charged with violating the Army Emergency Law,"
Saleh said.
Evidence
of graft found in oil deals
Straits
Times - November 22, 2000
Jakarta
-- The Indonesian Attorney-General's Office has found initial evidence
of corruption in four contracts agreed by state oil and gas company Pertamina
during the rule of former President Suharto.
Attorney-General
Marzuki Darusman said the four contracts were selected out of the 159 contracts
and proposals which showed 'indications of corruption' and were submitted
to the government by Pertamina after Mr Suharto's downfall in 1998.
Almost
all the 159 contracts and project proposals involved Mr Suharto's family
and cronies, he said. The four deals, signed between 1992 and 1993, were
all oil and gas technical assistance contracts, Mr Darusman said.
He
said his office found irregularities in the signing of the four contracts
which led to state losses of US$18.99 million.
Forest
of death gives up massacre secrets
South
China Morning Post - November 22, 2000
Vaudine
England, Jakarta -- The remains of 24 former communists slaughtered during
the massacre of 1966-67 have been recovered from a mass grave in a Javanese
forest.
The
finds in Wonosobo, Central Java, were made at the instigation of the offspring
of men and women who disappeared on March 3, 1966, amid the mass purges
of alleged communists which brought former president Suharto to power.
Relatives
and fellow former communists say such finds must become part of a formal
investigation by the National Human Rights Commission (Komnasham), but
rights officials say any probe of the mid-1960s murders must be a political
decision and that Indonesia may not be ready for this yet.
"The
major difficulty with investigating the 1965-66 killings is that these
are something we might not be able to chew when we bite," said H. S. Dillon,
a member of Komnasham. "We have to decide what we can and cannot do. Of
course there were gross rights violations at that time, but any investigation
would have to be cleared through Parliament."
Mr
Dillon said Parliament's ruling in August against applying human rights
laws retroactively was a deliberate ploy by Suharto-backed lawmakers and
others afraid of the past to forbid a full exposure of the murders of at
least 300,000 Indonesians. Some say the death toll is closer to one million.
The
mass blood-letting, led by the army but carried out by former neighbours
and residents in Java and Bali, was used to justify later decades of military-backed
rule. Any re-examination of the events of 1965 was forbidden by the Suharto
government and large chunks of an entire generation have been unable to
trace relatives or avoid discrimination on the grounds of alleged communism
-- until now.
The
Indonesian Institute for the Study of the 1965-66 Massacre, formed by former
political detainees and alleged communists alongside archivists and activists,
led the efforts to unearth the remains in Situkup forest near Wonosobo.
Forensic scientists say it will take 10 days to unravel the skeletons and
remnants into identifiable groups.
A lawyer
for the group, Esther Indahyani Jusuf, told the Jakarta Post the probe
was in response to requests by 20 residents who had not seen either one
or both of their parents since 1966.
"The
name 'Sudjijem' was engraved on a wedding ring on a finger bone we found
among the skeletons, along with the date 26th of June, 1965," she said,
adding that the newly married woman must have been about 24 when she was
killed.
Low-priced
CD makes it to the top racks
Straits
Times - November 26, 2000
Devi
Asmarani, Jakarta -- Exactly a month since its launch in Jakarta, General
Wiranto's CD has made its way to the top racks at record stores in Indonesia
where the best-selling new releases are usually placed.
Said
producer of the album, Mr Judi Kristanto: "We produced 40,000 CDs and 50,000
cassettes for sale. Some 30,000 CDs have been sold already." He did not
have the number for the sale of cassettes.
Each
of these CD packs is retailing for 45,000 rupiah (S$9) in Indonesia. But
with the average price for CDs ranging from 80,000 to 140,000 rupiah, music
watchers and the General's critics say the album has been priced low to
allow for a wider reach.
Although
Gen Wiranto has been quick to deny anything political in his actions, critics
are reading closely into his move to donate all proceeds from the sale
of his CD to the refugees in Aceh, Ambon and West Timor through the Indonesian
Red Cross.
Unmindful
of all this and enthused by the sales so far, the General and his team
are more occupied with a marketing campaign to promote sales in cities
across the country.
Recently,
the former military chief, an avid karaoke singer in his heyday, staged
a live show for his fans in Medan and was expected to do another one in
Palembang over this weekend.
Indonesian
police, protesters clash
Associated
Press - November 23, 2000 (abridged)
Ali
Kotarumalos, Jakarta -- Police fired warning shots Thursday and beat demonstrators
at the national parliament, where opposing groups rallied for and against
President Abdurrahman Wahid. At least four protesters were injured.
The
violence started after police separated the two sides. It was the first
violent eruption after days of noisy but peaceful protests over the future
of Wahid, widely criticized for involvement in fraud cases, failing to
fix the ailing economy and for not stopping communal violence across the
archipelago nation.
Witnesses
said some pro-Wahid protesters threw rocks at their rivals but also hit
some officers, who retaliated. Some protesters attempted to enter the legislature,
but were pushed back and dispersed by police.
Indonesia
faces imminent collapse: official
Xinhua
- November 22, 2000
Jakarta
-- The Indonesian National Resilience Institute, an institute under the
Ministry of Defense, said here Wednesday that the country is facing an
imminent collapse and a breakdown of the country seems to be a matter of
time.
The
institute's governor, Johny J. Lumintang, told the House of Representatives
Commission I for security, defense and foreign affairs in a hearing, "After
the kicking off of the national reforms movement [two years ago], the condition
of national life is much worse now."
"Theoretically,
we can see that the collapse threshold of our country [nation disintegration]
is close to reality if we are not aware of this and do not consolidate
[ourselves] as well as making some improvements," Lumintang said. He added
that theoretically, the collapse of the nation is indicated by the protracted
economic crisis, disharmony among politicians, the nation's disharmony,
demoralization of the soldiers and international intervention.
"If
we see the symptoms and then we see the reality that we have been facing
at the moment, we can conclude that some signs are shown," he said. "The
ongoing economic crisis has not yet been overcome, elite politicians blame
each other and national disharmony has been taking place," he added.
Lumintang
further urged elite politicians to work hand in hand in dealing with the
problems by putting aside their disputes. He also said that to prevent
international intervention into the country's internal affairs, "the Indonesian
nation should be able to deal with its problems based on our own standard
and universal standard."
The
protracted economic crisis has caused new challenges and constraints to
the more then 210 million people in Indonesia and a political crisis followed.
Moreover, some provinces in Indonesia, namely the western-most province
of Aceh and the eastern-most province of Irian Jaya, have been demanding
independence despite calls from the government to accept a wide- ranging
autonomy status.
Indonesia:
PRD rejects split group's claims
Green
Left Weekly - November 22, 2000
Max
Lane, Jakarta -- On November 14, six members of the Central Leadership
Council of the People's Democratic Party (KPP-PRD) announced the formation
of the Democratic Socialist Association (PDS).
The
six members are Coen Hussein Pontoh, Dhyta Caturani, Hendri Kuok, Mugianto,
Ida Nashim Mh and Muhammad Ma'ruf. The six stated that the PDS has 23 members
and had not yet formed any branches. If possible, the PDS will hold a congress
in six months.
The
PDS has stated it has irreconcilable differences with the PRD. It claims
the PRD is bureaucratic, undemocratic, sectarian, not internationalist
and does not sufficiently oppose the Wahid government. The PDS also accuses
the PRD of deprioritising the question of women's oppression, and has not
been serious in party-building or producing a newspaper.
The
KPP-PRD issued a statement rejecting the group's claims. It pointed out
that the six PDS leaders had failed to take the opportunity to address
a meeting of the PRD National Presidium to discuss their situation, including
their lack of party activity for six months. The KPP-PRD statement rejected
the criticism that the PRD had not been critical enough of the Wahid government.
It pointed to the scores of actions organised by the PRD to protest the
government's economic policies and its failure to take action against the
Suharto forces still seeking to regain power.
The
statement pointed out that the six had voted for the PRD program adopted
at the last PRD congress, reflected in the slogan, "Smash the remnants
of the Old Order -- Golkar, the military and corrupt officials -- and leave
behind the fake reformers".
The
claims that the party lacks internal democracy were rejected.
The
KPP-PRD statement welcomed the formation of the PDS. It expressed hope
that the PDS can implement its program and stated the PRD's willingness
to work with it and any other organisations that have the same platform.
Regional
autonomy needed 'to keep country united'
South
China Morning Post - November 22, 2000
Vaudine
England, Jakarta -- Giving money and power to more than 350 districts across
the country is the only way Indonesia can survive as a nation-state, the
Minister of Settlement and Regional Infrastructure, Erna Witoelar, said
yesterday.
A profound
rearrangement of national and regional government must take place in just
over a month. It threatens to herald large- scale disruption and localised
corruption as district leaders take on new government functions.
However,
the Government believes potential chaos is the price that must be paid
for decades of centralised rule. "The sooner and the better that we get
decentralisation and regional autonomy, the more chance [we have] to keep
the unity of the country," Ms Witoelar told a seminar on regional autonomy.
"Sharing the power, I agree, is something very difficult, but it is inevitable
if you want to keep the unity of this country."
Indonesia
faces serious threats to national unity from separatist uprisings in Aceh
and Irian Jaya, and also from a breakdown in law and order across large
swathes of the country. Regional populations have long felt abused and
exploited by the rapacious central Government and have, in the past three
years of democratisation, increasingly taken the law into their own hands.
In
all provinces, communities have forcibly reclaimed land taken from them
by businesses linked to former autocrat Suharto, or attacked foreign mining
companies accused of depleting resources. Newly elected local governments
include many inexperienced and greedy legislators eager to get their hands
on Jakarta's purse strings, and there are concerns that both government
and business enterprises will be unable to function.
"They've
only got a month to get a whole lot of laws and people into place and it's
going to be crazy, really a mess," an American executive told the seminar.
He
cited an example in which a local district head promised free land to his
constituents to get elected, while the foreign mining company occupying
the land worried what would happen to its contractual claim.
"I
want to assure you that with all the uncertainties, and all the new experiences
we are going to have, there are many good commitments we have to save this
country," said Ms Witoelar. "If a bird has been too long in a cage, then
its wings are maybe not strong enough and if it tries to fly too soon,
it will drop. But the important thing is the Government is really changing."
Riau's
disappearing islands
Detik
- November 23, 2000
Chaidir
Anwar Tanjung/BI & GB, Pekanbaru -- Seven islands in Riau province
have disappeared completely since 1980 due to environmental degradation
caused by excessive oil drilling offshore, contamination of the sea by
oil tankers, the clearance and destruction of mangrove areas and the disappearance
of coral reefs. The worrying news was announced by the Director of the
Indonesian Forestry Study Institute (LPHI) Region I Sumatra, Andreas Heri
Kahuripan to Detik on Thursday. He claimed that three of these islands
are nameless. The other islands are Nipah, Payung, Pelampung and Sinaboy.
Kahuripan
said mangrove and swamp areas that are critical for the ecological system
in this region are also disappearing and that this has been caused by crude
oil leaks from oil tankers or from the oilrigs. "Due to this washed up
crude oil, the mangrove forests in Riau have been damaged. The disappearing
mangrove forests caused the tide to reach on to the higher ground as there
are no [natural] barriers," said Kahuripan.
He
said that in 1970 Bangkau Island, then with covering 2,000, hectares was
inhabited by at least 140 families. This island was submerged and most
of the residents have relocated to Bangkau Jaya on the main land.
Kahuripan
then gave the example of Muntai village, Rubat sub- district, within the
regency of Bengkalis to highlight that the problem is affecting Riau at
present also. This village is located on the coastline of Riau province
and he said that the rising tide has reached 7 kms inland. As a result,
hectares of fertile land used for rice farming have been destroyed. These
man-made disasters have permanently destroyed irrigation systems necessary
for rice farming and caused devastating salinity. This has in turn forced
hundreds of local residents to abandon the area.
Thus
far, the Riau provincial government has not been very concerned over the
issue, which is immensely disturbing to Kahuripan. Riau province is made
up of 3000 islands and more than a thousand are inhabited by humans. The
government's lack of concern and failure to anticipate the impacts of the
phenomena might result in the disappearance of other islands in the region.
Andreas
believes that the damage to coral in this region has been so extensive
that it caused the government to lose US$12 million. The coral reefs have
been damaged by the massive exploitation of the region's sand and offshore
oil rigs. Kahuripan accused state-owned oil company Pertamina and PT Kondur
Petroleum of being responsible for the destruction on the coral. "These
two companies have been drilling offshore. Because of this drilling, most
of the coral has been destroyed," he said.
Andreas
hoped that the Department of Marine Exploration and Fisheries would immediately
control sand exploration and monitor offshore drilling with greater care.
If these activities are not uncontrolled, these small islands that make
up Riau province will disappear forever.
Indonesia
confronts unruly past
Christian
Science Monitor - November 22, 2000
Dan
Murphy, Jakarta -- When a rash of explosions rocks Jakarta, they are the
immediate suspects. When mysterious "ninja" killers execute dozens of Muslim
scholars in East Java, senior politicians whisper their names. And when
aid workers are killed in West Timor, United Nations officials point their
way.
Every
authoritarian regime seems to have them, a cross between Praetorian Guards
and playground bullies. The Shah of pre- revolutionary Iran had his Savak.
Baby Doc Duvalier relied on the Tonton Macoutes in Haiti.
In
Indonesia's case, "they" are the Special Forces Command, known as Kopassus,
a 6,000-strong unit that has forged a reputation as the toughest and most
terrifying within a military known for its brutality.
Though
it's virtually impossible for the unit to be guilty of all that the average
Indonesian believes, Kopassus remains Indonesia's largest collective suspect
for good reason. The Command's terror tactics it employed against insurgents
in East Timor and Aceh are legendary.
When
Indonesia began moving toward democracy at the end of Suharto's 32-year
reign, many assumed the unit's position would fade. That view was bolstered
when the reformist President Abdurrahman Wahid promised to punish rights
abusers and push the military out of politics.
Instead,
Kopassus has quietly begun to rehabilitate its reputation. While debate
rages over whether soldiers should be tried for human rights abuses, the
unit is winning back authority and respect.
"Their
method was terror, and it was being employed in the service of Suharto,"
says Munir, a lawyer who runs the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims
of Violence. "But efforts to find justice are running up against the tradition
of military impunity."
The
apparent success of Kopassus in putting its dark past behind it is a symbol
of how little has changed within the Indonesian armed forces -- and a measure
of the challenges ahead.
It's
a problem that plagues countries trying to make the transition from authoritarianism
to democracy -- and one that foreign powers like the US helped create.
Indonesia's status as an anti-Communist bulwark during the cold war led
to US training and support of the military, particularly Kopassus. Throughout
the 1980s and 1990s, the US taught its soldiers intelligence gathering
and counterinsurgency skills.
But
the US and other Western powers strategically averted their eyes when those
lessons were put to sometimes brutal effect at home. Like other parts of
the relationship, Indonesia-US military ties have been pared down to almost
nothing following the calculated brutality of Indonesia's retreat from
East Timor in 1999.
Mugiyanto,
who like many Indonesians uses only one name, understands the danger first
hand. In March 1998, he was an unknown democracy activist. Then he was
picked up by Kopassus, taken blindfolded to an interrogation center, and
strapped to a table. Over two days, he was beaten and given electric shocks
while being interrogated about his political beliefs and the whereabouts
of his friends.
After
Suharto's fall, 11 Kopassus operatives were found guilty of kidnapping
and torturing Mugiyanto and eight other activists -- and then sentenced
to 22 months in jail. Their commanding officer, Prabowo Subianto, a son-in-law
of Suharto's who admitted he ordered the abductions, was honorably discharged.
He's now brokering oil-for-food deals in Iraq on behalf of Minister of
Industry and Trade Luhut Pandjaitan -- himself a former Kopassus officer.
"The
forces of democracy still have a hard fight ahead of us," says Mugiyanto.
Mugiyanto was one of the lucky ones. Human rights activists say the unit
helped kidnap and kill 15 democracy activists in Suharto's final days.
Munir believes that 900 more -- mostly East Timorese and Acehnese independence
activists -- disappeared into Kopassus interrogation centers never to be
seen again, "But the law makes it very difficult to prosecute unless we
can produce a body."
Kopassus,
for its part, doesn't dispute its past, but insists that it is gearing
up for Indonesia's reformasi era by focusing on external defense rather
than internal control. "What's the point in denying the past? There are
plenty of open secrets now," says Major Herindra, a 13-year Kopassus veteran
who now serves as the unit's public-information officer. "We're putting
more emphasis on human rights training now. We're not gathering intelligence
on our own citizens anymore."
Not
only did Kopassus spy on civilians, but it also infiltrated other branches
of the military. It operated as a sort of "army within the Army" that could
short-circuit the chain of command and set up so-called "black operations"
in places like East Timor.
With
President Wahid complaining that elements of the armed forces are trying
to foment instability to create an authoritarian backlash, Kopassus operatives
are seen by the average citizen as the natural perpetrators. Over the past
six months, the capital has been rocked by mysterious bomb blasts -- the
most recent being last week. From the day the blasts began, suspicion fell
on Kopassus, which grew when the police picked up a Kopassus private in
connection with the deadly bombing of the Jakarta Stock Exchange in September.
But Herindra says the soldier had deserted his unit and was "acting alone."
Indonesia's
military is chronically underfunded and soldiers traditionally take outside
work to make ends meet. Military analysts say in that context, the unit's
explanation could make sense. "Anyone with money could have paid for that,"
says one diplomat.
The
best chance for accountability rests with the promised prosecution of senior
officers for crimes against humanity in East Timor. When the former Indonesian
province voted for independence in August 1999, pro-Jakarta militias, created
and trained by Kopassus, went on a well-calculated rampage, killing dozens
and driving 250,000 people from their homes.
Attorney
General Marzuki Darusman says 22 officers implicated in abuses in East
Timor will go on trial in January. Making that possible is a new human
rights law, passed by parliament in early November and now awaiting only
Wahid's signature.
Indonesian
protesters attack Australian ambassador
Sydney
Morning Herald - November 22, 2000
Lindsay
Murdoch in Jakarta and David Lague -- The Howard Government will lodge
a diplomatic protest after Australia's most senior diplomat in Indonesia,
Mr John McCarthy, was attacked yesterday and bailed up for almost an hour
by a group of about 20 pro-Jakarta East Timor protesters.
Police
failed to protect him when he arrived at the opening of an Australian insurance
office in Makassar, South Sulawesi. About 15 Indonesian journalists who
were interviewing Mr McCarthy shielded him as protesters yelling "f --
- you, f -- - you" tried to kick and punch him. Mr McCarthy was unhurt.
At least one other Australian, believed to be an embassy official, was
kicked in the stomach. Others were roughed up.
Mr
McCarthy prompted a diplomatic stir this week when he said he believed
that Indonesia's former military chief, General Wiranto, had "broad knowledge"
of last year's violence in East Timor. In an interview with the Herald,
Mr McCarthy dismissed General Wiranto's claim he had been unaware of the
campaign of violence to prevent independence in East Timor.
A journalist
working for the Makassar-based Fajar newspaper told the Herald that Mr
McCarthy was "kicked and punched a couple of times". "He did not say a
word, he just stayed calm," she said. "We tried to hold the protesters
from attacking him."
Another
journalist, Rusdy Embas, said when the protesters arrived, they were yelling
"where's the Australian, where's the Australian?" "It happened very quickly,"
Embas said. "None of us expected the attack."
As
the melee got ugly Mr McCarthy was pushed inside the insurance company's
new offices. Witnesses said it took almost an hour for police to set up
barricades outside so Mr McCarthy could be escorted to a car which drove
him to the airport to catch a flight to Jakarta. Despite the arrival of
police the protesters had refused to disperse and demanded that Mr McCarthy
come outside. Nobody was arrested.
One
of the protesters, Alfredo Dos Santos, was quoted by the Detik.com newsagency
as saying they wanted to warn Mr McCarthy and the Australian Government
to stop meddling in Indonesia's internal affairs, especially Timor. "It
was Australia which deliberately played us against each other in East Timor
and caused the civil war between East Timorese," he said.
Earlier
yesterday Indonesia's Defence Minister, Mr Mohamad Mahfud, criticised Mr
McCarthy for making "improper comments" which were "interfering in another
country's internal affairs". But he told reporters in Jakarta that he regretted
the attack on Mr McCarthy.
"It
will only worsen the situation. The attack should only be considered a
criminal, not politically motivated attack," he said. Mr Mahfud later said
the Government regretted the inability of local police officers to deal
with the protesters.
Makassar's
police chief, Colonel Amin Saleh, blamed the insurance company, PT MLC,
for failing to tell police Mr McCarthy would attend the office opening.
A spokesman
for the Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, said last night that the Australian
Government regarded incidents like yesterday's as "totally unacceptable".
"We expect the Indonesian authorities to make every effort to ensure that
this kind of incident does not happen."
A spokesman
for Indonesia's Department of Foreign Affairs, Mr Sulaiman Abdulmanan,
said the attack was strongly condemned, especially as it was on an ambassador
from a close neighbour. "Such acts are clearly against the law," he said.
"The perpetrators must be punished according to the law."
Indonesia
announced yesterday it was again postponing a meeting of ministers from
Australia and Indonesia that had been rescheduled for Canberra in January
after earlier being abruptly cancelled by Jakarta.
The
postponement, another setback in attempts to repair relations between the
two countries, came after the Vice-President, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri,
banned all travel by ministers during December, the Islamic fasting month.
Indonesia's
Foreign Minister, Mr Alwi Shihab, said his Government would send Australia
a written apology. The meeting was designed to open the way for President
Abdurrahman Wahid to visit Australia.