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Four
questioned after Soeharto protest
Jakarta
Post - April 15, 2000
Jakarta
-- Jakarta Police chief Maj. Gen. Nurfaizi said on Friday that police investigators
were questioning four people in connection with a violent student protest
in Central Jakarta on Thursday.
"They
are being questioned at city police headquarters," he announced after addressing
the inauguration of the Matraman Police Substation in Central Jakarta.
The
two-star general, however, did not elaborate on whether the police had
been tipped off about the four, who the police consider to be key players
in the protest.
He
said three of them were students and the other a journalist with Kapital
weekly economic tabloid, Aldi Syahbana. Nurfaizi did not say why the journalist
was arrested. "They mingle with the masses. However, we'll prosecute them
only if we have strong evidence implicating their involvement in the protest,"
said Nurfaizi.
Commenting
on an attack on the Foundation of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (YLBHI)
secretariat on Jl. Diponegoro, Central Jakarta, allegedly by city police
personnel, Nurfaizi said city police's internal affairs department was
investigating the incident. "Should the investigation reveal that our personnel
were involved in the attack, we'll take stern measures against them," he
said.
Police
personnel chased the student protesters to the YLBHI secretariat when the
protesters ran amok after protesting near Soeharto's residence on Jl. Cendana
in Central Jakarta. They were demanding that the government formally arrest
the former president and confiscate the wealth of his family and cronies.
When
the protesters pelted them with Molotov cocktails and stones, the police
fired tear gas at them, sending the protesters in all directions, including
to the YLBHI secretariat, Dozens of members of the police's Mobile Brigade
(Brimob) stormed into the secretariat's compound at 6.30pm on Thursday
and reportedly pelted stones at the two-story building and hit student
protesters seeking refuge in the building. Two window panes were broken
in the incident. Separately, YLBHI executives held a media conference on
Friday to condemn the attack. "The police personnel's attitude is similar
to those of street criminals. We demand the city military police investigate
the case," said Irianto Subiyakto, head of YLBHI's civil and political
rights section.
Daniel
Panjaitan, another executive, said he had reported the incident to the
city military police on Friday morning. "City police should be held responsible
for the attack," he said.
He
also accused the police of aggressiveness, adding that they entered the
building without permission. "Without our permission, the police personnel
forced their way into the building and hit student protesters seeking refuge
in the building," he said.
Apong
Herlina, chairwoman of YLBHI's Jakarta chapter, said the police were apparently
ready to compensate all the losses. "Second Sgt. Djoko of the Central Jakarta
Police precinct has telephoned me, asking the amount of damages caused
by the attack. Even Second. Sgt. Maxwell Tambunan of the city police headquarters
took pictures of the damages this morning," she said.
Shots
fired as student protestors demand Suharto trial
Agence
France-Presse - April 13, 2000 (abridged)
Jakarta
-- Indonesian police fired warning shots and tear gas Thursday to disperse
hundreds of militant students protesting near the residence of former president
Suharto to demand he be brought to trial.
The
first shots were fired in the air as dusk fell and as the some 750 students,
frustrated at their inability to get closer to Suharto's home, began to
pelt the security personnel with stones and molotov cocktails.
The
students, mostly from three militant student groups -- Famred, Forkot and
KMJ -- had converged on the upmarket Menteng residential area where Suharto
lives. But they were held off some 200 metres from the former president's
home by at least 500 security troops, including police in full riot gear.
Police
pushed the students back some 400 metres north to a market area where the
protestors began to burn rubbish and tyres and damaged a police post there.
After a brief respite when both camps stayed in their own lines, the police
charged into the crowd with battons and chased the students for another
400 metres from the market area.
As
the cat-and-mouse street battles dragged on until after dark, police used
water cannons to disperse the last resisting groups and douse the small
fires they had lit, and used tear gas against the students who remained
in the market area.
Suharto,
who on Monday escaped questioning by officials over alleged corruption
during his 32-year rule for medical reasons, and on Wednesday was slapped
with a travel ban, was believed to have been inside his residence during
the protest.
There
were no immediate reports of serious injuries, but several students and
at least one reporter were at the receiving end of stones thrown by both
sides during the violence.
The
students carried flags of their organizations and anti- Suharto posters,
including one that recommended five ways of punishing the former president
-- including hanging and castration.
Thursday's
protest was the latest of several near Suharto's home in the past month.
Two of the demonstrations have turned violent, with clashes between the
students and police leaving scores injured.
Opposition
grows to IMF plan
Green
Left Weekly - April 12, 2000
Pip
Hinman -- Mounting pressure has forced the Indonesian government to delay
implementing key elements of an economic restructuring package negotiated
with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The April 1 budget did not
include a controversial fuel subsidy cut, nor the promised wage rise for
senior civil servants.
The
partial backdown highlights the Indonesian elite's nervousness about the
social and political repercussions of the austerity program, a condition
of the IMF's US$5 billion three- year loan. However, the budget did contain
cuts to electricity, telephone, education and transport subsidies.
The
elite has good reason to be worried. On April 1, thousands of students
and workers across Indonesia rallied in opposition to the plan and mass
leaders have vowed to step up their campaign against it (see article below).
The
IMF loan, agreed in January, is to be delivered in tranches, as the "reformist"
government of Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri implements the
IMF's conditions.
With
little progress to the IMF's liking to date, the second tranche of US$400
million due on April 4 has been delayed until May. The IMF has also hinted
that the Paris Club of creditors at its April 12 meeting may refuse Indonesia's
request to reschedule US$2.1 billion of its foreign debt. Indonesia's total
foreign debt is some US$200 billion, with private debt making up US$65
billion.
The
IMF package has provoked much public debate. Muhammad Ma'ruf, editor of
Pembebasan (Liberation), the newspaper of the People's Democratic Party
(PRD), told Green Left Weekly: "There was a slight improvement in the economy
last year, but that has now reversed. The government's neo-liberal austerity
program is leading to other crises: there's been a big rise in unemployment;
inflation has increased to 29%; there has been an increase in public service
costs by between 30-75% and there have been many more strikes by workers
and protests among small farmers."
Some
of Wahid's chief political rivals are adding fuel to the fire. House of
representatives speaker and Golkar party chairperson Akbar Tanjung told
a seminar organised by Strategic Intelligence two weeks ago, "The government
does not have a sense of urgency in economic fields". He criticised the
President for sparking further economic uncertainty by talking up possible
coup attempts and differences between him and the military.
Some
of Tanjung's criticisms are being repeated by the IMF and its backers.
On a visit to Indonesia in March Stanley Roth, US assistant secretary of
state for East Asia, advised the government to make haste with its economic
restructuring program, for its own sake.
Roth
made no bones about the US's and IMF's chief preoccupation: Jakarta needed
"to take the steps necessary to deal with the formidable economic problems
that can get the private sector functioning again".
But
he also underscored what seems to be a growing concern among Indonesia's
main Western backers -- Jakarta must get its economic house in order or
risk more social and financial stability.
Elite
nervous
The
build-up of mass pressure was a key factor in the Wahid government's partial
backdown. On March 30, Dita Sari, president of the Indonesian National
Front for Workers' Struggle (FNPBI) and spokesperson for the newly formed
People's Committee for Justice (KEKAR), vowed that the campaign would continue
until the austerity measures are abandoned.
The
People's Committee for Justice comprises the FNPBI, the National Student
League for Democracy (LMND), the Indonesian Workers Prosperity Union (SBSI),
the Workers' Committee for Reform Action (KOBAR), Anti-Fascist and Racist
Action (AFRA) and Tionghoa Youth Solidarity for Justice (Simpatik).
Those
unions grouped under the FNPBI umbrella have rejected the government's
offer of a 25-30% wage rise, saying that a 100% increase is necessary.
Senior public servants were to be given pay rises of 2000%.
Ma'ruf
told Green Left Weekly that LMND and other student groups have organised
pickets outside the ministry of education to protest cuts to the education
budget which will push up fees at some state universities by 300%. He said
FNPBI and LMND plan to continue their demonstrations in the lead-up to
May Day.
PRD
branches across Indonesia are also campaigning against the subsidy cuts.
On March 31, many targeted state parliamentary offices for their protests,
to highlight the support that the government and other parliamentary parties
are giving to the IMF-driven austerity program.
The
PRD has met with MPs who seek a cancellation of the subsidy cuts and has
even received invitations from bourgeois economists to participate in discussions.
Hypocrisy
The
PRD has lashed out at the five big governmental parties -- Golkar, Megawati's
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, National Mandate Party, Star and
Crescent Party and National Awakening Party -- which claim to be reform-minded
but nevertheless support the IMF-Wahid austerity package.
"Not
one of the five big parliamentary parties has spoken out against this oppressive
economic policy", said Ma'ruf.
"They
have again shown their hypocritical character; when the people's opposition
grows stronger, they pretend to be on the same side", he said, referring
to statements by, among others, Amien Rais, the People's Consultative Assembly
speaker and leader of the National Mandate Party, who has argued that the
government should prioritise raising the wages of low-ranking civil servants.
Even
the Indonesian United Democratic Party (PUDI) led by Sri Bintang Pamungkas,
a dissident and political prisoner under the Suharto regime, has supported
the IMF-government deal. According to Ma'ruf, it argues that getting as
much foreign investment as possible is the only way to overcome the economic
crisis.
Alternative
program An April 1 statement from the PRD's Central Leadership Committee
(KPP-PRD) put the government's decision to delay some of the cuts down
to its inability to come up with a compensation package for the poor and
its fear of the opposition campaign. "Several times the government presented
a plan to the parliament to distribute fuel subsidies to the poor -- the
coupon method, monetary compensation -- but they were knocked back because
of concern over corruption at the operational end", a KPP-PRD statement
said.
The
party has warned the people not to be swayed by this latest Wahid manoeuvre,
saying "In reality this policy of delay means that the government has not
cancelled the decision". Government officials say the fuel subsidy will
be cut within three months.
The
PRD says that while the price of fuel, electricity and transport are yet
to be worked out, prices of basic goods are sure to increase as the cuts
are passed onto the consumer. Already, prices of kerosene and cooking oil
are going up as speculators begin to stockpile.
The
PRD's extra-parliamentary campaigning for an alternative economic program
has also bought it new notoriety.
The
programme was launched by PRD leader and former political prisoner Anom
Astika on a TV chat show on March 29. The programme, which includes the
seizure of the illegally accumulated assets of Suharto and his cronies
and a progressive income tax, received positive coverage from Kompas, Indonesia
biggest circulation daily newspaper.
According
to Ma'ruf, the party is looking at a longer-term anti- cuts campaign which
involves different sectors.
"We're
planning to set up anti-cuts `posts' on campuses and in neighbourhoods,
so that they become both places where discussion can be had as well as
serve as locations from which people can be mobilised to campaign against
the austerity drive", he said.
New
nation has opportunity for gains in the Gap
Sydney
Morning Herald - April 13, 2000
Comment
by Andrew McNaughtan -- When the Australian and Indonesian foreign ministers
toasted the signing of the Timor Gap treaty in 1989 it was presented as
a diplomatic coup and a sign of a friendly, co-operative relationship.
The
reality was different. The treaty was an implicit acknowledgment that the
governments had failed to agree on a seabed boundary because of some thorny
political issues.
The
significant petroleum potential of the Timor Sea has influenced strategy
and politics since before Indonesia invaded East Timor, and sovereignty
over these resources remains a controversial issue.
In
1972 Canberra and Jakarta signed a seabed boundary agreement that many
considered favourable to Australia. Canberra had argued that its ocean
territory was determined by its continental shelf, resulting in a seabed
boundary much nearer Indonesia. However, Australia and Portugal could not
agree on a maritime border between Australia and what was then Portuguese
Timor, now East Timor. This resulted in a gap in the boundary known as
the Timor Gap.
The
Portuguese felt the division should be half way between the two coastlines
because they were aware this was about to become the new standard. This
median-line norm for boundaries between opposing coastlines was subsequently
introduced under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in
1982 and confirmed by International Court of Justice case law.
Both
governments realised the seabed boundary, giving sovereignty over the oil
and gas resources, was of vital economic importance. In the early 1970s
Portugal and Australia issued overlapping exploration permits in the disputed
area to different oil companies to strengthen their competing sovereignty
claims.
Australia
felt a line should simply be drawn to connect the (favourable) boundaries
it had just agreed with Indonesia to the east and west, whereas Portugal
expected a mid-line boundary (favourable to Lisbon) would ultimately be
adopted. This confusion and frustration was a factor in Gough Whitlam's
well publicised dislike for the Portuguese.
In
1975 the attitude of the Department of Foreign Affairs and ultimately the
Australian Government was clearly articulated in a secret cable to Canberra
from Australia's Ambassador to Jakarta, Richard Woolcott.
He
suggested that "closing the present gap in the agreed sea border could
be much more readily negotiated with Indonesia ... than with Portugal or
independent Portuguese Timor". He also said, alluding to the potential
resource wealth, that the Department of Minerals and Energy would have
an interest in this.
The
view that it would be strategically and economically advantageous to Australia
if Indonesia took East Timor was a factor in Canberra's passivity about
the invasion. Australia had every reason to expect Indonesia would "do
the right thing" and simply draw a line connecting existing dots on the
map, giving Australian sovereignty over the Gap's potentially vast oil
and gas wealth.
Australia
was then confronted with the brutality of the Indonesian occupation. This
made it politically difficult, and legally dubious, to recognise formally
Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. Yet such recognition was a prerequisite
for negotiating with Indonesia to settle the seabed boundary between occupied
East Timor and Australia. Canberra could not legally negotiate with a country
that it did not recognise as sovereign.
Australia
became an international advocate for Indonesia's occupation. In 1979, after
it was hoped the Timorese resistance had been destroyed, Australia began
negotiations with Indonesia on the Timor Gap, signifying Canberra's formal
recognition of the annexation of East Timor.
However,
Australia ultimately would have reason to be disappointed with the outcome
of the talks. Indonesia, believing it had given too much away in the 1972
agreement and miffed that there had been criticism from Australia over
its invasion of Timor, did not agree to simply connect the seabed boundaries
to the east and west.
It
now did not need to concede so much territory in this oil-rich area since
it had already achieved its aim -- Australia had been manoeuvred into accepting
Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. Jakarta wanted more territory and
was playing hard ball. It now sought a mid-line boundary agreement that
would be consistent with the new international convention.
Such
an agreement would be politically unpalatable and unacceptable to Australia.
Apart from the negative financial impact, Canberra, for all its trouble
in becoming an ally in Indonesia's takeover of East Timor, had been given
a worse deal in the Gap than on either side of it.
Observers
would see a falling out among thieves, with Australia taken in and duped
by Indonesia. So ensued 10 years of wrangling before a tortuous political
compromise could be worked out. The result -- the establishment of a Zone
of Co-operation under the Timor Gap treaty -- was a complex agreement that
blurred the boundaries in a way that made it hard for most outsiders to
interpret.
The
Timor Gap treaty, far from being an enduring resolution of the disputed
border, was the outcome of a failure to settle the underlying seabed boundary
dispute.
The
original Timor Gap treaty is now defunct, Indonesia having formally withdrawn.
There is now a temporary memorandum of understanding between the interim
UN administration, representing the East Timorese, and Canberra, pending
final resolution of the issue.
A Canadian
authority on international maritime boundary law, Jeffrey Smith, who is
about to publish a treatise on an independent East Timor's maritime entitlements,
says there is a unique opportunity to clarify the boundaries of one of
the few disputed zones in the world. The East Timorese could almost certainly
claim sovereignty to the mid-line of the Gap and receive significantly
more desperately needed revenue.
[Andrew
McNaughtan, a Sydney doctor, is convener of the Australia East Timor Association.]
Timor
set for oil windfall
Sydney
Morning Herald - April 13, 2000
David
Lague -- An independent East Timor would have a powerful legal case to
renegotiate the Timor Gap treaty and win a bigger share of potentially
massive oil and gas revenues, according to legal and oil industry experts.
The
terms of the controversial treaty between Australia and Indonesia carving
up the seabed oil and gas have continued under an interim arrangement with
the United Nations Transitional Authority in East Timor, but a new government
in Dili would have the right to renegotiate its ocean boundary with Australia.
There are potentially billions of dollars in revenue at stake for an impoverished
East Timor.
Since
the treaty was signed in 1989, it has become accepted under the UN Convention
on the Law of the Sea that the exclusive economic zone boundary between
two states that are less than 400 nautical miles apart should be the mid-line
between their coasts.
If
a new government in Dili succeeded in redrawing the boundary to this mid-point,
the bulk of the oil and gas Australia shares in the Timor Gap would fall
in East Timorese territory.
An
oil and gas industry consultant and Timor Gap analyst, Mr Geoffrey McKee,
believes the birth of the new nation will clear the way for a new deal.
"All our research points to the fact that a settlement in accordance with
international norms would be in East Timor's favour. I think this will
be settled by international arbitration. If it goes to arbitration East
Timor can't lose."
A Canadian
lawyer and oceanographer, Mr Jeffrey Smith, has thrown his weight behind
legal arguments that East Timor could do better from a new deal with Australia.
He is about to publish a lengthy legal paper on East Timor's maritime entitlements,
and he also believes that a middle line will become the new boundary.
The
Howard Government and the oil industry have been anxious to preserve the
existing arrangements to exploit the Timor Gap resources during the transition.
A spokesman for the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Downer, said yesterday
that the Government was happy with existing arrangements but the future
of the treaty was under "active consideration".
The
convener of the Australia East Timor Association, Dr Andrew McNaughtan,
said yesterday that it would be up to the future government of East Timor
to decide how it would deal with Australia on the Timor Gap, but there
was now an opportunity to agree on a legitimate oceanic border. "The Timor
Gap treaty is a pretty shonky piece of work that is a by-product of Indonesia's
illegal occupation and annexation of East Timor and Australia's collusion
with Jakarta over this," he said.
There
are projections from oil industry sources that government revenues for
oil alone from the Bayu-Undan field in the co- operation zone could reach
$5.2 billion over 24 years if this went ahead. Under existing arrangements,
this would be split evenly between Australia and East Timor. A consortium
headed by Phillips Petroleum late last year announced that it would go
ahead with initial development of the field.
Critics
of the Timor Gap treaty say that Australia had expected a generous deal
from Jakarta after recognising its rule over East Timor but that Indonesia
had taken a tough line after conceding too much in earlier agreements on
common oceanic boundaries. They say the complex treaty with its sharing
arrangements demonstrates that the two sides failed to agree on a border.
After
initially condemning the treaty, East Timorese leaders have assured the
oil industry and the Australian Government that they want the development
to go ahead under existing arrangements while East Timor is under UN control,
but there have been signals that they will want the border renegotiated
as they begin to redevelop their economically backward homeland.
However,
in this sensitive transitional phase, the leadership is unwilling to antagonise
Canberra or deter the oil industry with claims for a bigger share of revenues.
World
Vision workers strike in East Timor
Green
Left Weekly - April 12, 2000
Akara
Leon and Vanja Tanaja, Dili -- Sixty East Timorese workers at the aid agency
World Vision walked off the job and demonstrated on April 3, demanding
an explanation from management for the sacking of eight security guards.
World
Vision management claimed the organisation lacked funds and needed to reduce
staff, an explanation which failed to convince the workers who demanded
to be told the full story of their employer's financial position. If it's
as bad as management say it is, maybe World Vision should leave East Timor,
the strikers argued.
Strikers
demanded an assurance from World Vision that it would stop treating them
as "objects", would cease arbitrary sackings without notice and would stop
bringing more workers into the country.
World
Vision asked for a representative of the National Council of Timorese Resistance
(CNRT) to mediate but, as World Vision was unwilling to go to the CNRT
office, the workers called on Avelino da Silva, the secretary-general of
the Socialist Party of Timor and a member of the National Consultative
Committee which advises the United Nations, to represent them. Da Silva
also demanded that World Vision explain in full its reasons for the sackings.
Management
eventually gave in to some of the workers' demands, agreeing to pay six
weeks' wages in lieu of notice and to give each worker building materials
sufficient for an eight-metre by nine-metre house. Workers warned that
they would bring more people out to demonstrate if the agency did not cease
arbitrary sackings.
World
Vision's programs in East Timor include one for the provision of roofing
kits in Bobonaro, Ermera, Liquica and Aileu districts, as well as others
in the areas of health, food and agriculture.
Meanwhile,
on April 7, workers at the office of the United Nations High Commission
for Refugees (UNHCR) went on strike, citing broken management promises
to pay workers a 5000 rupiah ($1.25) meal allowance.
The
strikers were also unhappy that those driving road vehicles received higher
wages than those operating heavy vehicles and machinery, and that wages
were frequently paid late. They demanded an increase in daily wages and
overtime rates and that a workers' compensation scheme be put in place.
UNHCR forklift drivers, employed on a 10-day contract, receive only 40,000
rupiah ($10) a day. The workers have decided to continue their strike,
in the absence of a response or offer to negotiate from UNHCR management.
The
mess in Megawati's lap
Asiaweek
- April 12, 2000
Jose
Manuel Tesoro -- One can always rely on the Indonesian Democratic Party
of Struggle for a public spectacle. At its six- day party congress, which
ended April 3 in the Central Java capital of Semarang, its supporters held
the regular loud motorbike rallies. Red party flags were ubiquitous. Stalwarts
dutifully dyed their hair crimson or drew the party's black-bull symbol
on their bodies. And of course there was the unavoidable scent of menace:
from the barely disciplined crowds to grim security officers who harassed
journalists, observers and delegates.
The
fact that so little has changed with PDI-P, as it is known in Indonesian,
might comfort a few. Since its last congress in October 1998, the former
outcast party has become the largest part of Indonesia's ruling coalition.
It still retains its character as a party of the largely poor and disaffected
who have sworn loyalty to party standard-bearer Megawati Sukarnoputri,
now the vice-president.
Yet
the party's lack of direction has been more a cause of confusion and worry,
even among its loyal cadres. On April 2, Megawati, daughter of Indonesia's
first president Sukarno, was re-elected as chairperson by acclamation.
There
had been no question that she would win. But some senior party members
wished the victory had been served up in a more democratic manner. The
decision to avoid an open election completely shut out two party figures,
Eros Djarot and Dimyati Hartono, who had planned to contest the chairman's
position. The two were not appointed to the party's new executive board,
which was elected during the same congress. Neither were they allowed to
attend the opening ceremony.
As
most parties in Indonesia are, PDI-P is a combination of image and reality.
The face it presented to voters -- Megawati's lineage, plus her suffering
at the hands of Suharto -- helped it win 33.8% of the popular vote last
July, which translated into 154 seats in the 500-member parliament. This
was largely thanks to Djarot, a film-maker, publisher, and gadabout intellectual,
who had helped craft Megawati's public persona via conversations with the
press (especially foreign media) and speech-writing. His stated goal in
contesting Megawati's position was that he wanted to modernize the party
-- to turn it from the gaggle behind Megawati into an organized and principled
political force. (Hartono is a party veteran, and his challenge seemed
intended mainly to introduce healthy competition in choosing a chairperson.)
The
reality is that PDI-P is far from modern. It relies more on Megawati's
drawing power than anyone's skill at strategy or organization. As a group,
it falls back on Indonesia's feudal political practices -- the ties to
religion or region, the dependence on patronage -- which belies its name
as a party of democracy.
And
it is traditional politics that is the forte of Taufik Kiemas, Megawati's
husband. Keimas is a small businessman, and he dominates the party's rank
and file. He undoubtedly saw Djarot's growing influence as a challenge.
The shutout of Djarot is an unquestioned victory for Kiemas -- but at the
cost of disaffection among many of the party's leaders.
What
happens now? The short answer: drift. For one thing, given the unseemly
split, conservatism will be the natural reaction (which incidentally strengthens
Kiemas). It would be unlikely now for PDI-P to come to grips with its failure
last October, when the party's arrogance coupled with inexperience cost
Megawati the presidency. Despite holding numerical majorities in many provincial
and city councils, PDI-P has lost mayoral and provincial races it should
have been able to win. Instead, look for more corruption scandals as old
habits dominate.
(Already
16 MPs from the province of North Sumatra have turned in their resignations
over charges that they threw the election of the province's speaker.) There
could be high-level defections -- that is, if other parties were not just
as mired.
But
do not count on Megawati to come to the rescue. She seems powerless to
heal the divisions in her party. Another reality of PDI-P is that its revered
leader is a very imperfect politician, ferociously private and often aloof
and insensitive even to her own followers. Journalists who show up unannounced
on her doorstep are rarely welcomed -- a surprise for those who arrive
expecting an Indonesian Aung San Suu Kyi, enthusiastic to discuss principled
democracy.
There
are those who see her loss in last October's presidential polls as the
logical consequence of her flaws. And if the country's largest party fails
to live up to its potential or, worse, disintegrates, the fault will probably
lie, too, on the shoulders of Sukarno's daughter.
PBB
seeks to impeach Gus Dur over communism
Jakarta
Post - April 15, 2000
Jakarta
-- The House faction of the Muslim Crescent and Star Party (PBB) called
on the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) on Friday to hold an emergency
session to demand the accountability and possible impeachment of President
Abdurrahman Wahid, popularly known as Gus Dur.
Faction
chairman Achmad Sumargono told reporters that the President violated his
oath of office and the 1945 Constitution by seeking to lift the ban against
communism. "We are lobbying the other factions," Achmad said when asked
about the faction's move.
PBB,
a minority faction in the House, along with a number of other Muslim parties
and the National Mandate Party (PAN) forms the Axis Force which pushed
Abdurrahman's candidacy in the presidential election in October. It is
not immediately clear to what degree its demand for impeachment is supported
by the PBB executive board, whose chairman Yusril Ihza Mahendra serves
in Abdurrahman's Cabinet as minister of law and legislation. The President
has proposed to lift the 34-year ban on communism, Marxism and Leninism
saying that the decree has been responsible for the killing of hundreds
of thousands of innocent people who were accused of being communists under
president Soeharto.
His
suggestion has prompted mass protests in the last month, and has been followed
by calls for his impeachment. "If the decree [banning communism] is lifted,
then communism will grow robustly again in Indonesia because the Indonesian
Communist Party (PKI) will once again become legal," Achmad said.
Achmad
disputed Gus Dur's contention that the ban on communism was infringing
on people's rights. "The decree was issued because of the bloody coup by
PKI to topple former president Sukarno's government," he said.
He
also said Gus Dur's policies on fuel prices and civil servants' salaries
would widen the gap between rich and poor and turn Indonesia into a fertile
breeding ground for communism to flourish.
The
Golkar Party and National Awakening Party (PKB) factions dismissed PBB's
demand for an MPR session before the next scheduled meeting in August.
The two parties are respectively the second and fourth largest factions
in the House.
Golkar
chairman Akbar Tandjung, who is also the House speaker, said he disagreed
with the contention that the President's proposal to end the ban on communism
violated the constitution or his oath of office. While regretting Gus Dur's
proposal, Akbar pointed out that the decision to lift the decree was in
the hands of the MPR, and not the President. "If PBB objects to the President's
intention to revoke the decree, it should say so in the MPR's general session
in August," he said.
Muhaimin
Iskandar, deputy House speaker from PKB, said the President was within
his rights to propose ending the communist ban and PBB should respect his
right to freedom of speech. "It is wrong for PBB to try to silence Gus
Dur," he said.
PKB
is a party that relies largely on the support of members of the Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU) Muslim organization which Gus Dur chaired until his election
to the presidency in October.
In
Surabaya, NU chairman Hasyim Muzadi vowed on Friday to defend Gus Dur against
any attempt to unseat him. "He is the President. NU members will defend
him for constitutional reasons. It has nothing to do with the fact that
he was former NU chairman," Hasyim said. On Gus Dur's call to end the communist
ban, he said the President was a democrat who respects human rights.
Central
Axis may abandon Wahid
Indonesian
Observer - April 15, 2000
Jakarta
-- Three elements of the Central Axis, the main supporters of President
Abdurrahman Wahid in the latest general session of the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR), have hinted that they may withdraw their support for Wahid's
administration.
Leaders
of the three parties -- the United Development Party (PPP), the National
Mandate Party (PAN), and the Crescent and Star Party (PBB) -- expressed
their dissatisfaction over a number of policies made by Wahid, better known
as Gus Dur.
Husnie
Thamrin, a PPP deputy chairman, said that the party will discuss the performance
of Gus Dur and his leadership in the upcoming party national working meeting.
"During the meeting, we will make a decision on whether we will still support
Gus Dur or not," said Thamrin here yesterday.
Chairman
of the Reform Faction in the House of Representatives (DPR) Hatta Rajasa
said Indonesia needs a leader who is not only democratic and a reformist,
but also someone who does not spark conflict.
He
stressed that the MPR annual session could be changed into an MPR special
session which could be used to evaluate President Wahid's performance.
"Indonesia has many leaders who are recognized by the people like Megawati
Soekarnoputri, Akbar Tandjung, Hamzah Haz, and Amien Rais," said Rajasa,
who is also a PAN's legislator.
Achmad
Soemargono, a PBB de-puty chairman, said that Wahid has violated the constitution
because many of his statements have caused horizontal conflicts in the
society. Therefore, he urged all factions in the House, to use the momentum
of the annual MPR session to evaluate the performance of President Wahid's
administration. "As a consequence of any violation against the constitution
it is the MPR special session [which will be used to evaluate president's
performance]," according to Soemargono.
PPP,
PAN and PBB are the three main parties of the Central Axis, which became
the main sponsor of Wahid's presidential bid in October 20, 1999. PPP has
59 seats in the House, PAN 35 seats and PBB 12 seats. The Central Axis
is also supported by other smaller Islamic parties.
Wahid
defeated Megawati in the presidential election after the central Axis was
supported by Golkar and Gus Dur's national Awakening Party (PKB). The Indonesian
Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), chaired by Megawati, won a majority
vote in the June 7 general election, but she did not obtain significant
support from other parties.
The
latest statement which sparked public debate over President Wahid was his
wish to lift the MPR decree on the ban on communism. Most of the Central
Axis elements reject the president's proposal. PPP is also unhappy with
the sacking of PPP Chairman Hamzah Haz from his cabinet position. "Pak
Hamzah Haz has been thrown in to rubbish can," said Thamrin.
Although
the party decision will be decided at the party meeting, Thamrin himself
said that PPP needs to revise it's role in the President Wahid administration.
He said that as a party which won significant seats in the House of Representatives,
PPP has no significant role in the government.
Thamrin
also said that his party is ready to cooperate with PDI- P. "It is very
possible that PDI-P will cooperate with Golkar and the Central Axis," Thamrin
said. He was referring to the possibility of making Megawati president
in the next August MPR session. "If such a cooperation has a mutual benefit,
why not," he said, adding that he has met with Megawati several times.
Wahid
says South South co-operation important
Asia
Pulse - April 14, 2000
Havana
-- Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid in his address during the opening
of Group of 77 (G-77) Summit here has stressed the importance of co-operation
among South countries for the development of economy and democracy.
The
G-77 Summit was opened here on Wednesday by the group's chairman, President
Olesegun Obasandjo of Nigeria. According to Wahid, G-77 member countries
are facing problems, not only among themselves but also in relation to
developed countries in the North, which would hamper progress. G-77 member
countries should help one another, Wahid said.
On
the occasion, Wahid underscored the urgency for co-operation in promoting
South solidarity. "We should work hand-in-hand to overcome difficult situations,"
he said.
The
G-77 groups developing nations and the summit will end today. The opening
day featured Cuban President Fidel Castro and United Nations Secretary
General Kofi Annan as well as presentations by other countries.
Jitters
plague Jakarta in Wahid's absence
South
China Morning Post - April 11, 2000
Vaudine
England, Jakarta -- A familiar sense of insecurity was afflicting Jakarta
yesterday. With President Abdurrahman Wahid overseas, politicians as sailed
his alleged over-confidence amid small protests against various perceived
ills.
House
of Representatives Speaker Akbar Tanjung said at the weekend Mr Wahid and
his Government "may face a sort of impeachment from the people if social
unrest continues to escalate".
About
500 Muslims dressed in blue and white robes and carrying swords and machetes
gathered at the parliament yesterday to demand the right to go to the eastern
Maluku Islands to fight a holy war against Christians.
Meanwhile,
reporters who tried to visit a training camp for the jihad fighters at
Bogor, near Jakarta, were violently prevented from doing so. "We were asking
our way to the main post to seek permission to look around in the camp
when several youths fell on us and started beating us up," one journalist
said.
Witnesses
watching the camp from outside said the participants were practising martial
arts using machetes and swords, and nearby residents said they felt scared
and nervous.
The
jihad demonstrations, replete with weaponry on the capital's main streets,
have raised public concern at the failure of police to disarm the men or
intervene in the protests and training. Police said yesterday they had
so far not intervened for fear of provoking violence, but they would act
if it became clear the protesters planned to use their weapons.
According
to Mr Akbar, a crisis of confidence in the Government could evolve from
the mass rallies by Muslim groups, and the House could press the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) to call for a special session to appraise the
President's performance.
The
atmosphere has not been improved by the Government's failure to meet a
deadline for crucial economic reforms, needed to justify the next instalment
of funding from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
State
Secretary Bondan Gunawan maintains that Mr Wahid's position is secure,
despite his absence, because of broad support among most Indonesians. "We
are now learning how to practise democracy," he said.
Some
commentators have even suggested that Mr Wahid's comments in favour of
fresh discussion about communism were intended as a threat to the IMF,
to force through new funding regardless of an agreed schedule of reform
and reward. This conspiracy theory is barely plausible, however, as Mr
Wahid has long been renowned for his religious and political tolerance,
and is committed to restoring Indonesia's reputation on the world stage.
Threatened
public transport chaos failed to seriously damage the capital's traffic
flow, following the cancellation around midnight on Sunday of a strike
planned by private bus companies angry at a delay in fare rises.
Ban
on communists will stay, says Amien
Associated
Press - April 9, 2000
Jakarta
-- The chairman of Indonesia's People's Consultative Assembly, Mr Amien
Rais, said yesterday that lawmakers would block a plan by President Abdurrahman
Wahid to end a 34-year-old ban against communists.
"I
give a 100-per-cent guarantee that the decree will not be revoked," the
official Antara news agency quoted Mr Amien as having said in an interview
with a Jakarta radio station.
He
said most Indonesians did not want communism to reappear as it contravened
the national philosophy of Pancasila, which called for a belief in God.
"Communism has no place in Indonesia because it is based on atheism," he
said.
Indonesia's
Communist Party, once the world's largest in membership, was stamped out
and outlawed by the nation's armed forces under former President Suharto
after it was accused of staging an abortive coup in 1965. Thousands of
communists and leftist supporters were killed and many more were imprisoned.
Aceh
congress postponed by troop deployment
Jakarta
Post - April 14, 2000
Banda
Aceh -- A major congress to forge peace in Aceh scheduled to start next
week has been delayed indefinitely following the massive deployment of
security forces in recent weeks.
Organizers
of the Aceh People's Congress (KRA), in announcing the delay, say the presence
of so many police officers in Banda Aceh has unnerved the local people
and the invited participants. "Security in Banda Aceh and neighboring Aceh
Besar regency is not getting any better. We have no choice but to postpone
the congress," Abdullah Ali, deputy chief of organizing committee, said
on Wednesday evening.
The
organizers have not set a new date for the week-long congress, originally
due to start on April 22. "We're waiting for further developments because
we have seen more violence recently," Abdullah said.
Banda
Aceh, the provincial capital, and Aceh Besar have been rocked by a series
of bombings and arson attacks in the past week. Local people were reportedly
also worried by the arrival of a fresh batch of security forces in the
area.
On
Thursday, 400 members of the police's elite Mobile Brigade disembarked
from ships at Malahatyati Port east of Banda Aceh. Two days earlier, 580
police officers landed at Kreueng Geukeuh Port in Lhokseumawe, the capital
of North Aceh.
"We
don't feel comfortable with so many troops around us," Abdullah said. "People
are afraid that their presence will trigger more unrest because the chances
of conflict with rebels has also increased." Dozens of students marched
to the Aceh Legislative Council building on Thursday and later to the Aceh
Police Headquarters to demand that Jakarta withdraw all troops from the
province.
State
Minister of Human Rights Affairs Hasballah M. Saad confirmed in Jakarta
on Thursday the delay. "God willing, the postponement will be only for
two weeks. But it all depends on the security condition in Banda Aceh,"
he said.
He
also confirmed the recent deployment of police officers, stressing that
they were sent to secure the trial of military officers, accused of human
rights abuses, scheduled to start in Banda Aceh on Monday. Hasballah said
the government played no role in organizing the congress. "It is only a
coincidence that the dates for the joint tribunal and the congress were
close," he said.
The
minister also disclosed that the government and senior members of the Free
Aceh Movement (GAM) were scheduled to open talks this week to find a solution
to the Aceh problem. "The meeting will take place somewhere in Europe,"
he said. "Actually a series of talks took place earlier between government
officials and GAM figures abroad. President Abdurrahman is very committed
to solving the Aceh problem peacefully," he said, refusing to give details
about the meeting.
President
Abdurrahman Wahid has voiced support for the congress, although he has
ruled out independence as an option for Aceh. Abdurrahman has also vowed
to protect any members of GAM who wish to attend the congress.
Meanwhile,
unidentified gangmen fired at a trailer truck belonging to Exxon-Oil Inc.
at Jl. Lem Pipa Km 24 in the industrial regency of North Aceh on Wednesday.
A staffer identified as Aswar Nahar was injured in the third attack on
Exxon Oil facilities this week. North Aceh Police chief Lt. Col. Syafei
Aksal said the truck was ambushed even though it was escorted by members
of the company security unit.
In
West Aceh, an armed gang attacked a police outpost in Krueng Sabee on Wednesday.
A day earlier, a women was killed when gunmen tossed a grenade at a police
truck, missed the truck and hit a kiosk at Padang Kling of Teunom district,
Lt. Col. Satrya Hari Prasetya of West Aceh Police said.
State
aircraft manufacturer to lay off 2,500 workers
Agence
France-Presse - April 15, 2000
Jakarta
-- Indonesia's state-owned aircraft manufacturer, PT Nusantara Aircraft
Indutries (IPTN) will lay off another 2,500 workers over the next 10 months
through early retirement, reports said Saturday.
The
company, the brainchild of former president B.J. Habibie, laid off some
5,000 of its 15,750 staff last year under the retrenchment program, and
the new cuts will trim the workforce to some 7,500, the Jakarta Post said.
"The
ideal number is 7,500," the Post quoted Jusman the company's human resources
development and administration manager as saying. Jusman added that to
fund the huge amounts of severance pay needed, the equivalent of a year's
pay for each employee, IPTN would sell off 46 houses it had built for expatriate
staff in the West Javanese city of Bandung.
IPTN
assembles several types of helicopters and produces small passenger planes
in cooperation with Spain's CASA.
Teachers
begin strike in defiance of government
Jakarta
Post - April 14, 2000
Bogor
-- Some 7,000 teachers began their three-day strike on Thursday to demand,
among other things, a 300 percent increase in their salaries, defying the
government's call on them not to do so.
The
strike, in which teachers from both state and private schools participated,
paralyzed school activities in the town, forcing students from kindergarten
to senior high school to stay home. The teachers threatened to continue
their strike if there were no signs that their demands would be fulfilled
by the government by Saturday.
The
head of the Bogor chapter of the Indonesian Teachers Association (PGRI)
Aim Halim Hermana solicited support from local universities for their strike.
"If they fail to follow suit, they don't support our struggle," Aim said.
He admitted that not all schools were closed down on Thursday since some
teachers told their students about the strike long after it was too late.
But for Friday and Saturday, he called on all the schools to stop activities,
and advised the teachers to give their students homework.
Aim
acknowledged that he discussed the strike with local officials of the National
Education Ministry which earlier asked the teachers to cancel the strike.
But the teachers decided that the strike should go ahead and that homework
would be given to the students in place of class time.
Meanwhile,
in Yogyakarta, education observer Suyanto said that President Abdurrahman
Wahid had every right to reject the teachers' demands, but urged the president
to consider their situation. "The problem is closely related to rewarding
the teachers whose welfare has been neglected for years. It's time to give
them more of our concern," Suyanto who is also the rector of the State
University of Yogyakarta, told The Jakarta Post on Thursday.
That's
why, he said, it was understandable if teachers are staging protests demanding
salary increases. "I feel it's okay for them to stage rallies, but I do
hope they would not continue it by refusing to teach if the government
rejected their demands. The consequence would be very hard to bear in the
long term," he said.
The
strike has drawn concern from President Abdurrahman Wahid, who is in Havana
for the Group of 77 summit. Speaking before Indonesians living in Cuba,
Abdurrahman called on the teachers to maintain composure, saying the government
is considering measures to meet their salary demands. "Teachers should
understand that despite their right to strike, it doesn't mean that they
are free to just do it," the President said.
Abdurrahman
said the last Cabinet meeting on Wednesday should have dealt with the matter.
"It should have been decided that the government would increase teachers
salaries," he said.
After
the Cabinet meeting presided over by Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri,
Minister of National Education Yahya Muhaimin promised the government would
double the salaries of the nation's teachers.
Teachers
protest in Bali and Java
Jakarta
Post - April 15, 2000
Denpasar
-- Hundreds of teachers and members of the Bali chapter of Indonesian Teachers
Union (PGRI) staged a street demonstration here on Friday urging the government
to take concrete steps in improving the welfare of the nation's teachers.
Unlike
the noisy protests by teachers in other cities over the past week, the
demonstration in Denpasar was one of silence. As they marched to the Bali
Legislative Council, the teachers -- dressed in their PGRI uniforms --
did so without uttering a sound.
"Our
actions are different from the others. Because Bali is a major tourist
destination, we prefer the use of silence," PGRI Bali chairman I Gusti
Lanang Jelantik said. "We guarantee the protest has not affected classes.
Each school has sent only one delegate," he said after a dialog with council
members to discuss their demand for higher salaries.
The
PGRI chapter in Bali boasts 42,000 members. There have been similar protests
elsewhere in Indonesia in the past week, all calling for an increase in
salary. In some regions, teachers have threatened to go on strike or boycott
the final national school examinations which will begin next month.
In
contrast to the silent protest, the dialog was far from peaceful, with
teachers talking down a council member who was making a long-winded speech.
"We are fed up with empty promises and pointless flattery. We have been
a political commodity for decades and we now want the government to take
serious steps to make our lives better," said a teacher. The teachers demanded
a 100 percent increase in their monthly salaries and a 300 to 400 percent
increase in functional allowances.
In
Semarang, 20 members of the Committee for Teachers' Welfare (KP2KG), marched
to the Central Java Legislative Council calling on its support for teachers
who want remunerations. "We come from all parts of Central Java to represent
our 250,000 colleagues. We support the teachers' struggle for a better
life," committee chairman Taruna said. He warned that the committee would
bring thousands of teachers to the streets if the government failed to
heed its demands.
In
Bandung, more than 100 students of the teacher training University of Pendidikan
Indonesia (UPI) marched to the West Java legislative council demanding
that the government overhaul the nation's educational system. The student
spokesman Wasmin stated that education could be improved if the government
allocated more money, including raising the salaries of teachers. "Teachers
deserve better wages. It will prevent them from having to do other kinds
of work to make ends meet," Wasmin said.
Teachers'
strike stalling recovery, says Gus Dur
Straits
Times - April 15, 2000
Jakarta
-- President Abdurrahman Wahid has criticised the decision by teachers
to strike for higher wages, saying that their action could damage the country's
economic recovery.
His
comments were clearly a response to a series of protests by state school
teachers across the country demanding a 300 per cent pay hike and an increase
in their daily allowance.
Speaking
to reporters in Havana, Cuba, the President said it would be unacceptable
for teachers to go on strike if their demands are not heeded. "Teachers
should understand. Although they have rights, expressing their opinions
does not always mean they are free to go on strike," the Indonesian Observer
newspaper quoted him as saying. He added that the strike will stall the
country's recovery efforts, stressing that a teacher's strike would disturb
many people.
His
comments come as Education Minister Yahya Muhaimin promised to fight on
teachers' behalf and to try to double their salaries. But the minister
said he had no idea where that money would come from. "I beg the teachers
not to continue their strike. God willing, the government will be able
to improve their situation," he said.
Unimpressed
protesters said that they would continue with their agenda and dozens of
schools south of Jakarta closed their doors yesterday as thousands of teachers
entered the second day of a three-day strike. However, only 7,000 teachers
of an estimated 1.5 million across Indonesia were off the job.
Teachers
have been among the lowest paid of public servants for many years in Indonesia
and for many teachers of state schools, monthly salaries do not cover their
daily needs. A teacher with nine years of service, for example, may earn
as little as the equivalent of US$22 a month.
Jakarta
teachers protest at palace for higher pay
Straits
Times - April 13, 2000
Jakarta
-- Hundreds of teachers, demanding a massive pay hike, demonstrated in
front of the presidential palace in central Jakarta yesterday in a third
day of protests.
Singing
songs, the protesters -- clad in teachers' batik uniforms -- demanded to
see Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri who was due to chair a Cabinet
meeting.
A delegation
from the teachers conveyed their demands to Ms Megawati inside the Merdeka
Palace while others protested outside. "Teachers: a general's rank but
a corporal's pay," said one of the posters they carried, while another
said "Smart pupils don't want to become teachers because teachers have
dismal salaries."
Ms
Megawati was handed a petition, carrying the teachers' demand for a 100
per cent salary rise and increases in their allowances and compensation
scheme. The petition, signed by the association's Jakarta chapter deputy
chairman Srifin Rusmana, also threatened strikes and mass disobedience
if the demands were ignored. President Abdurrahman Wahid is overseas on
a world tour.
The
demonstration followed similar action in several Indonesian cities over
the past week and came about two weeks after other civil servants had been
given significant pay increases. Many schools in Jakarta have been closed
since Monday because of the strike. Several teachers have said they would
boycott final student examinations to pressure the government to boost
their salaries.
Meanwhile,
the leaders of the House of Representatives have expressed sympathy for
poorly-paid teachers but stopped short of endorsing the strike. "Teachers
deserve a significant hike in their salaries because our children's futures
are in their hands," said House Speaker Akbar Tandjung on Tuesday. However,
he made no promises as to whether the House would push for an increase
within this fiscal year.
The
average salary of teachers in Indonesian state schools is 250,000 rupiah
(S$60) a month, less than the official minimum wage in Jakarta. The Association
of Indonesian Teachers has hailed the protests as the culmination of decades
of frustration.
Jakarta
teachers take to the streets for higher pay
Straits
Times - April 12, 2000
Jakarta
-- Thousands of teachers closed schools in at least five Indonesian cities
to protest a new government pay policy for senior civil servants and to
demand a 300 per cent increase in basic salaries and a 500 per cent increase
in allowances.
The
teachers -- from elementary, junior and senior high schools in Bogor and
Tangerang in West Java -- threatened to launch a massive three-day strike
starting tomorrow and boycott final exams if the government failed to meet
their demands.
The
rally at the Parliament building followed numerous strikes on Monday, which
were organised by local chapters of the Indonesian Teachers' Association
and the Committee for the Fight for Better Teachers' Prosperity.
Teachers
-- among the lowest paid of Indonesia's civil servants -- said the government's
policy of allowances and compensation for senior officials was unfair and
would cause tension.
Because
of the nature of the scheme, in which the increase vary according to position
and conditions, vast gaps in income have appeared between workers with
the same length of service and between senior and junior staff.
The
chairman of the committee which coordinated the rally, Mr Wildan, said
that while they respected government efforts to improve their welfare,
not enough was being done to alleviate their plight.
The
government has set aside Rp 8.6 trillion (S$2 billion) for the allowances
of nearly 6.5 million civil servants from this month. The allowances of
elementary, junior and senior high school teachers, lecturers and researchers
were recently raised by 100 per cent, 50 per cent and 30 per cent, respectively.
But
some teachers have complained that although their monthly allowance was
raised by 100 per cent, their monthly income will remain at no more than
Rp150,000. The teachers' monthly allowance rose from Rp 25,000 to Rp 50,000.
On
Monday, thousands of teachers refused to take classes from elementary to
senior high school in Karawang, 45 km east of here. In Bogor, West Java,
a massive strike was staged with nearly 7,000 teachers taking to the streets,
bringing school activities in the town to a complete standstill. Similar
action was held by hundreds of teachers in nearby Sukabumi, 60 km south
of Bogor.
Over
in Jayapura -- the main town in the Indonesian province of Irian Jaya --
about 200 local teachers, backed by the parents of some students, picketed
the provincial parliament. They called on the MPs to help them get a pay
raise, housing and transport facilities. "When is the fate of teachers
given any attention?" said one of their posters.
In
the Central Java town of Bantul, 1,000 teachers picketed the office of
the local district head who was presented with an undersized shirt to symbolise
what the small pay of teachers could afford.
Education
Minister Yahya Muhaimin has called on teachers to refrain going on strike.
"I ask teachers across the country not to carry out the threat because
it will affect students," he said.
Mr
Yahya, one of the few ministers who have openly opposed the rise in the
allowances of senior officials, said he was already discussing increasing
teachers' salaries.
Gudang
Garam suspends operation after strike
Jakarta
Post - April 12, 2000
Surabaya
-- Giant publicly listed clove cigarette producer PT Gudang Garam in Kediri,
some 125 kilometers southwest of here, suspended operations for five days
starting on Tuesday following a huge labor strike for better conditions.
Reports
said that a group of workers blocked delivery trucks from leaving the factory
compound on Tuesday morning. Others persuaded thousands of colleagues,
who were approaching the factory to start work, to join in the strike.
No clashes were reported at the factory.
Disgruntled
workers had staged a series of demonstrations since March 30 over arbitrary
actions by the management, workers said. The workers are demanding higher
salaries, changes in their status and transparency on the part of management.
The
protests were a prelude to Tuesday's strike, which was triggered by the
resignation of two drivers' assistants, Poniman and Suyanto. The two both
got Rp 12,000 extra when they resigned. This apparently offended the workers,
who thought it was severance pay. They then announced a strike to demonstrate
solidarity. The management, through its spokesman Mohammad Hasyim, said
the total of Rp 24,000 for Poniman and Suyanto was supposed to be leave
pay for days off in January and February, not severance pay.
Hasyim
also confirmed the suspension of the company's operations, saying that
according to a circular signed by the human resources development and general
affairs manager, the suspension was meant to avoid the situation from worsening,
which could affect both the workers and the general public. The letter
also said that during the five-day closure, casual workers would not get
any compensation. "They must reregister if they want to continue working
in the company," the letter said. The circular also said the strike was
against the law, but gave no detailed explanation.
According
to Hasyim, the management was still discussing the strike seriously, but
no deals had been reached with the workers. "As a publicly listed company,
all substantial policies must get approval from shareholders. Moreover,
some of the commissioners are abroad. A decision is expected to be issued
on April 17," he said. Hasyim was not available to answer questions relating
to how much the 42- year-old cigarette company would lose during the five
days.
Meanwhile,
Kediri Police chief Lt. Col. Ign. Soembodo said some 500 police officers
had been deployed to control the strikers. Additional police officers from
the nearby town of Tulungagung are included in the number. "Luckily there
has been no violence," he said. The management has strongly denied that
personal conflict within the Wonowidjojo family, who own the company, was
behind the strike.
Jakarta
averts transport shutdown
Straits
Times - April 11, 2000
Robert
Go, Jakarta -- Indonesia's government reached a preliminary agreement with
bus operators on fare increases and additional government subsidies --
averting a possible shut down of the capital's transportation system at
the eleventh hour.
The
actual quantum of the fare increase will be decided by the end of the week.
Fourteen privately-owned firms, operating over 6,000 of Jakarta's public-transport
vehicles and united under an umbrella association called Organda, threatened
to stop services yesterday should the government keep a freeze on ticket
prices which date back to before the economic crisis hit three years ago.
Organda
representative Aip Sjarifuddin confirmed that a late Sunday meeting with
city officials led to his organisation's consent to run at least partial
service for the day.
Mr
Aip also explained that city security officers had also warned of possible
rioting by the public and further disruption of the city's already fragile
economy and social stability should Organda members press ahead with their
strike plan.
After
a morning meeting yesterday with Organda representatives, Jakarta Governor
Sutiyoso said: "I urge the public to understand that a tariff increase
is unavoidable and will be effective as soon as the exact figures are negotiated.
"Organda has agreed to resume normal operations in the meantime, but with
a guarantee that there will be a tariff increase."
The
government, aiming to keep consumer costs down, has been supporting public
transportation in Jakarta for the last few years. The list of subsidised
costs includes terminal, vehicle registration and travel permit fees. But
Governor Sutiyoso stressed that fare increases will not be as high as the
100 per cent to 300 per cent range proposed by Organda.
He
also referred specifically to one Organda complaint -- that inflated spare
parts costs have forced mechanics to cannibalise almost 40 per cent of
their fleet for components to be used on roadworthy vehicles. On this point,
he conceded that the government would consider exemption of importation
taxes on four categories of spare parts including engine oil, brake pads,
tyres and transmission components.
But
in indicating that his negotiators would play hardball on the issues, he
pointed out that the government is losing millions of rupiah a year paying
the existing levels of subsidies.
Schools
close while teachers take to streets
Jakarta
Post - April 11, 2000
Bogor
-- Most state schools in Bogor and Sukabumi were closed on Monday as teachers
took to the streets to protest the government's pay policy in what was
seen as a prelude to a nationwide strike planned by teachers this week.
At
least 3,000 members of the local chapters of the Indonesian Teachers Union
(PGRI) marched from Sempur sport field to the Bogor legislative council
demanding a 300 percent hike in their salaries.
The
teachers from elementary, junior and senior high schools in Bogor and nearby
Sukabumi also demanded higher structural allowances, in line with the government's
decision to increase such allowances for top civil servants by up to 9,000
percent beginning in April. The spokesman for the group, Sahiri Hernawan,
said the teachers should not be treated like government workers. "Teachers
should be paid as teachers, not as civil servants .... Our salaries must
be managed under an educational paradigm, not the bureaucracy."
In
Bantul, near Yogyakarta, more than 1,000 elementary school teachers gathered
outside the regency office to demand a 100 percent increase in their salaries
and the cancellation of the hike in structural allowances for top government
employees. Taking part in the three-hour protest were teachers from Bantul
and nearby regencies, all from the local PGRI chapters.
Surtini,
a teacher at Pandansimo elementary school, said she and her husband could
barely make ends meet on their current salaries. "I've been teaching for
20 years and I only get Rp 536,000 (US$71) a month," she said. The authorities
in Bogor and Bantul promised the teachers they would raise their concerns
with the central government in Jakarta.
The
two protests were seen as a foretaste of things to come, as teachers have
threatened a nationwide strike from Thursday to Saturday to press their
demands. The threatened strike comes as schools are preparing their students
to take national final examinations scheduled for May.
The
government appealed to teachers on Monday to reconsider the strike, promising
to look into their demands. "I ask teachers across the country not to carry
out the threat because it will affect students," Minister of National Education
Yahya Muhaimin said on Monday.
Yahya
said he took the threat of a national strike seriously, but added that
the government had no plan to penalize striking teachers. "No, I will not
sanction them, but [I ask them to] please think of the students," he said.
Yahya broke ranks with President Abdurrahman Wahid, saying he did not support
the government's plan to increase structural allowances for top civil servants,
adding that the money would best be used to increase the salaries of teachers.
Coordinating
Minister for People's Welfare and Poverty Eradication Basri Hassanudin
said teachers should trust the government's political will to improve their
welfare. "There will be further discussions on raising teachers' salaries.
Please be patient and do not go on strike," he said.
Basri
said teachers already had been given a 100 percent increase in their functional
allowances, in addition to the 30 percent across-the-board increase in
civil servants' salaries beginning on April 1.
Although
the striking teachers on Monday used the PGRI banner, the union's leaders
in Jakarta denied the organization was behind the planned nationwide strike.
PGRI chairman Muhammad Surya told The Jakarta Post the union did not recommend
the strike and had asked teachers to air their concerns without abandoning
students.
He
said that teachers could, for example, prepare a package of work for students
to complete in class if they were going to be absent from school for several
days. "We asked them to stage protests that would not disrupt the learning
process. We only want to draw public attention to our condition. We have
no intention of harming students' interests," Surya said. Any call for
a strike came from organizations other than PGRI, he said without specifying
which organizations he was alluding to.
The
government has doubled the functional allowance for teachers to between
Rp 90,000 and Rp 140,000 a month, with the increase taking effect on April
1. "This 100 percent hike is very insignificant," Surya said, adding that
PGRI had already proposed to the government an increase in functional allowances
to between Rp 150,000 and Rp 900,000. "We only ask for better appreciation,
we don't intend to burden the government. Any improvement in our salaries
will benefit the general public because we are responsible for their children's
education," he said.
Judge's
verdict for sale?
Agence
France-Presse - April 14, 2000
Jakarta
-- Indonesia's Supreme Court was red-faced yesterday when newspapers splashed
the transcript of a tape recording in which one of its clerks could be
heard saying that a verdict was for sale to the highest bidder.
The
20-minute 1997 recording was released to the local press by lawyer Kamal
Firdaus in Jakarta on Wednesday in the presence of Supreme Court secretary-general
Pramono and several lawyers, the Kompas daily said. "I am hurt. This is
sickening, embarrassing and saddening for law enforcement in Indonesia,"
Mr Pramono said after listening to the taped conversation.
The
clerk, identified only as Mr Anhar, could be heard advising Mr Firdaus
by phone that it was not the amount that counted in winning his case, but
whether he offered more money to the court than his opponent. "If you give
us 50 million rupiah but your opponent gives us more, then the case will
be won by your opponent," Mr Anhar told Mr Firdaus in the taped phone conversation.
(The sum of 50 million rupiah amounted to US$20,830 at the time)
Mr
Anhar also told Mr Firdaus to "hurry up" and place money into a Bank Central
Asia account which he said was his wife's, if he wanted to speed up the
case which had dragged on for five years. Details of the case were not
revealed.
Mr
Pramono was quoted by the Indonesian Observer as saying the interrogation
of Mr Anhar had begun and the matter should be resolved within three weeks.
The
case, which Mr Firdaus said had been won by his client in 1998, came to
light as the government began selecting 22 new judges for the Supreme Court.
The government's nominees must be approved by the People's Consultative
Assembly, the country's highest legislative body, and intense lobbying
by political parties is underway.
Meanwhile,
the business weekly Warta Ekonomi charged yesterday that at least six commercial
court judges were in the practice of regularly "selling verdicts" in bankruptcy
cases. It said the commercial court, which was supposed to help rebuild
the credibility of the country's bankruptcy system, had produced judges
and lawyers willing to deal in judicial rulings.
A member
of the national commission for law, Mr Frans Hendra Winata, was quoted
as saying it was apparent that certain judges handed down verdicts regularly
in favour of certain lawyers. "If you look at ... the bankruptcy cases
that have been heard so far, you can see that cases involving particular
lawyers are often handled by the same judges ... and those lawyers always
win their cases," Mr Winata said. A lawyer, who declined to be named, told
the magazine that corrupt judges typically demanded a percentage of the
value of the case.
Jakarta
removes five district judges in legal cleanup
Straits
Times - April 12, 2000
Jakarta
-- Indonesia's government will remove the chiefs of all five district courts
in Jakarta and reassign almost 70 per cent of judges to other areas as
it mounts a campaign to clean up its much-criticised court system.
The
campaign starts in Jakarta, with an aim to replace the current judges with
the best recruits from remote areas," Justice Minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra
said. "The intention is to fulfil the public's demand to reform the court
system."
He
said he would consult the Supreme Court, the institution that supervises
judges, on the plan, which is also likely to affect seven out of every
10 judges in the capital.
Mr
Yusril said that further discussion with the Supreme Court had been scheduled
for next week. "We are also going to discuss the presence of 'ad hoc' judges
in the commercial court," Mr Yusril added.
Indonesia
has five types of courts: civil, military, state administrative, religious,
and commercial. "We have yet to make certain regulations for the commercial
court. We are trying to officially inaugurate the judges for the commercial
court on April 15," the minister said.
The
Supreme Court, in February, suggested that four individuals be appointed
as "ad hoc judges" but they have yet to be inaugurated. Attorney-General
Marzuki Darusman announced last week the the government was moving ahead
with the "ad hoc" judges concept as part of efforts to not only clear the
backlog of commercial and civil cases now awaiting trial -- but to also
improve the image of the legal system.
His
disclosure of the appointment appeared to be part of the government's strategy
to convince the global community that Jakarta was committed to instituting
reforms of the legal and court systems demanded by the International Monetary
Fund (IMF).
Under
the plan for "ad hoc" judges, the government will look to industry experts
or academics -- untainted by association with the previous government --
to serve on the bench.
The
capital's reform campaign is likely to affect seven out of every 10 judges
in Jakarta. Jakarta is considered the most lucrative area for postings
in the judicial system. Observers believe most Jakarta judges will resist
moves to other areas as it will affect their incomes.
US
wary of Indonesia's ties with China
Strathfor
Intelligence Updates - April 11, 2000
The
Indonesian air force announced plans to ask China to provide and help maintain
aircraft and weaponry, reported Agence France- Presse April 10. In particular,
Jakarta lacks adequate radar and navigation equipment.
Officials
cited the need to fill the supply vacuum created by US suspension of military
cooperation after the violence following East Timor's September 1999 independence
referendum.
On
the surface, it appears that US refusal to reinstate military ties is self-defeating,
rapidly pushing Indonesia closer to China and other Asian allies. Yet going
deeper, the apparent US inflexibility toward the current Indonesian regime
may in fact be a reaction to what US officials consider a fundamental element
of Wahid's strategy: a realignment of Indonesia away from the West and
toward China. Rather than attempt to woo Wahid and strengthen his position,
Washington may prefer to facilitate a transition in power.
Washington's
reluctance to reinstate military ties with Indonesia appears, at first
glance, inexplicable. Wahid's policy with regards to domestic affairs has
been everything US officials have wanted. Indonesia's president has cracked
down on the military, sought a peaceful resolution to separatism in Aceh
and held his country together when every indicator suggested sudden and
violent disintegration.
The
source of US hesitation likely lies not in Wahid's domestic policy, but
in his foreign policy. Since he came into office, he has sought closer
ties with China. His first official state visit was to Beijing, where he
promised President Jiang Zemin that his government would strive to guarantee
equal rights to Chinese- Indonesians, who were the target of riots in 1998.
In recent weeks, he has discussed plans to lift the country's ban on communism,
likely in an attempt to facilitate close relations with China. Moreover,
the president has conspicuously avoided the United States and Australia
in his search for aid and investment. He has also aligned closely with
Malaysia, which has a strong anti-US and pro-Russia and China orientation.
Today's
announcement from the Indonesian air force may conflict with the US agenda
in more ways than one. Through military cooperation with China, Indonesia
will become more independent from the United States. As well, it may enable
Wahid to purchase military equipment from Israel, which has so far shirked
US pressure to discontinue lucrative arms sales to China. Israel does bustling
trade with Beijing, particularly in the field of avionics. Beijing could
easily act as go between, allowing Wahid to trade with Israel without incurring
the wrath of his political opposition and that of the public, which is
80 percent Muslim.
Historically,
the United States has not taken well to pro-China Indonesian leaders. In
the 1960s, President Sukarno appeared to lean toward communism, anti-Westernism
and a Chinese alliance. The CIA reportedly supplied lists of Indonesian
Communist Party members to Gen. Suharto, aiding him substantially in his
bloody overthrow of Sukarno. Suharto's regime, while autocratic and repressive,
ushered in a long era of alignment with the United States. Yet with the
collapse of Russia, the United States abandoned Suharto's regime; his corruption
and violation of democratic and human rights began to outweigh his value
as a pro-US bastion in the region. Now Russia and China are reestablishing
old ties in the region, and old US priorities are resurfacing.
To
the US government, Indonesia's alignment may once again appear in flux.
The failure to reinstate military ties would be part and parcel of this
anxiety. On the one hand, the Clinton administration may be afraid to cash
in its major bargaining chip when it looks as though it may fail to win
Wahid's loyalty.
On
the other hand, the administration may be hoping that internal politics
will either force Wahid to reconsider, or force him out of office entirely.
While the president now enjoys fairly solid support, his Muslim opposition
has recently risen in popularity. These parties concur with the US agenda
on two main points: They tend to be anti-Chinese and anti-Israeli.
Muslim
parties like Assembly Speaker Amien Rais' National Mandate Party (PAN)
have attacked Wahid's attempts to establish trade and diplomatic links
with Israel.
More
recently, they have decried his controversial plans to lift the ban on
communism in order to gain more support. Rais, long Wahid's rival for power,
has led the criticism. On April 7, 5,000 demonstrators rallied in Jakarta
against the plan. If the Muslim parties continue to successfully foment
such opposition, they can easily link the communism issue to Wahid's engagement
of China in order to rile up more support.
At
this point, Washington is likely still deciding which constitutes the safer
bet: Wahid or his competition. The decision is not nearly as clean-cut
at it was in 1965.
Given
the political winds blowing in Asia, a new government could be just as
wary of the United States as is Wahid. More significantly, supporting Wahid's
less-moderate Muslim competition could deliver the country into the hands
of extremism. In coming months, Washington will be watching Wahid's opposition
very carefully, hoping to ascertain their attitude toward the United States
and toward Indonesia's alignment.
Gus
Dur's plane not allowed to refuel in US
Straits
Times - April 16, 2000
Jakarta
-- The United States prevented Indonesia's presidential airplane carrying
President Abdurrahman Wahid and his entourage from making a refueling stop
in the country, forcing the plane to make a stop-over in Canada, the Indonesian
Observer reported yesterday.
"There
was this prohibition ... by the US government, but everything is OK. The
President moves on with his trip," Communication Minister Agum Gumelar
was quoted as saying by Antara news agency on Friday.
According
to the Observer, an official from Garuda Indonesia said the aircraft went
on to Vancouver for the refueling stop. "When the plane was told not to
land, the pilots contacted the nearest airports. It finally managed to
refuel in Vancouver. It is back to normal now," Garuda spokesman Pudjobroto
said.
"Better
still, the President can save some time by making the stop in Canada because
it is closer to Japan," he added. The newspaper did not say at which airport
the plane was prevented from landing.
A day
earlier, Mr Abdurrahman, better known as Gus Dur, said on the sidelines
of the G-77 Summit in Havana that Washington had tried to prevent him from
visiting Cuba.
The
Observer quoted him as saying that senior US State Department official
Tom Pickering had asked him not to visit five non-US allies: Cuba, Libya,
Iran, Iraq, and North Korea. But he added: "We are not a lackey of US.
We are free to go anywhere. If we didn't go to Cuba, it would be clear
that we are colonised by the US."
Jihad
force agrees to leave training camp
Agence
France-Presse - April 14, 2000
Jakarta
-- A group of 3,000 militant Muslims preparing for a holy war against Christians
in the strife-torn Maluku islands has agreed to leave a training camp near
the Indonesian capital by Sunday and surrender their weapons, police and
a group leader said Friday.
"The
Laskar Jihad (Jihad Force) has agreed to leave the location on April 16
at the latest and to surrender their weapons," Marwan, an officer at the
Bogor regional police, told AFP.
Marwan
said the agreement to vacate the Kayumanis "Cinnamon Tree" camp in the
hills near Bogor some 50 kilometers south of Jakarta was reached at a meeting
on Thursday between group leader Jaffar Umar Thalib and Bogor police chief
Colonel Edi Darnadi at the latter's office. He declined to give further
details of the agreement.
Hilal
Thalib, the chairman of Al Irsad Foundation, whose land was used for military-style
training by the jihad group, the Ahlusunnah wal Jama'ah Forum, said the
volunteers were preparing to leave the area. "We are preparing everything.
In fact the training participants are not Bogor residents," Hilal told
AFP.
The
training camp, which the group says drew volunteers from all Indonesian
provinces -- except easternmost Irian Jaya which is predominantly Christian
-- had been scheduled to end on April 16, Hilal said. "That's the schedule.
As soon as it ends, they will go to their respective hometowns," he said.
But
he warned that the group would remain active, was preparing "a surprise"
and would continue to fight against "communism and Zionism". "We call on
Muslims to continue to fight against communists and Zionists with their
material and physical strength," he said. "The two powers are plotting
to undermine Islam and the ban on our activity is part of that plot," he
added.
"Why
don't the authorities act against Forkot who often use Molotov coctails
in their demonstrations?" he said of a radical student group which has
staged demonstrations demanding that former president Suharto be tried
for corruption.
Police
on Thursday ordered the closure the jihad group's camp and threatened to
use force if they failed to do so. Police said residents around Kayumanis
were living in fear as members of the jihad force were going around armed
with sharp weapons, the waters of a local river had become polluted with
the presence of thousands of men at the camp, and the forces were barricading
a village road.
Local
press reports said 3,150 people were training in a seven- hectare field
in a valley in the hill area. The group announced on April 6 that the force
planned to send up to 10,000 Muslim volunteers to the Malukus to break
what they called a "Christian rebellion" in the islands.
Thalib,
during two armed shows of force in Jakarta -- one at the presidential palace
and the other at parliament -- also threatened to divert the fight against
Christians to Java island if the government thwarted his plans.
The
sectarian violence originated in Ambon, the capital of the Malukus, in
January 1999, and was sparked by a trivial dispute between a local Christian
driver and a Muslim.
The
brawl quickly degenerated into open clashes between Christians and Muslims
and within weeks had spread to other islands, leaving thousands from both
religions dead, and forcing tens of thousands of others to flee.
Syarwan
Hamid implicated in PDI HQ takeover
Indonesian
Observer - April 11, 2000
Jakarta
-- Ex-chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) Soerjadi disclosed
yesterday that Lieutenant General (ret.) Syarwan Hamid played a pivotal
role in the 1996 hostile takeover of PDI headquarters, paving the way for
a thorough investigation into the involvement of the government and military
in the melee.
"Syarwan
Hamid took part in a series of secret meetings in the Regent Hotel on June
26, 1996, in BPD Plaza, and in Cibubur on July 23. A meeting also took
place in his office. All of them [the meetings] discussed plans to take
over PDI headquarters," Paskalis Pieter, Soerjadi' lawyer, told the press
on the sidelines of Soerjadi's interrogation at Police Headquarters here.
Soerjadi
was grilled yesterday over his role in the hostile takeover of PDI headquarters
on Jalan Dipo-negoro in Central Jakarta on July 27, 1996. A government-backed,
controversial party congress in early 1996 appointed Soerjadi as PDI chairman.
He took over the position from the legitimate chairperson, Megawati Soe-karno-putri,
who is currently the Vice President of Indonesia.
Megawati's
staunch backers, however, did not recognize Soerjadi's leadership and refused
to leave the headquarters. On July 27, Soerjadi's "Mr. Fix It", Buttu Hutapea,
spearheaded a massive attack on the headquarters. He led hundreds of hired
thugs backed by military personnel. The violence triggered a massive riot.
At the time, Syarwan was the Chief of Military Sociopolitical Affairs.
Following
the ouster of Soeharto in May 1998, Megawati and her new political party,
called the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), moved ahead
to emerge as the 1999 poll winner.
"The
police are still hesitant to probe high-ranking military officials accused
of masterminding the takeover," Pieter said. Soerjadi and Huta-pea, however,
have been named suspects in the case. "Other top military officers allegedly
involved in the fracas include General (ret.) Feisal Tanjung who was the
Military Commander at the time, and Major General Sutiyoso who was then
the Jakarta Mlitary Chief. Sutiyoso is currently serving as city governor
of Jakarta.
"Their
names are mentioned in the dossier on the case. However, they haven't been
summoned," Pieter said.
Initially,
Soerjadi's group planned to negotiate with Megawati's supporters, Pieter
stated. "Suddenly, there were people everywhere, surrounding the head-quarters
-- and violence broke out," he said. "Therefore, I'm of the opinion that
this cannot be blamed solely on Soerjadi and his team," he added.
Jakarta
Police Colonels Makbul Patmanegara and Hasikin Husein questioned Soerjadi
about the secret meetings between him and scores of PDI and military officials.
Police spokesman Brigadier General Dadang Garnida said yesterday in Bandung,
West Java, that his office "is now well-prepared to summon a number of
military officers including several generals" over the July 27 case. "The
Police will summon a score of military officers, from the lower to higher
ranks," Garnida said.
Tackling
Indonesian corruption head on
Australian
Financial Review - April 14, 2000
Tim
Dodd, Jakarta -- While President Abdurrahman Wahid hogs the headlines as
leader of the country's reform effort, his Attorney General, Mr Marzuki
Darusman, is the one sweating in the engine room dealing with the crises.
He
is the key minister in every one of the major changes the Wahid Government
is trying to make. Whether it is the prosecution of Mr Soeharto, justice
for victims of the former president's human rights abuses, eliminating
official corruption, investigating Indonesia's role in East Timor or removing
the army from politics, the point man is Mr Darusman.
He
is even bearing the major load for reviving Indonesia's wrecked economy,
where the prospects for recovery are being destroyed by the inability of
the corrupt court system to make insolvent companies bankrupt. This means
the assets of failed banks, now held by the Government, cannot be liquidated
to help pay for the recapitalisation of the banking system.
His
job is herculean, and it starts in his own department, corrupted through
and through during Mr Soeharto's 32-year rule. "I've already moved 80-plus
people," he told The Australian Financial Review this week. He plans to
make more changes and said he would overhaul his top executives this month
before moving on to build a new system for recruitment, promotion and advancement
of his legal staff.
Mr
Darusman is in some ways an unlikely reformer because he comes from the
Golkar party, the political vehicle created by former President Soeharto
to keep himself in power. But he has long been a staunch advocate of democracy
and human rights. In 1992 he lost his parliamentary seat due to his outspokenness.
But he was a dissident who was difficult to ignore and, the following year,
President Soeharto appointed him vice-chairman of the new Human Rights
Commission, which gave him a political platform. Meanwhile he stayed in
Golkar and became deputy party chairman during the Habibie era.
Now,
as Attorney-General, his reform agenda is never ending. This week he imposed
a city arrest on former President Soeharto, preventing him from travelling
outside the Jakarta area while the investigation into his corruption proceeds.
Mr
Darusman also said his proposed new 25-member anti-corruption committee
would be formed this weekend with a priority to "tackle corruption cases
within the court system".
It
will also have a mandate to take on cases in other tough areas including
"white collar crime, banking fraud and electronic crime" and next year
will be expanded into a permanent Independent Commission Against Corruption.
Then
he plans to continue his shake-up of the court system by bringing in more
"ad hoc" judges, who are supposed to break the cycle of corruption entrenched
in the existing judiciary.
But
it is difficult to find people willing to do the job. "It turns out that
some of them are hesitant to have themselves appointed because of ... the
risk that they will have to face possible bribes. If they try to reject
that then they feel there is further risk ... which could even include
personal consequences," he said.
Mr
Darusman said he personally favoured a controversial proposal, not yet
adopted by the Government, to bring in foreign judges temporarily to obtain
clean decisions from the courts. "It would have to be a last resort. But
one has to consider every option," he said.
Mr
Darusman will also soon be setting up new system to officially uncover
the truth about past human rights abuses in Indonesia. He faces a difficult
decision over how to decide which offenders will be spared punishment in
return for testifying, and which will be prosecuted and sentenced.
The
new system is expected to be based on South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation
Commission and Mr Darusman said it would be a "two-track" process. The
commission would deal with less serious cases while "gross violations"
would go before a new Human Rights Tribunal and be sentenced. But how will
it be decided which "track" a case takes? Mr Darusman said he viewed favourably
a two-year period for suspects to confess and receive amnesty.
Five
months after his appointment as Attorney-General, Mr Darusman has chalked
up a few wins. His inquiry into the role of former army chief General Wiranto
in the destruction of East Timor provided President Wahid with the excuse
to stand the general down.
And
this week there were signs that the court system could deliver sound judgements.
On Wednesday the Supreme Court in Jakarta overturned two decisions of lower
courts which were damaging investor confidence in Indonesia.
It
reinstated charges against one of the key suspects in the Bank Bali scandal,
Mr Djoko Tjandra, dropped by a lower court last month. Mr Djoko's company,
linked to friends of former President B.J. Habibie, last year siphoned
off $130 million of government funds intended to recapitalise Bank Bali.
And it reversed a decisionby a district court to immediately shut down
a gold mine owned by a US company in dispute with the local government
over a tax issue. But these are only small steps forward. Mr Darusman has
a long way to go.
Suharto
grounded for six months
South
China Morning Post - April 13, 2000 (abridged)
Associated
Press, Jakarta -- Worried that ex-president Suharto might try to escape
prosecution for massive corruption, state investigators yesterday barred
the former dictator from leaving Indonesia for six months.
Chaerul
Imam, a government lawyer who is heading the probe against the 78-year-old,
said he had received reports Mr Suharto's wealthy children had been planning
to get him out of the country. "Based on these reports, we imposed the
ban," he told reporters.
Mr
Suharto's defence lawyer, Juan Felix Tampubolon, denied his client, who
claims he is too sick to face interrogation after suffering two strokes,
planned to skip the nation that he had ruled for 32 years. "Suharto does
not want go abroad. He wants to die in Indonesia," Mr Tampubolon said.
Earlier, officials from the Attorney-General's Office said Mr Suharto had
been placed under "city arrest" -- a legal procedure that would prevent
him from leaving the capital. Attorney-General Marzuki Darusman declined
to comment on the move, which appears designed to pressure Mr Suharto to
co-operate with the probe.
Other
members of Mr Suharto's defence team gave conflicting information on Wednesday
night. Privately owned SCTV television quoted one Suharto lawyer, Denny
Kailimang, as saying he had received a fax from the Attorney-General's
Office telling him of the travel ban.
Another
Suharto counsel, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said three prosecutors
tried to deliver a letter to Mr Suharto's home on Wednesday notifying him
of the city arrest, but were turned away by aides and relatives.
Red-light
area a new focus of democracy
Sydney
Morning Herald - April 12, 2000
This
city in the West Java hills is home to Indonesia's state phone company,
a moribund aircraft project and the country's best-known technical school.
But it is the local brothel district that has everyone's attention.
A honeycomb
of alleys, hovels and open drains, the unsavoury neighbourhood has become
a playing field for the new national sport -- democracy. It has already
produced a star player: a turbaned, youthful Muslim cleric by the unlikely
name of Abdullah Gymnastiar.
Participatory
politics is in its infancy in Indonesia, but Mr Gymnastiar may be a fair
reflection of how it is evolving. He holds no position and has never run
for office. He is not affiliated with any of the political parties that
have sprouted in the two years since former president Soeharto's downfall.
His primary activity is running business management seminars steeped in
Islamic teachings.
But
Mr Gymnastiar, 37, has crafted a formidable power base, mobilising thousands
of university-educated youths through his homespun mix of management-guru
philosophy and religion. He has succeeded where other moral crusaders have
failed: he has closed down much of the city's gambling and narcotics business.
Mr Gymnastiar and his white-robed followers want to wipe out Saritem, a
red-light district in Bandung's Chinatown.
Their
campaign shows how politics -- elitist and highly centralised during Mr
Soeharto's 30-year rule -- is fragmenting, allowing individuals to build
support by tapping into local issues, including sensitive ethnic and religious
ones.
On
the surface, movements such as Mr Gymnastiar's are not overtly political.
Largely Muslim Indonesia has always been prone to occasional outbursts
of moral anger. But the ethnically and religiously diverse country is officially
a secular state and a substantial segment of moderate Muslims opposes the
socially conservative versions of Islam prevailing in, say, Saudi Arabia
or Iran.
Although
gambling, prostitution and drug-taking have long been illegal, law enforcement
has been lax. Protected behind a wall of corruption, such pursuits have
quietly thrived. The economic crisis of the past two years has only fed
the business.
But
as Indonesia opens up, the line between political and moral issues is blurring.
Outbreaks of vigilante violence in the name of Islam are increasingly common.
Such incidents have occurred in Indonesia in the past. But since Mr Wahid
took office in October they have steadily increased.
It
is not clear how such outbursts may influence future national politics.
In Jakarta, would-be political barons still play by the old, elitist rules.
But at the local level, politics already is starting to look different
in many parts of Indonesia. About 10 district chiefs have been fired by
new local parliaments.
The
result is room for new power-brokers like Mr Gymnastiar, who declares a
clear goal which goes beyond ridding Java's third- largest city of sin.
"I need to make Bandung an example of what Indonesia could be," he said.
"If Bandung is a clean city, then others could follow."
Since
he began his campaign in December, Saritem has become a ghetto under siege.
Slung across its main entrance for the past two months has been a banner
warning of drastic action if the prostitutes and pimps do not quit: "Let's
struggle until the wickedness disappears," it reads. Business in the area
is down by half, says Hasan, a pimp.
The
campaign has already helped change how Bandung is run. Local generals have
quietly backed Mr Gymnastiar's effort, withdrawing their protection from
gambling and prostitution rackets.
Many
of Mr Gymnastiar's followers have attended training courses organised by
the local military academy -- a sign the once -- powerful military is looking
for new, cleaner allies. Indeed, Mr Gymnastiar was recently invited to
lecture 1,500 local soldiers on regaining public trust. "You cannot buy
the hearts of the people with your muscles," he told them. "Many of the
officers cried," Mr Gymnastiar recalled.
Officials
not known for their speed are busy drawing up plans to replace the red-light
district with a mosque, an Islamic boarding school and a car park.
Jihad
trainees beat up reporters visiting camp
Agence
France-Presse - April 9, 2000
Jakarta
-- Three Indonesian journalists, including an AFP reporter, were beaten
up by youths taking jihad (holy war) training at a camp 50 kilometers south
of here Sunday.
The
three journalists -- the AFP correspondent, a reporter of the BBC's Indonesian
service and a freelance photographer -- were beaten and kicked after they
had entered the training camp from the back gate, the AFP reporter said.
"We
were asking our way to the main post to seek permission to look around
in the camp when several youths fell on us and started beating us up,"
the reporter said. The journalists were then interrogated for hours before
finally being taken to the local police station.
The
camp, in a valley in the Kayumanis village in Tanah Sareal sub-district
of West Java, is a site for training Muslim volunteers fighting in the
strife-torn Maluku islands where clashes with Christians have been going
on since January last year. Other journalists trying to approach the site
from the main entrance were threatened with machetes and told to go away,
an AFP photographer said.
The
camp, set up on seven hectares of land belonging to a Muslim foundation,
is only accessible by foot three kilometers from the hill town of Bogor.
Witnesses
watching the activities of the camp from the outside in the morning said
the participants were practising martial arts using machetes and swords.
The
Jakarta Post daily on Saturday quoted a member of the camp's "special guard"
as saying 3,150 people were taking part in the first phase of the program
which started April 6. The guard said phase one will end on April 16 and
the group will leave on April 23 for Ambon, capital of Maluku province
where Muslim- Christian violence has claimed more than 3,000 lives in the
past year.
The
Jihad training camp is organized by a radical Muslim group, which calls
itself the Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah Forum. Group commander Jaffar Umar
Thalib announced the jihad plan in a mass rally attended by some 10,000
people in the capital on Thursday. He was quoted by the Post as saying
some of the trainers in the Kayumanis camp had "experience in Afghanistan,
Bosnia and Moro" in the southern Philippines.
Indonesian
President Abdurrahman Wahid, a moderate Muslim scholar, reportedly lost
his temper when the group visited him after the rally on Thursday. Wahid
told journalists that should the group go ahead with their plans, they
would face "stern action" by the country's security forces.
In
Thursday's rally, Forum speakers in fiery speeches said the number of youths
who had signed up for the jihad had reached 10,000. Their aim was to break
what they called the "Christian rebellion" in the islands.
The
sectarian violence originated in Ambon, the capital of the Malukus, in
January 1999, and was sparked by a trivial dispute between a local Christian
driver and a Muslim. The brawl quickly degenerated into open clashes between
Christians and Muslims and within weeks had spread to the other islands
in the Malukus. More than 80 percent of Indonesia's 210 million people
follow Islam, making it one of the world's largest Muslim-populated nations.
Lynch
mobs, gangs rule Jakarta streets
South
China Morning Post - April 10, 2000
Vaudine
England, Jakarta -- Lynchings of suspected thieves and violent eruptions
of long-running neighbourhood disputes have claimed at least 30 lives in
and around Jakarta this year in a sign of growing disrespect for the law.
A recent,
typical example was that of 26-year-old Hermansyah, who was burned alive
by angry residents of Poris in Tangerang, on the outskirts of Jakarta.
Hermansyah was seen with two other men running away with a motorcycle.
"Some of the residents screamed 'Thief! Thief!' Hundreds of people ran
after the men ... two escaped, but one was burned to death," police spokesman
Lieutenant-Colonel Zainuri Lubis said. The victim was badly beaten and
then, as he lay on the ground, residents doused him in petrol and watched
him burn alive.
An
endemic conflict rages between gangs living either side of a major road
in Jakarta. The Berlan gang and Palmeriam gang, separated by Jalan Matraman
Raya, frequently clash in armed street battles, damaging shops and houses.
"We
are angry with everyone -- the Government, the Palmeriam gang, and anyone
who supports our enemies," said Bes, a youth from Berlan, explaining a
conflict that has continued, off and on, since the 1970s.
Eko,
another Berlan youth, said: "If locals hear bells ringing and power poles
being beaten non-stop, they will know it's time to come out of their houses
equipped with machetes, swords, knives and iron bars, ready to fight."
The investigation into the March 5 assassination attempt on Matori Abdul
Djalil, head of the National Awakening Party, was foiled by the coincidental
beating and burning to death of the suspect. Angry motorcycle-taxi drivers
allegedly lynched the man, identified as Tarmo, for not paying for his
ride, saying they were unaware he was suspected of shooting Djalil.
"We
have yet to find a way of controlling the increase in vigilantism here,"
said Colonel Zainuri. "We have repeatedly told them, via the media, that
they can only arrest the thieves and then hand them over to the police
immediately. But they don't listen."
Reasons
for the violence are not hard to find. About half the capital's 10 million
people are homeless, millions are unemployed and those hit hardest are
often young men with little better to do than hang out on street corners
waiting for something to happen. In addition to gross disparities in wealth,
the standard of police work is shockingly low, not only because of pervasive
bribery but also the lack of training, equipment and detection skills.
'Laskar
Jihad' worry Bogor residents
Jakarta
Post - April 10, 2000
Bogor
-- Residents of the otherwise peaceful Munjul village of Kayumanis in the
Tanah Sareal district expressed on Sunday their deep concern and fear over
the presence of the military-style training camp of the Laskar Jihad (Jihad
Army).
The
army has been giving training there since April 6 to some 3,150 male Muslim
youths who are taking part in the first phase of a program which will end
on April 16. The youths are scheduled to leave for Ambon on April 23.
"These
men came on Thursday [April 6] and set a camp on the seven-hectare field,
which is in this neighborhood unit. They go around in military pants, some
go around holding swords and daggers ... we are scared," said the wife
of Botong, chief of RT (neighborhood unit) 006 of neighborhood community
(RW) 05.
The
camp is located on a field owned by the Al Irsad foundation, in the midst
of a thick forest area in the 006 neighborhood unit. It is filled with
some 300 pink and blue colored tents, which stand on bamboo, cut off from
the abundant bamboo trees at the field.
"They
don't say anything to us, but they really scare us. They all wear white
Muslim garb and turbans ... but underneath it we can see the military-style
pants and combat boots. Why have they come here?" A housewife, Iin, said
the men were very particular about training.
"By
dawn, they are already up and running ... they run in thousands, past the
Kayumanis Military Subdistrict Command (Koramil) and further. By 10am.
or 11am. they are back. They train again at their camp and go running again
at about 2pm," Iin told The Jakarta Post. "Nobody is allowed to enter their
camp, except for Botong, and kids. Women are just forbidden to enter."
When the Post tried heading for the camp, which had a green flag with Laskar
Jihad Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah written on it attached at the entry gate,
they were stopped. "Can't you read the sign: 'Reporters Not Allowed'?"
one member said.
The
Post heard commanders of the camp gathering their members, mostly holding
sticks, swords and white flags with huge black crosses on them, to assemble
at the open field.
Speaking
via megaphones, the Post heard: "Batalyon Enam ... disini ... Batalyon
Tujuh ... kesini (Battalion Six ... here... Battalion Seven ... here)."
The Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah Forum has planned to send 3,000 men to Maluku
at the end of April, commander Jaffar Umar Thalib said.
Chairman
Ayip Syafruddin said the group hoped to send 10,000 people to Maluku eventually.
The volunteers are being trained at the camp by men with experience in
the Afghanistan, Bosnia and Moro (Philippines) wars, Ayip said.
According
to a police source, the "holy men" were probably not only being trained
by men with experience in the Afghanistan, Bosnia and Moro (Philippines)
wars, but were also sent to Moro and other countries, for training.
The
group's activities have drawn concern of the National Awakening Party (PKB).
Chairman of PKB faction at the House of Representatives Taufiqurrahman
Saleh called on the police to disband the camp and seize their weapons.
"Instead of helping solve the problem [sectarian violence in Maluku], they
would only terrify people. They would also frighten off foreign investors,"
Taufiqurrahman told the Post.
He
said the police should have confiscated the swords and machetes carried
by demonstrators during a rally outside the presidential palace on Friday.
He believed the vast rally was funded by people who have their own political
agendas, including undermining the legitimate government of President Abdurrahman
Wahid.
Chairman
of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Muslim Organization Hasyim Muzadi indicated
that certain people or groups funded the jihad group. "I suspect that a
'company' with huge funds and certain political interests is providing
financial aid to the group," Hasyim, who recently replaced President Abdurrahman
as NU chairman, said as quoted by Antara.
He
regretted the police's failure to arrest the leaders of the demonstrators
although many of them carried swords and machetes, during the rally on
Friday. He said NU had from the outset opposed the idea of a holy war in
Maluku to defend Muslims, saying that it would create other problems.
House
Speaker Akbar Tandjung has also asked the jihad group to cancel its plan
to send "trained warriors" to Maluku, saying that it would create bigger
problems.
The
group's chairman, Ayip Syafruddin, announced on Friday that some 3,000
volunteers were being trained in a camp in the Kayumanis area in Bogor.
Ayip said the volunteers, who were being trained by men with combat experience,
would be shipped to Maluku later this month.
Separately,
a Tablig Akbar (Mass gathering) of around 2,000 people in Surakarta was
held on Sunday, in a bid to show resistance towards President Abdurrahman
Wahid's proposal to lift the ban on communism. The gathering, held at Wisma
Bathari, was attended by chairman of the Indonesian Committee for World
Muslim Solidarity (KISDI) Ahmad Sumargono, poet Taufik Ismail and Husein
Umar of the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII) Muslim organization.
Bakorstanas
officially dissolved
Jakarta
Post - April 11, 2000
Jakarta
-- The majority of the archives compiled by the much- feared Agency for
the Coordination of Support for the Development of National Stability (Bakorstanas)
will be destroyed following the official dissolution of the agency on Monday.
"The
larger part of Bakorstanas' database is related to persons and groups.
This [information] will be annihilated because it is no longer needed,"
Lt. Gen. Djamari Chaniago, general affairs chief for the Indonesian Military
(TNI), said following a ceremony marking the agency's dissolution at TNI
Headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta. Djamari said the archives would
be destroyed soon, but he did not name a specific date.
Bakorstanas
was established by former president Soeharto in September 1988 to replace
the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order. The
agency was founded to deal with any perceived problems to the country's
stability. The agency screened prospective state officials and also was
reportedly used by Soeharto's New Order administration to silence government
critics and take action against anyone believed to have links with the
banned Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). President Abdurrahman Wahid recently
ordered the dissolution of the agency in response to public criticism.
Djamari,
who is a former secretary of Bakorstanas, said TNI was seeking new positions
for hundreds of TNI personnel from the agency. "TNI is considering providing
them with new jobs, although only some of them can be accommodated in the
Army," he said.
TNI
Commander Adm. Widodo A.S., who presided over the ceremony at the military
headquarters, refused to comment on the decision to disband the agency.
"All matters regarding stability will no longer fall under Bakorstanas'
auspices. It is no longer compatible with the reform era," he said.
Jakarta
forced to ship Hawk fighters
Agence
France-Presse - April 10, 2000
Jakarta
-- The Indonesian armed forces have been forced to take delivery of six
British Hawk-200 fighter planes by ship, because vital navigation and communications
equipment was blocked by a US arms embargo.
"Three
of the six planes have already been transported from Britain last week,"
the head of the Indonesian air force base in Pontianak, West Kalimantan,
Colonel Drajat Raharjo said, according to the Kompas daily on Saturday.
"They
are expected to arrive in Pontianak end of April," he said, adding that
the other three were currently being dismantled and packed into containers.
They would be shipped to Pontianak next month. The decision to send the
planes by sea had been taken after the US refused to sell radar, navigational
and communication equipment, and power generator controller units for the
fighters.
The
US imposed an embargo on military equipment sales to Indonesia following
the post-ballot violence in East Timor last year. Col Raharjo said that
technicians from the British producer of the fighters would be on hand
to assemble the fighters on site when the shipments arrived.
The
air force would also cannibalise some of the missing components from other
planes for temporary use on the new fighters. "But, if the US maintains
its stance, then we will buy the four important components from other countries,"
he said, adding: "There are still many other countries capable of producing
those components and the only question is our financial capability."
Jakarta
bought the British-made Hawks as part of its efforts to diversify its sources
of arms and reduce dependence on the US. Indonesia's dependence was most
evident in its air force, which relied on US-made F-16s as its backbone.
Australian
activists fined
Canberra
Times - April 14, 2000
David
McLennan -- Despite the "admirable commitment" of four East Timor independence
activists to a "compelling cause", their actions during a protest at Parliament
House were illegal, Magistrate Karen Fryar said yesterday. Former United
Nations volunteer in East Timor Gareth William Robert Smith was found guilty
of trespassing and damaging Commonwealth property, and Mark William Gwynneth,
Robert Samsa and Charlo David Grech were each found guilty of trespassing.
The
charges related to an incident on September 10 when the men made their
way to the roof of the great veranda of Parliament House. They hung a protest
banner on the coat of arms.
Smith
had told the court that while there, he had seen school children in the
foyer who reminded him of children he had left behind in East Timor and,
"he then decided that he wanted to do something outrageous to match the
outrageous situation in East Timor and to get maximum publicity". He remembered
a can of spray paint in his backpack, and used it to paint the words "Shame
Australia shame" on the building. Magistrate Fryar said there was "no reason
to question the integrity of the defendants" but they should have acted
within the law.
"Their
concern and anguish at the plight of the East Timorese people following
the referendum in August last year was, I have no doubt, genuine and indeed,
understandable," she said. "Their commitment to their cause to support
the East Timorese people in their quest for independence is even admirable.
But they must pursue that cause within the law.
"We
can all agree that the cause they were supporting was most compelling and
clearly the defendants felt that the steps they took were morally justified.
However, the courts and the community cannot condone breaches of the law."
Divisions
seen hampering reforms
Business
Times - April 14, 2000
Political
divisions within the Indonesian cabinet and a lack of political support
for agencies charged with implementing financial reforms are hampering
changes in the financial sector, the World Bank said.
"The
cabinet's difficulty in building an internal consensus and providing the
political will to support the agencies tasked with financial sector reform
reinforces concerns that differing political interests may hamper progress
in the financial sector reform programme," it said in its macroeconomic
update. It said while several steps such as the recapitalisation of Bank
Mandiri and trading of bank recapitalisation bonds were encouraging, the
challenges remain "daunting".
Jakarta
to go ahead with VAT in Batam
Straits
Times - April 15, 2000
Derwin
Pereira, Jakarta -- The Indonesian government, brushing aside the threat
of foreign investors pulling out from Batam, said yesterday it would go
ahead with plans to impose a value- added tax (VAT) in the once tax-free-haven.
But
in making the announcement, Trade and Industry Minister Jusuf Kalla said
that given the possibility of social unrest, Jakarta would apply the 10
per cent VAT gradually and selectively over a three-month period. It will
come into force fully only in July. "The government needs time to make
this palatable," he said. "But we won't cancel it."
Mr
Jusuf, who was standing in for Finance Minister Bambang Sudibyo who is
overseas, said Indonesia had to apply the same rules to the industrial
island as it did in other regions. "We have to be fair across the board,"
he said. "We cannot give special privileges to Batam, which has the highest
per capita income in Indonesia, and ignore the fact that taxes are applied
in our other islands and industrial zones."
It
is clear that revenue from the taxes is a primary reason why Jakarta is
standing firm. Mr Jusuf revealed that the central government stood to gain
about 300 trillion rupiah (S$69 billion) by the end of the financial year
with the new levy.
Mr
A. Sjarifuddin Alsah, the Director-General of Taxes, told The Straits Times
that the government was not worried by recent threats made by at least
60 predominantly American and Japanese firms to quit Batam if the decision
on VAT was not reversed.
He
said that the 700 companies now operating in the island were likely to
stay on given its nearness to Singapore, good infrastructure and cheap
labour. "It is very hard for them to leave Batam," he said. "If they leave
for other countries expecting tax-free privileges, they will be disappointed.
The same conditions in Batam will apply elsewhere."
But
the government appears concerned about the reaction from local residents
after the VAT and levy on luxury goods were introduced on April 1. Earlier
this week, 2,000 people staged a demonstration on the island over the rise
in prices of consumer goods, a result of the VAT kicking in. Some speculate
that protests will continue as a means of putting pressure on Jakarta to
do away with the taxes.
But
the government yesterday sought to diffuse the problem by saying that the
VAT would be applied in stages over a three-month phase to help residents
and businesses get used to the change. Said Mr Jusuf: "We need more time
to publicise and explain the taxes."
He
took pains to point out that export-oriented firms in Batam would not have
to pay the taxes, in line with what the International Monetary Fund had
stipulated. The IMF, in its latest letter of intent with Indonesia in January,
demanded that Jakarta impose the VAT for non-exporters in Batam and suggested
that exemptions be made only for "bonded warehouses".
Rural
poor increasingly vulnerable: World Bank
Agence
France-Presse - April 13, 2000
Jakarta
-- Low-income rural people appear to be most vulnerable to growing wealth
inequalities in Indonesia following the economic crisis, the World Bank
said Thursday.
Citing
recent poverty data, the bank said in a macro-economic update there were
indications that overall poverty has fallen since February last year. But
"this does not mean that all sections of society are coping equally well,"
it said.
The
bank said analyses that take into account household incomes in relation
to consumption showed that urban inequality fell due to declining incomes
in richer households.
But
rural inequality rose, apparently driven by worsening conditions for landless
agricultural labourers, the bank said. "The rise in rural inequality is
found to be due to increasing inequality in the bottom tail of the distribution
[chain] ... while lower urban inequality is primarily driven by a collapse
in incomes of the top half of the income distribution," the bank said.
"These
results can be interpreted as an increase in vulnerability for rural households,
with some sections, likely to be agricultural labourers, who are net consumers,
suffering a very strong drop in incomes."
It
said data on agricultural real wages, which fell about 40 percent between
1997 to 1998, would support these conclusions. Formal sector wages, meanwhile,
have fallen 34 percent in real terms, a shock for the upper and middle
income groups in urban areas.
Separately
the report said government moves to impose a 30 percent import duty on
rice means local prices will remain high, negatively affecting efforts
to reduce the poverty rate. Between February 1996 and February 1999, the
price of rice rose 180 percent, while non-food items rose 80 percent, making
rice prices a major factor in the poverty level.
"This
contributed to the rise in the poverty rate over and above what would have
been expected due to the fall in output," the World Bank said. "In this
regard, the government's decision to impose a tariff on the price of rice
-- 430 rupiah/kilogram -- and hence maintain the high price dictated by
the floor procurement price set by Bulog, the National Logistics Agency,
is particularly unfortunate," it said.
The
report also singled out political divisions within the country's five month-old
cabinet and a lack of political support for agencies charged with implementing
financial reforms, as hampering changes in the financial sector.
"The
cabinet's difficulty in building an internal consensus and providing the
political will to support the agencies tasked with financial sector reform
reinforces concerns that differing political interests may hamper progress
in the financial sector reform program," the macroeconomic update said.
It
said while several steps such as the recapitalisation of Bank Mandiri and
the trading of bank recapitalisation bonds were encouraging, the challenges
facing the government remained "daunting".
Key
requirements going forward include strengthening the Indonesian Bank Restructuring
Agency's (IBRA) internal operations, accelerating asset resolution, and
demonstrating the government's commitment to foreign ownership of banks,
it said.
Paris
Club grants Indonesia time to repay 5.8 bn dollars
Agence
France-Presse - April 13, 2000
Paris
-- The Club of Paris, a group of leading creditor nations, agreed Thursday
to reschedule 5.8 billion dollars of Indonesia's public debt. The sum --
a far bigger slice than Indonesia had hoped for -- will be repaid on a
medium- and long-term basis between now and the end of March 2002.
"For
us, this memorandum of understanding is a clear signal of the confidence
we have in the recovery of the Indonesian economy," Philippe de Fontaine
Vive, vice-president of the Club of Paris, told reporters.
Before
Indonesian finance ministers began the two-day meeting with the Club of
Paris on Wednesday, Bank Indonesia had said it hoped the deal would cover
at least 2.1 billion dollars.
That
is the amount of interest Indonesia owes on offshore debts this year. "We
trust that in the medium term, Indonesian recovery is happening and so
the international community wants to be a part of it through the public
creditors," the Club vice-president said.
The
Club signed an memorandum of understanding with Indonesia. Technical details
of the rescheduling will be negotiated bilaterally in the coming months.
Indonesia's
largest creditor, Club-member Japan, has already agreed to reschedule debt
repayments totalling 1.6 million dollars this year. "In these circumstances,
we are sure that this new memorandum of understanding should contribute
to better capital in-flows, particularly private capital flows into Indonesia
which has been part of the successful revival of the Indonesian economy."
Indonesia
wins IMF backing for Paris Club restructuring
Dow
Jones Newswires - April 10, 2000
Simon
Montlake, Jakarta -- Indonesia should find it easier to restructure $2.1
billion in sovereign debt owed to donor countries at the Paris Club meeting
on April 12 after catching up on its economic reform program, the International
Monetary Fund said Monday.
"I
think the Fund will be supporting the request" to reschedule the debt,
said John Dodsworth, IMF country representative to Indonesia. Indonesia
has recently made good progress on bank recapitalization and private debt
restructuring that should pave the way for the IMF to send a review team
in the second half of April, Dodsworth told Dow Jones Newswires in a telephone
interview.
The
government is struggling to implement a slew of economic reforms after
missing the IMF's original March 31 deadline. Missing the target date caused
the IMF to delay disbursing $400 million in loans, triggering a slide in
the Indonesian rupiah amid concerns over President Abdurrahman Wahid's
ability to push through reforms agreed in a Letter of Intent signed on
January 20. "There will be discussion in Paris as to the timing of the
review," Dodsworth said.
The
delayed loan disbursement cast a shadow over this week's Paris Club meeting
as some donor countries were reluctant to allow Indonesia to reschedule
its sovereign debt unless it remained on track with the IMF program.
However,
Dodsworth said the Indonesian government had started to make headway in
meeting its deadlines, including recapitalizing PT Bank Negara Indonesia
over the weekend and beefing up the Jakarta Initiative, an agency tasked
with facilitating negotations between private debtors and creditors. "We've
seen some step-up in implementation of reforms in the last few weeks, and
are very encouraged by that," he said.
But
pressed on the government's claim to be back on track with its reform program,
Dodsworth added that "I wouldn't say they've caught up." Wahid's cabinet
secretary, Marsilam Simanjuntak said over the weekend that an IMF review
team would begin work on April 21 and conclude a week later, but Dodsworth
declined to comment further on the review timing.
On
Friday, the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency said it had implemented
nine out of the 14 programs Jakarta had agreed to with the IMF earlier
this year. New deadlines have been reached for the other five measures.
It
has also registered the initial public offering plan of PT Bank Central
Asia with Indonesian regulators. BCA was formerly Indonesia's largest privately
owned bank before it was nationalized in 1998. IBRA plans to sell up to
30% of BCA to the public between May 16 and May 19 and hopes to raise around
IDR1.4 trillion ($1=IDR7,660) from the IPO.
However,
Wahid's government has been slow to tackle deep-rooted problems in the
judicial system to the detriment of high-profile legal cases including
the takeover of Bank Bali, which was recently annulled by a Jakarta court.
It
also backpedalled on a plan to lift fuel subsidies April 1 after political
opposition and threats of mass protests against the measure. The government
has still not said when it will cut subsidies, but admits that delaying
by more than three months would undermine its budget provisions.
The
International Monetary Fund says Indonesia doesn't urgently need the $400
million loan as it can easily meet its balance-of- payment requirements.