• Police called in to end refugee blockade - Australian Associated Press
• Timorese workers win better wages - Green Left Weekly
• Socialist Party holds first congress - Green Left Weekly
• World Bank announces $167 million in aid - South China Morning Post
• Indonesian forces invoved in spy ploy - The Melbourne Age
• Troops accused of sexual harassment - South China Morning Post
• World Bank denies fund diversion - Agence France-Presse
• East Timor press struggles to emerge - Freedom Forum Online

• Three killed in fresh Maluku violence - Jakarta Post
• Report: kids fighting in Indonesia - Associated Press

• Acehnese women map future - Jakarta Post
• Aceh's horror continues - Jakarta Post

• Police threaten Australian unionist - Green Left Weekly
• New minimum wages panned by NGOs - Jakarta Post
• Minimum wage set to rise 15% to 55% - Jakarta Post

• Some progress, but abuses still rife: US report - Agence France-Presse
• UN tribunal on atrocities shelved - Sydney Morning Herald
• Annan plays down need for tribunal - South China Morning Post

• Moerdiono points finger at Soeharto - Mandiri
• Alert leaves Jakarta mystified - South China Morning Post
• Juwono Sudarsono - 'Wiranto had it oming' - Time Magazine
• Wiranto: 'I tried to build a house of peace' - Time Magazine
• Government to push ahead with fuel price hike - Jakarta Post

• TNI to quit House, but not Assembly - Jakarta Post
• Kopassus thugs finally brought to account - Sydney Morning Herald

• Airports, state companies to be privitised - Asia Pulse
• Indonesians in for belt tightening - Australian Financial Review
• Rush for black gold offers money to burn - South China Morning Post

Students, police clash in Jakarta

Jakarta -- Thirteen people were injured when students and police clashed outside the Attorney General's Office in South Jakarta on Wednesday in the first violent protest in the capital this year.

Nine students, who were taking part in a demonstration demanding the government prosecute corruptors and human rights abusers, suffered wounds to the head and body after they were beaten by police with batons.

A reporter for Jakarta News FM, who was covering the incident live, was also badly beaten when police mistook him for a demonstrator. The other three victims were police officers, including two who suffered head injuries after they were hit by rocks, witnesses said.

The protesters were members of the Students Action Front for Reform and Democracy (Famred) grouping students from Jakarta universities formed in the early days of the reformasi movement in 1998. They were joined by the Trisakti Students Action Front of Trisakti University, also a hotbed of student activism. One estimate put the number of protesters at around 70.

When their demand to meet with Attorney General Marzuki Darusman was turned down, the students broke down the gate of the office. Two layers of the office's security guards and the South Jakarta Police's Mobile Brigade ensured that the protesters remained outside.

The students then decided to hold orations, criticizing the government for its slow handling of investigations into cases of corruption allegedly involving former president Soeharto and what they called "crimes against humanity" reportedly committed by former military chiefs Gen. Wiranto and Gen. (ret.) Feisal Tanjung.

Scuffles broke out when the barricades of police officers were rained on by rocks thrown by the crowd. The officers then charged the students, using rattan batons.

Five warning shots were also heard. The three officers injured were identified from their badges as Maj. Bail Nur, Second Lt. B. Gunawan and non-commissioned officer Maryadi. It was not immediately clear where they were taken for medical treatment. Two police operational cars were also damaged. The injured students and reporter were temporarily treated inside the Attorney General's Office. But five of them were later apprehended by the police.

The chief of intelligence of the Jakarta Police, Col. Iman Haryatna, identified the five as Rizal from the Indonesian Institute of Social and Political Sciences, Ade Purnama of the Indonesian Institute of Technology, Dwinanto of Moestopo University, Benny Rizal of Gunadharma University and Sigit Cahya Rinaldi of Satyanegara University. All five were being held at the Jakarta Police for questioning on Wednesday night.

The police's handling of the incidence, particularly the beatings, which were shown on TV news, quickly drew strong condemnations from the Foundation of Legal Supremacy (Yakhum) and the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI).

Yakhum urged the National Police chief to punish the officers, while PBHI said the police action was an infringement of the students' freedom of speech rights. South Jakarta Police chief Col. Nono Supriyono said he deeply regretted the incident, but laid the blame squarely on the protesters.

Andi believes fellow activists already dead

Jakarta -- Political activist Andi Arief has attracted public attention by announcing that he no longer believes 14 fellow activists who disappeared in 1998 are still alive.

"I am sure that they died a long time ago. I have no proof of this, I just want those who killed them to get what they deserve," Andi told The Jakarta Post last Monday.

Andi claims he was kidnapped by members of the Army's Special Force (Kopassus) on March 28, 1998, in front of a shop-house owned by his brother on Jl. Kiai Maja in Bandar Lampung. He was later found to be in police custody and was released.

Andi talked about his alleged kidnapping, the 1998 Tanah Tinggi apartment blast in Central Jakarta, his treatment while in police custody and his whereabouts at the time of Democratic People's Party (PRD) chief Budiman Sudjatmiko's arrest.

"Unlike what is believed, I was not lost somewhere in Indonesia. I was here during Budiman's arrest," he said. "I went to Yogya [Yogyakarta] soon after the July 27, 1996 incident. I knew they [the police] were looking for me in Jakarta, so I fled to Yogyakarta.

"Nobody was ready to back me up then. I had to defend my party. The police came looking for me in Yogyakarta. By then, I was in Cilegon, West Java. I stayed there for about six months."

State and military leaders of the New Order administration had branded Budiman and his friends communists because of their belief in social democracy. They were accused of instigating riots on July 27, 1996 near the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta.

Budiman was arrested three weeks later. He was serving a 13-year jail term when he was granted amnesty on December 23 last year by President Abdurrahman Wahid.

Andi said that after he was kidnapped, National Police detectives handed his arrest warrant to his family one month later on April 23, 1998. The warrant stated that Andi had been detained at the National Police Headquarters since March 29, 1998.

Andi insists that his kidnappers handed him over to National Police Headquarters on April 14, 1998. When he refused to sign the arrest warrant, Andi says the police deprived him of food for seven days.

"I was isolated. Maj. Gen. Nurfaizi (then National Police chief of detectives and currently city police chief) says he saved me. But who knows who was really responsible for each day I spent in a National Police cell?" "I remember that my kidnappers transferred me to some institution before handing me over to the National Police ... it could have been the city military command or the Armed Forces Intelligence Body (BIA)," he said.

Maj. Gen. Nurfaizi earlier said that "fixing" the date on Andi's 1998 arrest warrant was for "Andi's benefit". "I am ready to be questioned over the kidnapping anytime. The date on the arrest warrant saved Andi's life," Nurfaizi said.

"The police were then part of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI). We were under oath to always follow what the leader said," Nurfaizi said. "I still say that Andi was arrested because the police needed to question him about his possible involvement in a bomb blast in a Tanah Tinggi apartment in Central Jakarta in 1998," he said.

A homemade bomb exploded at a low-cost Tanah Tinggi apartment block on January 18, 1998. One suspect was arrested and two other people were listed as wanted for questioning. One of them, Cony, was thought to be an alias of Andi, who is chairman of the Indonesian Students Solidarity for Democracy (SMID), one of PRD's affiliates.

Andi acknowledges that he was there when the explosion occurred. "I was there when it happened. I had just returned from Cilegon. I was doing my Ashar prayer ... I was late. Then the blast occurred," Andi said. "I had nothing to do with the blast, but I was in its midst," Andi said.

Andi said his kidnappers focused their questions on PRD's ideology and its political views. "The kidnappers did not want any opposition figures like Amien (Rais, the People's Consultative Assembly Speaker), Mega (Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri) and Gus Dur (President Abdurrahman Wahid) to unite. They felt it could endanger them," Andi said. "Until the whereabouts of the 14 activists are made known, this kidnapping issue should not be allowed to die out."

PRD meets Gus Dur, protests price prices

Jakarta -- In relation to the government's plans to cut fuel and electricity subsidies, on February 21, the People's Democratic Party (PRD), led by chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko, met with President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) at the Bina Graha presidential offices [in Central Jakarta].

Budiman, accompanied by PRD general secretary Petrus H Harianto and the head of the Central Leadership Committee, Faisol Reza, met with the president after holding a demonstration in front of the presidential palace to protest planned cuts to fuel and electricity subsidies. During the meeting which lasted around half-an-hour, Gus Dur said that the policy to reduce subsidies on electricity and fuel was something which could not be negotiated. "In this matter we are of a different opinion, because we believed there are still many ways to prevent it" said Budiman.

However Budiman said he agreed with the government's plan to increase joint work with the other Asian countries such as China and India to increase the bargaining position of developing countries against the developed countries which provided aid.

According to Budiman, the withdrawal of fuel and electricity subsidies would harm the people who are still suffering from the impact of the monetary crisis. "If the [price of electricity use] increased for [those who consume] 900 watts or more, the companies which use electricity above that [amount] certainly won't be silent, and will certainly pass on the [price] rise to the cost of production. As a result, in the end the people will be buying goods at a high price", he said.

"It is the same with fuel. The subsidies which are enjoyed by companies, if fuel [prices] rise, those companies will certainly pass it on to the cost of production. So, again the price of goods will increase. So on principal, there [should] not be cuts to fuel and electricity subsidies because the people's economy has not yet recovered", he said.

Budiman said that during the meeting, Gus Dur has said that the withdrawal of subsidies must be done by the government because if not, it would encounter problems obtaining funds from the International Monitory Fund (IMF). "Gus Dur said, this situation is the `force majeure'. So, it must be done, it cannot not be done", quoted Budiman.

Gus Dur also said that the government would try to reduce dependency on the IMF and foreign aid in stages. "We also spoke about many examples in South America, where the IMF has also applied the same recipe, which clearly did not result in prosperity [for the people]. What actually occurred was [an increase] poverty", said Budiman, who was in the process of leaving the Bina Graha in a presidential guard vehicle.

Before being received by Gus Dur, the PRD begun gathering at the Monas square from 9am. Using seven hired busses, the group traveled from Rawamangun in East Jakarta [where the PRD's national office is located - JB.] in an orderly fashion as they prepared their members for the demonstration. However the police continued to come up to them them asked what the intention and goals of the demonstration were.

Around 9.10am, the PRD were invited by the police to move away from the front of the Department of Home Affairs towards the presidential palace. After being received by Gus Dur, around 11.30am, Budiman and the others returned to the demonstration.

[Translated by James Balowski.]
 

East Timor

Police called in to end refugee blockade

Sharon Labi, Sydney -- At least 100 police officers were called in to disperse a blockade formed by East Timorese refugees refusing to leave Sydney's East Hills safe haven and return home. About 250 refugees formed a blockade at the site, protesting against their imminent return to East Timor.

A police spokesman said police in training were called in to boost officer numbers at the site where about 500 East Timorese refugees have been housed since September.

Two busloads of refugees left East Hills after the stand-off bound for Sydney airport and a flight to Dili. The police spokesman said the protest ended peacefully, with no injuries and no arrests being made.

However, one refugee, Naldo Rea, said they would continue their protests through the night with another two busloads due to leave East Hills at 4am (AEDT) tomorrow for Sydney airport. Mr Rea said they were refusing to leave East Hills because conditions in their homeland were still poor.

He said 250 refugees had created a blockade to try and prevent the two buses leaving. "Immigration officials want to kick us out of East Hills, but we don't want to go back because conditions are still poor," he told AAP. "They say they want to help the East Timorese so why do they have to kick the East Timorese out of here."

He said police were armed with shields and batons and used force to disperse the protest. A police spokesman would not comment on the use of force. Many refugees at East Hills were suffering from tuberculosis and there were distressed, orphaned children in the group, Mr Rea said.

"We have contact with relatives in East Timor who say the conditions are very bad," he said. "There is no food, no clothing, no houses. "We don't want to go back and sleep on the streets."

The situation arose three days ago when immigration officials tried to move the refugees from the East Hills safe haven, he said. "Today they tried to take us to the airport, so we've had to make a blockade outside the gates," he said. "We want to stay here another three or four months to see [what] the conditions [are like in East Timor] ."

Comment was being sought from Immigration Minister Philip Ruddock.

Timorese workers win better wages

Jon Land, Dili -- East Timorese workers at the floating Hotel Olympia and Amos W. complex have won better wages and conditions following a 24-hour sit-in strike. The action, which began on February 10, involved 40 hospitality and housekeeping workers. The dispute reflects increasing discontent within East Timorese society at low wages and high prices for basic commodities.

The workers demanded that their wages increase from $5 a day to $25, a reduction in their 72-hour work week and better treatment from management.

Many workers were angry with the lack of consultation by hotel management and practices such as the searching of workers' bags after their shift. The searches take place at the entrance to the hotel, in front of passers-by. The workers consider this highly demeaning.

The response of the two managers responsible for supervising the workers was to ignore the their demands and threaten them with dismissal if they did not return to work. When the workers refused to go back to work, or leave the Olympia, United Nations Civilian Police were called. A tense situation developed and the area was cordoned off by the police.

The workers contacted the National Council for Timorese Resistance for assistance. When Avelino da Silva, a member of the National Consultative Council and general-secretary of the Socialist Party of Timor arrived on the afternoon of February 11, the UN police were attempting to remove the workers. Da Silva warned the police not to act in a "colonialist way" and to allow the workers to stay so that negotiations could take place.

The workers met with da Silva and modified their demands. The managers remained reluctant to listen to the workers grievances. After several hours of discussion, an agreement was eventually reached on improving wages and conditions.

Olympia management agreed to increase wages to $9 dollars a day and a reduction in the hours worked each day from 12 hours to eight. The two managers have been removed from their positions.

A staff liaison committee established to meet with management on a regular basis.

The wage increase and improvements in conditions are incorporated in a contract drafted by the Maubere Institute for Cooperation and Equity (MICE), a legal aid and advocacy organisation recently established by da Silva with the assistance of Australian lawyer Martin Hardy. The contract is the first during the transition period. Negotiations are continuing for it to include sick leave, holiday and compassionate leave, and redundancy payments.

MICE is calling for the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) to conduct a detailed survey on the cost of living in East Timor, which could be used as the basis for setting a minimum wage for workers in both the public and private sector. While some regulations exist for UNTAET workers, there are no formal laws or conditions established for workers in the private sector.

"Other protest actions by workers will occur if their wages remain low and the price of food and transport stays high", da Silva told Green Left Weekly. "Others will follow the example of the Olympia workers. They will realise they have the right to better wages and conditions than those they receive at present."

Socialist Party holds first congress

Jon Land, Dili -- The Socialist Party of Timor (PST) held its first national congress here on February 10-11. The event marked an important stage in the development of the PST and the socialist movement in East Timor. Some 250 delegates from across East Timor discussed and debated the way forward for the party.

The congress was organised under extremely difficult circumstances. The limited finances and resources of the PST made it impossible to transport another 300 to 400 delegates who wanted to attend (transport costs have risen by at least 300% in the past six months). Despite this, the delegates who did attend -- from Liquica, Dili, Lakabou, Manatuto, Baucau, Ossu, Viqueque, Same, Suai and Ermera -- represented a wide cross-section of the party's membership.

Opening remarks to the congress were made by the party president, Pedro da Costa. Because he had operated underground during the years of the Indonesian occupation, da Costa's identity was unknown to most members until the congress. PST secretary-general Avelino da Silva also spoke.

Greetings were presented by the PST representative in Portugal, Azancot De Menezes, and from a representative of Australia's Democratic Socialist Party.

The rest of the first day was devoted to discussion of the party's constitution, manifesto and the resolution on the current period. Drafts of each were circulated amongst the delegates, who divided into three commissions. Each commission was charged with discussing one of the three drafts. A report-back from each commission was then presented, followed by an all-delegates discussion of modifications.

The resolution on the transitional period reaffirmed the PST's commitment to struggling for the greatest amount of "democratic freedom" and rights for all Timorese. The party considers this vital to ensure an increased political awareness amongst the Timorese people before the elections at the end of the transitional period.

Reconciliation and justice

A point of debate was what should be the PST's position on the reconciliation process with pro-integration supporters, militia members and collaborators with the Indonesian dictatorship.

Some delegates argued for immediate and harsh penalties for all who collaborated with the Indonesian state. Others pointed out that it was a complex issue which divided families, towns and villages. For example, there are many families which may have a father or brother in Falintil and another family member in a militia group. Then there are the many Timorese who collaborated with the Indonesian occupation, but also secretly provided support and assistance to the resistance.

Most delegates supported the view that there needs to be a thorough process of rebuilding East Timorese society which requires not just "forgiveness" but also justice. The congress decided that this requires a detailed "analytical approach rather than a purely emotional reaction" in order to bring all those responsible for killing and human rights abuses to account.

The second day of the congress was devoted primarily to the election of a new leadership.

Delegates elected 62 members to an expanded central committee and a 15-member political bureau was also approved. The central committee was increased in size as a result of the growth of the party in recent months and to involve new PST members who are playing leading roles in regional committees.

Issues such as how to further consolidate the party and others raised formally and informally, but for which there was not enough time for discussion, were addressed at two special central committee meetings held after the congress.

A key issue identified at these meetings was the need to send party cadre to the regional committees to strengthen the PST's work there and improve the level of understanding of socialism and Marxist theory amongst all members, especially new party members. PST regional conferences are now being planned.

Growth

The PST office in Dili receives 10 to 20 applications for membership each day. A similar situation develops wherever PST regional committees are established. Integrating and educating new members is, therefore, a big challenge for the party.

Another challenge is the increasingly hostile reaction from conservative Timorese political figures to the growth and influence of the PST. In Liquica district, for example, there has been harassment and intimidation of PST members by local members of the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT). In one instance, a PST member in Liquica was detained and removed from the district by CNRT activists. United Nations Civilian Police were also called because the PST members were accused of being militia members.

The conflict is being resolved in Liquica, but it is not an isolated incident. As the PST continues to establish itself as a key political force in East Timor, those who fear socialist and progressive ideas will continue to attempt to undermine the party's influence.

A political battle is unfolding in East Timor, at the village and sub-district level, which will heighten in the lead up to the election (or appointment) of new representative bodies at these levels. This is expected to take place within a year.

World Bank announces $167 million in aid

Reuters, Dili -- World Bank president James Wolfensohn yesterday signed over its first US$21.5 million in reconstruction aid for East Timor, amid criticism the bank has dragged its feet in providing funds to help rebuild the ravaged territory.

Mr Wolfensohn said the bank had not expected to launch any programmes until May. He lashed out at critics, saying: "I've had ... some of my colleagues here living in tents wherever they could get cover, 24 hours a day to get this project going. I frankly find it incomprehensible that people don't recognise that everybody is working their tails off here to get money to East Timor."

Mr Wolfensohn earlier visited the coastal township of Manatuto, east of Dili, where there were impassioned pleas for help from church and local political leaders. "The people sitting here have no food, so can you help us in our plantings?" said Catholic priest Padre Domingos.

Mr Wolfensohn said the World Bank was "anxious" to help the East Timorese and announced 600 million rupiah for six villages in the Manatuto area for the next two to three months. "This is my first visit to East Timor. I have been to other war zones and I have been to other countries that have been ravaged, but the sheer scale and the depth of the destruction surprised me," he said.

Indonesian forces invoved in spy ploy

Paul Daley -- Operatives from Indonesia's special forces, Kopassus, made extraordinary efforts to implicate Australia in illegal spy flights in East Timor last year, according to Australian intelligence sources. The Indonesian operatives are also alleged to have posed as United Nations employees in an attempt to influence political outcomes in Timor.

The intelligence sources say that last May -- as the UN and Australia prepared to take leading roles in coordinating elections to determine East Timor's future -- Kopassus mounted a "black operation" in the province. This had included the use of helicopters and at least one helicopter-capable vessel off the coast.

The Kopassus operation took place as Indonesian military leaders publicly complained about unexplained helicopter flights and maritime movements in and around East Timor, while heavily implying that Australia was responsible.

Intelligence sources told The Age the operation also included Kopassus using a white helicopter bearing a UN logo. The helicopter -- which operated extensively along the East-West border -- ferried passengers falsely claiming to be employed by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. The passengers urged villagers to support the pro-autonomy movement.

The revelations about the Kopassus activities come after Indonesia's newly-elected civilian government claimed at the weekend the Australian military had secretly operated in East Timor.

The Defence Minister, Mr John Moore, has dismissed the latest Indonesian allegations. His spokesman said: "That allegation was made last year by [former Indonesian armed forces commander] Wiranto and we denied it then ... we categorically deny it again today."

Australian intelligence operatives began assessing shipping and aircraft movements in East Timor in the middle of last year, after a number of senior Indonesian figures complained that their satellite surveillance had detected unusual ship and helicopter movements in the area. On 9 June last year, General Wiranto ordered increased naval and air surveillance off East Timor after what he said were five unusual helicopter flights in May.

East Timor's then military commander, Colonel Tono Suratman, said there had been two landings of helicopters similar to Pumas -- a description fitting Seahawk helicopters which can be operated from Australian navy ships. He said the flights happened while a large vessel with a helicopter landing pad sailed off the East Timor coast.

After checking the Indonesian reports, Australian intelligence operatives confirmed -- largely through the use of signals intelligence -- that the ship and the helicopters were in fact Indonesian and had, at the time, been used by Kopassus. "There was no doubt that the flights referred to involved Indonesian aircraft and an Indonesian boat and that the Indonesians knew this while complaining publicly about the incidents," a source said. "It was reasonably concluded that Indonesia was trying to implicate the UN and Australia in spy flights ... which did not happen. It was an attempt by implication to slur international reputations before the [East Timor] vote and before UNAMET (the United Nations Assistance Missions for East Timor)." It is understood that the intelligence was passed to senior Federal Government figures.

In recent days, senior Indonesian political and military identities, including General Wiranto, have publicly suggested that Australia made secret spy flights and landings in East Timor.

Indonesia's Defence Minister, Dr Juwona Sudarsono, said there was a "strong suspicion" Australian forces had made secret landings by air and sea. "Hard evidence is is very hard to clarify ... but you know the nearness of Darwin and the fact that our troops heard night-flying helicopters and even sea landings, makes it very hard for us not to believe it was to support the [Falintil] guerrillas," he said.

Troops accused of sexual harassment

Reuters in Dili -- Australian troops in East Timor have been accused of sexual harassment of local women, the second such incident since multinational troops were sent in, a force spokesman said on Monday.

Major Mark Tanzer said the allegations said that "four to five" Australian soldiers had exposed their genitals and solicited sex from a group of East Timorese women. The soldiers had yet not been identified, he said. "The nature of the allegations is very disappointing," he said. The incident was alleged to have occurred at a roadside kiosk in Maliana, southwest of the capital Dili, on January 9. The soldiers, from the force called Interfet, were said to have been drinking beer.

It is the second report of sexual harassment by Australian soldiers in East Timor and comes two days ahead of Interfet's official handover to a UN peacekeeping operation, in which Australians will still play a major part.

Major Tanzer said it had not yet been possible to substantiate the claims in the Maliana case. The case was originally reported to UN civilian police in the area and is now being investigated by military police.

World Bank denies fund diversion

Jakarta -- World Bank President James Wolfensohn on Sunday catagorically denied reports millions of dollars of the bank's funds for Indonesia's poor had been funnelled to the militia that devastated East Timor last year.

"I can say catagorically, catagorically, that the issue of social funds which you alleged went from the bank to assist the militia in East Timor, financed from Indonesia, is simply not true," he told a press conference.

Wolfensohn, speaking at the end of a four-day visit to Indonesia, said the bank did not disburse funds for the social safety net program until January last year. "Our money in social programs went first in January this year. The allegation is made that our funds went to support [the militia] and came from the social programs," he said.

"We were part of an IMF program, that last year put 500 million dollars into general budget suppport. If the Indonesian government at some point financed the militia, they could have done it from any source of funding," he said.

He challenged journalists to back up the allegation with evidence. "We have not seen the evidence. If you bring it I will take a look at it. I am very happy at any time to see the evidence," Wolfensohn said.

The Australian SBS television station has said the Indonesian government diverted at least 7.8 million dollars earmarked by the World Bank for welfare and development to fund the militias who ransacked the territory after its independence vote.

In its report SBS showed the head of the Dili budget section of the Department of Finance, Joao da Silva, searching through his wrecked offices and finding cheque stubs, including one for nine billion rupiah (1.21 million dollars) directed through the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

"Joao da Silva also confirms money from the transmigration department was given to militia groups," the SBS Dateline show said. Da Silva told Dateline he was the officer overseeing the payments to the militias. "Because when they came to the governor [of East Timor] for money, the governor sent them to us and we had to prepare it quickly," he said. "We had to do it quickly because the money was to support their activities."

SBS said Ben Fischer, of the World Bank's Jakarta office, had told SBS he was aware of the situation and sought assurances from Jakarta that using aid money to fund the militias would stop. Wolfensohn implied that SBS had taken Fischer's comments out of context, and the alleged diversion was "simply not the case."

Wolfensohn is scheduled to leave Jakarta for East Timor Monday to meet with the head of the UN transitional administration in East Timor, Sergio Vieira de Mello and the leadership of the Council for East Timor Resistance (CNRT).

East Timor press struggles to emerge

Arnold Zeitlin, Dili -- In impoverished, war-devastated East Timor, the most urgent needs are food, water, shelter, clothing -- and a printing press.

"Everyone agrees that it is urgent for the media to start functioning in East Timor," says Manoel de Almeida e Silva, chief of commnunications and information for the United Nations transition administration in the tiny country that last year won independence from Indonesia.

The United Nations is to remain for as long as three years in East Timor before turning the administration over to local authorities.

"People are confused and relying on rumors," says Virgilio da Silva Guterres, chief editor of the first independence-era newspaper, Lalalok (or Mirror), a photocopied weekly publication that first appeared in the capital, Dili, on January 21.

"We all are frustrated," he said. "I have many stories in my mind and no place to put them." Guterres, trained in Indonesia as a mechanical engineer, was arrested in Jakarta in 1991 and jailed for two years after a demonstration protesting the Indonesian army's shooting of demonstrators at a cemetery in Dili.

Limited by the cost of about $2 per copy, the Lalalok publishers produce about 50 copies each week. The paper is published in Tetum, a traditional language of East Timor and one of more than 30 languages in the country. Tetum lapsed into disuse during nearly 25 years of Indonesian rule.

The Lalalok staff works for no pay and depends on donations, mostly from abroad, to finance each issue. Guterres said a plan to display the newspaper publicly on bulletin boards has not been started: No one has put up the boards.

Guterres' organization, the Kdadlak Media Group, also produced early this month the first color photocopied issue of a monthly magazine, Talit@kum, which is published in Bahasa Indonesian. The magazine had appeared in 1998 in Java, where it was published by young Timorese who studied on Indonesian government scholarships. Many of them worked clandestinely for East Timor's independence.

The office and printing plant of Suara Timor Timur, the largest newspaper (circulation 8,000) during the days of Indonesian rule, were destroyed before the pivotal referendum in August, in which the East Timorese voted overwhelmingly for political independence. (Indonesia had seized East Timor in 1975 after Portugal effectively abandoned its 400-year-old colony.)

Plans are to resume publication, but Suara Timor Timur's publisher remains in Jakarta. Journalist Hugo da Costa, a former Suara Timor Timur journalist, has announced plans to start another newspaper, the Timor Post, to be published in Bahasa, Tetum and Portuguese. Funding has been promised by UNESCO and the US.

Sonny Inbaraj, a Malaysian who worked for 10 years editing the editorial page of the English-language daily, the Nation, in Bangkok, has begun an online English-language newspaper, the AustralAsian, which is aimed at East Timorese academics, international workers for UN and nongovernment agencies in East Timor, and East Timorese expatriates in Australia.

The UN's Almeida said a number of proposals for setting up and operating a printing press were under consideration. He said a building that had served as the Indonesian government's printing press was found to have three offset machines, which can be put to use after repairs. The building, however, is in the middle of what became a camp for the Australian-led UN military force that was dispatched in September to quell the violence that flared after the referendum. For operations to resume, the equipment would have to be moved to a civilian area.

A team of technical experts will leave on January 30 for East Timor to assess the needs of the local press for printing facilities and a distribution network. The visit is part of a joint World Association of Newspapers and UNESCO initiative to help rebuild the newspaper industry in that war-torn area.

"Establishing a strong, free press is a vital and urgent priority in the process of building a new democracy on the island," said Timothy Balding, director general of WAN, in Paris. Koichiro Matsuura, director general of UNESCO, added, "An independent press in Timor is an essential factor for the development of democracy."

The WAN-UNESCO mission, with advice from the Pacific Area Newspaper Publishers Association, will prepare funding proposals for the international community, which has committed itself to rebuilding East Timor.

The team consists of John Cox, of Sydney, Australia, a newspaper production consultant and former chief production manager for John Fairfax Ltd.; Lloyd Donaldson, a New Zealander based in St. Petersburg, Russia and director of Rusmedia Consultants; and Carlos Arnaldo, chief of media development for UNESCO.

The scenes in Dili nearly six months after the post-referendum violence are of wide devastation: At least one building in three in the capital is roofless and showing charred walls.

Burned hulks of charred vehicles rest in a heap where they have been taken in a dump outside town. The main roads are lined with tiny lean-to shops roofed with galvanized iron, where weary residents offer a few squash-like vegetables, tiny onions and greens. Gasoline is sold by the liter along the roadside in plastic containers. The equivalent of a gallon costs about $20.

The main roads also are lined by sullen young men standing and staring, most of them without work. No leaders tell them what to do, even if there were means to reach them.

Josi Alexandre Xanana Gusmao, a former guerrilla leader who has become the hero and potential of the independence movement, and Josi Ramos-Horta, who won a Nobel Prize in 1996 for his efforts to highlight human rights abuses in East Timor, have traveled widely in Asia but have resisted playing a role in East Timorese government. Gusmao has said he did not want to become president, and Ramos-Horta said in December that he planned to become a journalist in 2001.

Communications facilities are virtually nonexistent. Those who can afford them carry mobile telephones; the wired telephone network barely functions.

The UN has begun a 24-hour radio station broadcasting news in English and Bahasa Indonesian, the official language under Indonesia. The Roman Catholic Church operates a radio station on a hillside above Dili. Equipped to operate at 5,000 watts, the station functions at 1,000 watts because of power shortages. The third station, Vos Esperansa, is considered the capital's most popular outlet, but its feeble signal can barely be heard beyond the outskirts of Dili.

The East Timorese have yet to decide which language will be used in their independent state. Gusmao has said he favors designating Portuguese, the tongue of the former colonial ruler, as the official language.

Others say Portuguese is used largely by the older generation schooled during the colonial administration. Bahasa is known to most Timorese and it is still used in schools, but it is despised because of its Indonesian connections. Some professors at the university in Dili want to use English in their classes. The UN administration issues its documents in Tetum, Bahasa, Portuguese and English.

Almost six months after the referendum that led to independence, the East Timorese and the international organizations seeking to help them have established no cohesive regime. The closest organization to a government is called CNRT, the National Council of Timorese Resistance, an umbrella organization of a number of Timorese political factions.

"Despite the presence of these bodies and agencies, workable systems are yet to be implemented in the country," Guterres, the editor, has written.

Guterres, who prefers Timor Lorosae, the Tetum name for East Timor, also has stated: "CNRT keeps Timor Lorosae people in the dark. The people eagerly await to hear CNRT's plans for kick- starting the economy and political reconciliation, but to no avail. To date they have kept silent and have yet to clarify their stance on these important matters. In the case of language and currency, it's clearly the matter of a tiny minority trying to impose their will on the majority.

"While Tetum is the lingua franca, these political elites insist on Portuguese. If we want a truly democratic Timor Lorosae, all parties have to be open and transparent with one another. Our political leaders have to respect the rights of the people to be in the know of what decisions that are made in their name. They have the right to be informed and the right to question."
 

Regional conflicts

Three killed in fresh Maluku violence

Ambon -- Fresh communal clashes broke out in Central and North Maluku on Friday resulting in the death of at least three people. Pattimura Military Commander Brig. Gen. Max Tamaela confirmed the incident but claimed that the situation was now calm as security forces immediately stepped in to establish a buffer zone separating the warring groups. In addition to the three dead, 14 others were injured.

Tamaela said that at about 11am local time armed mobs attacked Sobati village in South Morotai, North Maluku. "Two Sobati residents were killed, 12 were injured and one officer suffered an arrow wound," Tamaela told journalists at his office here Friday afternoon.

An hour later, at about noon, a frenzied mob from Hitu village in Leisitu, Central Maluku raided a Kijang van carrying four residents of neighboring Wakal village. "Angry mobs set fire to the Kijang van and killed one of the passengers while the other three managed to escape," Tamaela said, without identifying the victim. The incidents are believed to be retaliatory attacks for an attack by locals from Wakal on Hitu villagers a month ago.

Also in Central Maluku, security forces arrested on Friday several people trying to torch a building in downtown Masohi. "They are now detained at Central Maluku Police Precinct," Tamaela said.

Responding to the recent outburst of sporadic clashes during a period of reconciliation after a year long conflict, Tamaela said "there are certain parties who don't want peace to return in Maluku". Anonymous flyers provoking the people in North Maluku have been circulating the past few days, he said.

Tamaela also said that half of some 2,500 refugees from Bacan Island have been evacuated to West Seram and Ambon in Maluku province. "We had difficulty in transporting the others because of shortages in the number of vehicles and ships," Tamaela said. At least 12 people have died on Bacan Island in North Maluku in the past three-days due to clashes that only subsided on Thursday.

Meanwhile, a raid to secure various illegal weapons in the Suli area, about 25 kilometers east of Ambon, discovered hundreds of rounds of ammunition. Among the items found were ammunition for AK-47 semiautomatic rifles, FN pistols and SS-1 automatic rifles, bombs and bazookas, Tamaela said. Some 11,000 guns and bombs seized in various raids were dumped into the sea off the Maluku islands on Monday.

Report: kids fighting in Indonesia

Rome -- Both sides in the Christian-Muslim conflict in Indonesia are using child soldiers, sending boys as young as seven into fighting with firebombs in their backpacks, the Vatican missionary news service said Thursday.

So many children were recruited over January that one charity-run school was forced to close for lack of pupils, the schoolmaster, the Rev. Passianus Daeli, was quoted as telling Fides news service.

Indonesia's Maluku and North Maluku provinces, known as the Spice Islands during Dutch colonial rule, have been bloodied by clashes between Christian and Muslim mobs for months. Up to 1,000 people are reported to have died at the height of the fighting in late December and early January.

Missionaries in the region say at least 200 boys have been recruited as fighters. Fides quoted missionaries as saying that children are being sent into battle armed with incendiaries and other weapons, and that those who are wounded are often left to die.
 

Aceh/West Papua

Acehnese women map future

Debra Yatim, Banda Aceh -- While students and a largely-male delegation are still in a quandary on how to map out a future for troubled Aceh, the women have already created a blueprint outline.

After more than four days of formal and informal discussion, almost 400 women from the 12 regencies of Aceh, participants of the Aceh Women's Congress Duek Pakat Inong Aceh in Banda Aceh, decided at 2am early Wednesday that women wanted a bigger voice in political decision-making.

"We the women of Aceh demand at least a 30 percent voice in the decision-making process for the future of our land," they said. This demand was made alongside 19 other motions that ranged from a demand for equal recognition with men under Islamic law, to a ban on economic growth based on foreign debt, to the rehabilitation of female sex workers and to the right to act as mediators seeking a peaceful solution to the long-standing conflict that is ripping the province apart.

While these recommendations were surprising to at least two political observers from Jakarta, Andi Mallarangeng and Chusnul Mar'iyah, other observers found more surprising the fact that the all-Acehnese women's congress met with so much resistance from many sides.

"We had received hate mail and threatening phone calls from the very start," said Naimah Hasan, chair of the organizing committee, whose brainchild the congress was. "Many parties told me to my face not to go on with our plans." A young woman in charge of press relations received daily crank calls threatening her very life if "the congress came up with a recommendation against a referendum for Aceh", said Naimah.

Meanwhile, a young student, Santi, told The Jakarta Post that she had been followed for a whole week by a strange man, who finally told her, "you're dead if the congress recommends a referendum".

The whole matter of referendum -- which to many parties means another word for secession -- did raise its head during the last day of discussions, when the delegates were divided in two on whether to state support for the idea, or to motion against it.

After more than seven hours of pro and contra arguments, nine women for the idea of referendum walked out, followed by another 19 ("though most of them were the catering staff," said a male security guard). The remaining 330 or so participants decided to drop the issue altogether.

The local press had a heyday in the days immediately following, making it out as if women do not have the capacity to discuss things civilly without resorting to catfights.

"The most valuable thing to come out of the Duek Pakat Inong," said Acehnese historian Dr. M. Gade Ismail of the Syiah Kuala University to the local TVRI station, "is that women are showing us men and the students on how to solve differing points of view in a democratic manner".

Acehnese students held a convention on the same dates as the women to discuss the idea of a referendum for Aceh or autonomy as proposed by the central government. Meanwhile, a delegation of mostly men are currently holding a series of meetings to decide on how to create an Acehnese Council of Representatives to make decisions for the province's future.

While the men and students up to Saturday had not decided on a date to convene to discuss details, the women have already decided to create a Peace Forum in which mediation and reconciliation can be discussed as part of a concrete blueprint towards a peaceful solution in Aceh.

This is the first time in 400 years that women have demanded a voice in public life, stated the official congress press release, referring to the golden age of Aceh under the rule of four queens, beginning with Queen Safiatuddin. Meanwhile, Islamic scholar Umaimah Wahid pointed out that Acehnese women did have a public voice until up to as late as 1912, when the Dutch finally took their right away with the banning of Tengku Fakinah, a vocal religious lecturer.

Whatever happens in the near future, the women of Aceh have finally regained their voice. It will take much more than enforced veiling of their heads to make them keep quiet now. Since November 8, 1999, enthusiastic groups of young men began making sure that no woman on the streets could walk with her head uncovered. Banners have been posted all over Banda Aceh reminding women to keep themselves covered with the jilbab (Muslim headdress).

[The writer was a speaker in the congress.]

Aceh's horror continues

Banda Aceh -- Horror and tension again reigned here over the weekend when three suspected rebels were killed in a gunfight with police in North Aceh, while in Central Aceh the stench of rotting bodies led residents to a hidden mass grave.

The three identified men were killed during a 20-minute gunfight on Saturday morning when police raided a suspected rebel base. Aceh Police spokesman Lt. Col. Sayed Husaini said the incident occurred in Ulee Nyeueu village, Nisam district. "After the gunfight, we continued combing the area and we seized items such as a walkie-talkie, grenades and grenade launchers from the three dead men," he added.

The incident over the weekend brought this month's death toll in Aceh to at least 93. Separately, police also divulged that villagers had found a site containing 11 decomposed bodies near Uning village, Central Aceh.

Local police chief Lt. Col. Misik Natari said the bodies were found with their hands tied. Without elaborating on how many victims were men, he claimed that the men appeared to have been shot in the mouth. "Locals found their bodies in a 300-meter ravine in Linge Isaq district of the mountainous Burlintang area here on Thursday," Misik said.

Judging from the condition of the bodies it seems that they were killed about two weeks ago, he said, adding that "they were probably thrown into the ravine after being shot dead". Witnesses said the putrid odor around the ravine led them to the location of the bodies, a remote area far away from any housing settlement located on the border of Central and Southeast Aceh.

Police and residents evacuated the bodies on Thursday at noon and decided to bury them properly in a plot near the ravine. "It is almost impossible to identify them. Only one of the remains has a full skull. He had gray hair and false teeth," Misik said.

Up until Sunday afternoon no one had claimed knowledge of or to be related to any of the victims. "We're also trying to cross- check this finding with reports of missing persons, but so far to no avail," he added.

Misik also said that on February 5 there was a similar discovery when the bodies of six unidentified men were found in a ravine near the border of Central and East Aceh.

Central Aceh is a mountainous regency with thick forest and deep ravines. It has a total population of about 300,000 people. The area is widely regarded by military and police as an alternative escape route for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) separatist rebels when they are cornered in North and East Aceh.

Disappearances have become a common occurrence in Aceh. Both sides -- security forces and rebels -- often blame the other over various incidents. Meanwhile in Banda Aceh on Sunday, about 500 women held a demonstration to demand that peace be immediately sought to free people from the sense of fear and intimidation which has haunted them for so long.

They lamented that what essentially began as a political conflict escalated to unnecessary acts such as the destruction of schools. "We want all this violence to stop so our children can play and study in peace," read a statement issued by the women. "Children and their parents no longer want to hear of the sudden discovery of a body near where they live."
 

Labour struggle

Police threaten Australian unionist

Indonesian police are threatening to imprison or deport Australian trade unionist Roger Smith. Smith, who works in Indonesia for the American Centre for International Labour Solidarity, has been detained and interrogated over his participation in labour rallies and his meetings with Indonesian unionists.

In an e-mail message to supporters in Australia, Smith said, "I have indeed been in trouble here since February 2. On that day, I went to register with the police as required by immigration regulations.

"However, the secret police had a picture of me talking to people at a demonstration organised by [the independent union] SBSI and [to] Dita Sari [president of another independent union, the FNPBI] last November. They therefore tried to arrest and detain me with the view to deportation as soon as possible. After 13 hours of detention and interrogation, they tried to force me to sign a statement I didn't agree with."

He is now free but has been interrogated on several further occasions. Indonesian authorities have confiscated his passport. Smith says that the US ambassador has sought to end the police harassment but that the Australian embassy has shown little interest. He asked supporters raise the issue with the department of foreign affairs in Canberra and with the Australian embassy in Jakarta.

New minimum wages panned by NGOs

Jakarta -- The Jakarta Legal Aid Institute (LBH) and the Information System and Legal Education Institute (Sisbikum) have urged workers to reject the new regional minimum wages, saying the level was too low and against international standards.

Chief of LBH's labor division Surya Tjandra said the new monthly minimum wages that would take effect on April 1 were unrealistic amid current economic conditions and tantamount to labor exploitation. "The increase by an average of 25 percent is not a real hike and it will be enough only to cover the inflation rate," he said in a statement on Tuesday.

"It is not based on a deep concern for the poor condition of workers and of their families." The Ministry of Manpower announced on Monday the regional minimum wages would be raised between 15 percent and 55 percent.

The province of Aceh recorded the biggest increase of nearly 55 percent, with the minimum wage raised from Rp 171,000 to Rp 265,000. The lowest increases were in Bali where wage levels in the two regions in the area were raised about 14.6 percent, from Rp 187,000 to Rp 214,300 and Rp 166,000 to Rp 190,300.

Tjandra said employers continually justified their resistance to raising wages by citing difficult economic conditions and small profit margins. He dismissed the arguments and said most companies were not forthcoming about their revenues or plans for expansion. Resistance to raising wages, he added, would only serve to keep workers and their families in a perpetual state of poverty.

Tjandra urged the government to establish a regulation which would set a maximum annual profit which could be taken by a company, while the remaining revenue should be dispensed to workers through a better remuneration system.

He urged workers and labor unions to reject the new regional minimum wages because they failed to meet needs and expectations. "To be fair, a renegotiation should be done involving as many workers and labor unions as possible," he said.

Sisbikum's director Ariest Merdeka Sirait said the institute did not condone the government-sanctioned minimum wage system in the first place as it contradicted with International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention No. 115 on minimum wages. "The regional minimum wage also does not reflect workers' real needs. With such a bad remuneration system, labor exploitation will never end." He argued that as stipulated by the ILO convention which Indonesia ratified in 1981, the government should include factors such as obtaining clean water, education, health care, social security, family needs, shelter and clothing as components in setting the minimum wage.

"If the government and employers are consistent with the ILO convention, the monthly minimum wages should be between Rp 500,000 and Rp 750,000 at the lowest," he said. He added that staff employed at his institute were paid between Rp 750,000 and Rp 1 million per month.

Minimum wage set to rise 15% to 55%

Jakarta -- Official minimum wage levels throughout the country will increase between 15 percent and 55 percent from April 1, the Ministry of Manpower announced on Monday. Although representing significant increases, the new minimum wages for most regions barely cover the monthly living expenses of a single person, the ministry said.

The hike in the regional minimum wage levels was the result of negotiations involving labor representatives, employers and local government officials. The Ministry of Manpower gave its approval to their recommendations.

Aceh will receive the highest raise of 55 percent, taking its monthly minimum wage level to Rp 265,000 (US$35), while Bali will experience the lowest increase (14.60 percent). Workers in the industrial zone of Batam continue to enjoy the highest minimum wage, at Rp 350,000 ($47) a month, while Jambi and Bengkulu replace Yogyakarta from April with the lowest minimum wage of Rp 173,000. The level in Jakarta increased 23.81 percent to Rp 286,000 ($38).

The ministry did not release new minimum wage levels for Maluku or newly created North Maluku province because they have yet to submit their proposals. Both provinces have been racked by communal violence during the past year.

The director general of industrial relations and labor standards, Syaufi'i Syamsuddin, said all decisions in the enforcement of the wage levels would be left to regional administrations. Companies may apply for exemption from the ruling by opening their finances to inspection by government officials and unions. Such decisions were taken at the national level in the past, but beginning this year they will be decided at the regional level as part of the government's move to give greater autonomy.

Syaufi'i said the minimum wages were the lowest acceptable level for worker subsistence. "They are for a single worker with zero work experience," he said, adding that employers should strive to provide higher pay.

He conceded that purchasing power was slashed by the economic crisis of the last three years. Although inflation rose only 2 percent in 1999, it jumped 78 percent in 1998. The significant increase in minimum wage levels this year should bring some of the wages closer to the estimated levels of minimum living requirements, or the subsistence level, in each of the regions.

Syaufi'i said the government would strive to ensure minimum wages were at least at the subsistence level as soon as possible. Given the costs of living in each region, only on onshore Riau and East Java Region II would the minimum wages cover the minimum subsistence level beginning in April.

The minimum wage level in Jakarta, where the cost of living is one of the highest in the country, covers only 81.42 percent of the estimated subsistence level. Syaufi'i appealed to workers to accept the increases, saying they resulted from negotiations in which their representatives were involved.

Labor unions threatened to call for strikes, some even planning a nationwide strike, if the increases were below expectations. The chairman of the All-Indonesia Workers Union Federation (FSPSI), Jacob Nuwa Wea, said the increases were still too small. "We will go ahead with our plan to call for a nationwide strike. We are talking with other unions to come to a common response to the new regional minimum wages," Jacob told The Jakarta Post.

The Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) said it supported the minimum wage increases and hoped companies would comply with the regulation. Although recognizing unions' concerns that wages were insufficient to cover living expenses, Apindo deputy secretary Djimanto said unions should be realistic in pressing their demands and take into account prevailing domestic economic conditions.

"They have the right to strike, but they should know that their actions will affect not only employers, but the government, the national economy and, ultimately, the workers themselves and their families." He urged major corporations to pay their workers above the minimum wage to motivate them to improve productivity.

He said employers would be able to pay even higher wages if the government succeeded in eliminating the corruption at the root of the high-cost economy.
 

Human rights/law

Some progress, but abuses still rife: US report

Washington -- Indonesia has moved toward a more pluralistic democracy but human rights abuses remain rife, according to a US State Department human rights report released Friday.

In June 1999, Indonesia held its first open and competitive parliamentary elections in 43 years, and the country's new President Abdurrahman Wahid has pledged to reform pivotal sectors of the nation, the report said.

But human rights abuses, which culminated in the murderous action of militias in East Timor and Aceh, were still rife, and much remained to be done in the world's fourth most populous nation.

Moreover, the country's severe economic crisis that began in July 1997 had exacerbated the uneven distribution of money and power, the report said.

While stating that "security forces continued to commit extrajudicial killings" under Wahid, it was abuses under the previous government of B.J. Habibie that came under the report's sharpest criticism.

"Elements of the security forces and prointegration militias, armed and largely supported by the military, were responsible for numerous extrajudicial killings in East Timor in the early months of the year," the report said.

Human rights violations in East Timor against pro-independence supporters included "summary executions, massacres, massive deportation, attacks on women and children, houses and buildings besieged and destroyed ... and an attack on the only functioning medical clinic in Dili," the capital.

In Aceh, where pro-independece forces are also at work, "military forces and national police committed numerous extrajudicial killings and used excessive force to quell separatist movements," the report said.

Security forces "also were responsible for numerous instances of indiscriminate shooting of civilians, torture, rape, beatings and other abuse, and arbitrary detention" in various regions of the country.

The report did point out that at least one military officer had received a jail sentence for human rights abuses, and that a government-appointed National Human Rights Commission was active in examining other violations.

Although the government has ratified the International Labor Organization convention, the report said, enforcement of labor standards was weak. "Forced and bonded child labor remained a problem," the report said, citing cases of several thousand children forced to work on fishing platforms where they were held as virtual prisoners, living in isolation and working 12 to 20 hours a day in often dangerous conditions.

Indonesia was also "a source, transit point, and destination for trafficked women and children for the purpose of prostitution and sometimes for forced labor," the document stated. While the constitution protects freedom of expression and requires judicial warrants for searches -- except in cases of suspected subversion, economic crimes and corruption -- the report noted that government security officials monitored the movements and activities of former Communist party members.

UN tribunal on atrocities shelved

Mark Riley, New York -- The United Nations Security Council has shelved plans for a UN human rights tribunal in East Timor, ignoring the recommendations of its own inquiry into the mayhem that followed August's independence ballot.

Instead, the council, taking the lead of the UN Secretary- General, Mr Kofi Annan, has decided to stand aside while Indonesia runs its own investigation into the atrocities.

The council decision is outlined in a letter this week from its president, Mr Arnoldo Listre of Argentina, to Mr Annan. "Grave violations of international humanitarian and human rights law have been committed," the letter says. "Those responsible for these violations should be brought to justice as soon as possible." Recent reports by Indonesian and UN human rights inquiries have blamed senior figures in the Indonesian military for much of the violence.

The chairwoman of the UN inquiry, Ms Sonia Picado, said last month that she had no faith in the ability of the Indonesian legal system to deliver justice to the East Timorese. She called instead for a South African-style truth and reconciliation commission to investigate the atrocities.

The Security Council considered her report this week and decided not to act on the recommendations. However, the decision does not prevent the UN from ordering its own inquiry if the outcome of the Indonesian tribunal hearings is not considered to be acceptable.

Mr Listre says in the letter that council members "encourage Indonesia to institute a swift, comprehensive, effective and transparent legal process in conformity with international standards of justice and due process of law". Mr Annan was expected to receive the letter within several days, on his return to New York from his Asia-Pacific tour.

Annan plays down need for tribunal

Agence France-Presse, Canberra -- United Nations Secretary- General Kofi Annan and Australian Prime Minister John Howard said yesterday that the Indonesian judicial process should be given a chance and played down the need for an international war crimes tribunal for East Timor.

Mr Annan said it was important to "make those responsible accountable and the Indonesians are moving ahead in a determined manner to do that". "I met the Indonesian attorney-general and human rights commissioner in Jakarta and I think they are taking it very, very seriously," he said. "If they do mount a transparent and credible trial, I do not think the [Security] Council will see any need to set up an independent tribunal."

Mr Annan said the UN would co-operate in the prosecution and suggested Australian intelligence should also be made available. "Whoever has information regarding the atrocities which were committed should co-operate with the prosecution," he said. "We obviously will co-operate to make sure those accountable are brought to trial."

And he urged Jakarta to embrace an independent East Timor, saying "both Indonesia and East Timor realise they are bound together by history and geography and it is in their interests to have good relations".

Mr Howard agreed the judicial process in Jakarta should be allowed to take its course. "I totally share the view of the Secretary-General on that," he said. "Indonesia deserves a lot of credit and understanding for what she's done on this and I think the process should be allowed to work in Indonesia. I believe the Indonesian Government has displayed a great deal of strength on the issue. It's not easy. Australia joins the UN in encouraging the Indonesians to firmly, fairly and effectively deal with that issue."

Privately, some diplomats say an international trial will never take place because China and Russia would probably block it. But Amnesty International said it was imperative an international investigatory body be established because Indonesia's judicial system could not cope without major reforms.
 

News & issues

Moerdiono points finger at Soeharto

Jakarta -- Former state secretary Moerdiono on Thursday pointed the finger at ex-president Soeharto, saying Soeharto gave his approval to the disbursement of billions of dollars under the controversial Bank Indonesia liquidity assistance (BLBI) program.

Contrary to recent denials by four former finance ministers, Moerdiono told the parliament yesterday the BLBI assistance channeled to ailing banks was the policy of the former Soeharto administration.

The four ministers earlier blamed former central bank governor Soedradjad Djiwandono, stressing he misinterpreted government policy. "Moerdiono just confirmed that Soeharto did give authorize a direction [disposition] approving disbursement of the BLBI on December 27, 1997, head of parliamentary working committee on BLBI," Sukawaluyo Mintohardjo, told reporters following a hearing with Moerdiono. "He [Moerdiono] promised he would provide details of the disposition soon," Mintohardjo added.

Soeharto, who was forced down in May 1998 after 32 years in power, is accused of massive corruption and power abuse. "Moerdiono said the government was `almost 100% sure' that the channeling of BLBI was the right policy," Mintohardjo said.

The former state secretary yesterday also called on the parliament to provide a thorough explanation concerning the BLBI to the public so that the people could understand that the policy was taken to keep the banks afloat at the peak of the monetary crisis.

"The way I see it, the public have received confusing and biased information [on BLBI]. Therefore I'm now asking this parliamentary committee to provide a thorough explanation," Mintohardjo quoted Moerdiono as telling the parliament. "I think Moerdiono has given us truthful information about this matter," said the committee head.

The working committee last week summoned Soeharto to the parliament to explain the BLBI policy. He failed to turn up and was unable to receive the committee at his residence due to ill- health.

Alert leaves Jakarta mystified

Vaudine England, Jakarta -- Officials and residents of Jakarta on one of its more peaceful days were surprised yesterday to hear President Abdurrahman Wahid proclaim a state of "high alert" in the capital to guard against a large demonstration that no one could find.

"For today, Jakarta is on No 1 alert by the police because there is a plan for a big demonstration," Mr Wahid told a seminar of business people at the presidential palace. "The power is used only to monitor the situation and to guard freedom of speech," he said.

Senior military and palace sources at first denied the claim but in the course of the day changed their statements to agree with the President. Jakarta police chief Major-General Nurfaizi said on TVRI state television that Jakarta's alert status had been upgraded. "This morning, Jakarta's security situation was raised to alert one ... so what the President said is true," he said. "But now, in line with developments, we have reduced it to level three."

Indonesia's top legislator Amien Rais yesterday assured Mr Wahid that his presidency was not under threat, the state Antara news agency said. "Stay put, Gus Dur. No one will unseat you," Mr Rais was quoted by Antara as saying, referring to Mr Wahid by his nickname.

The only demonstration was by a group of a few hundred people at the Attorney-General's office, calling for prompt investigation of former president Suharto and of military human rights abusers. Police fired warning shots and at least 12 people were injured when protesters smashed down a gate in front of the office.

This latest mixed message from the presidential palace appeared to be yet another example of Mr Wahid's propensity to make startling statements which, if they have a particular meaning, refer to more obscure matters than are immediately apparent.

Mr Wahid denies another reshuffle is planned, but Parliament's approval this week of planned increases in fuel and electricity prices has raised fears that a new season of street protest could be on its way.

Juwono Sudarsono - 'Wiranto had it oming'

Interview with Juwono Sudarsono, Indonesia's first civilian defense minister. Juwono Sudarsono, Indonesia's first civilian defense minister, is a soft-spoken intellectual who served as education minister under former president B.J. Habibie and environment minister under Habibie's predecessor, Suharto.

Still recovering from a stroke he suffered in January, Sudarsono faced the task of reasserting civilian control over the military when General Wiranto, the former armed forces chief, was forced to step down pending an investigation into the military's role in East Timor atrocities. A leading thinker on the Indonesian military educated at Berkeley and the London School of Economics, Sudarsono, 58, spoke with Time reporter Jason Tedjasukmana. The online-only interview:

Time: How did you break the news to General Wiranto that President Abdurrahman Wahid wanted him to resign?

Sudarsono: I told him that perhaps it would be wise to put himself in an inactive position rather than resign. But he insisted the Commission Investigating Human Rights Violations in East Timor report was biased and said he wanted to meet Gus Dur [President Abdurrahman Wahid's nickname]. We agreed that the best way was to wait for the President to return from his foreign tour. I think Wiranto had it coming because he knew from the beginning that Gus Dur was unpredictable.

Time: Does Wiranto have any career left in politics or the military?

Sudarsono: It depends on how soon the Attorney General can get to the gist of the findings. He said it would take three months -- I think that is too long. Once we have a list of suspects, if Wiranto's name is not on it, he could theoretically be reinstated.

Time: Cabinet Secretary Marsilam Simantjuntak said the suspension of Wiranto was taken for the sake of national stability. If Wiranto's name is cleared in connection with atrocities in East Timor, could that then endanger national stability?

Sudarsono: No, I don't think so. I think the real question is between Wahid and Wiranto because they have had a strong personal relationship for the past two and a half years, going back to May 1998. I think whatever differences they may have, Wahid certainly owes Wiranto for some of the successes he -- Wahid -- went through, particularly in September and October last year. I think he recognizes that Wiranto, as a person and as commander of the armed forces and minister of defense then, played an important role in the outcome of him becoming president. But circumstances change and he is a literal pragmatist. Wahid knew that something had to be done about the perceived role of Wiranto during the post-referendum period. There was a concerted attempt by the United Nations -- and I must say that the United Nations is now a virtual arm of American diplomacy -- of trying to get Wiranto and the army as part of this democratization process that the Clinton Administration is trying to push through, particularly through Madeleine Albright and Dick Holbrooke. It reminds me of 1979-80 when the Carter Administration took credit for the release of political prisoners which the army initiated over the role of PKI [communist] political prisoners. This is not new for me.

Time: Did you find it strange that Wiranto's successor was immediately inducted in a formal ceremony?

Sudarsono: That is just one of the quirks of the government now. Most of the people in the government now, about 80%, are from nongovernment organizations and social unions and are unfamiliar with the bureaucracy. Wiranto and I are the two leftovers from the past.

Time: Has de-Wiranto-ization already taken place in the military?

Sudarsono: The moment Wiranto was appointed Menkopolkam [coordinating minister for politics and security] his power base was greatly diminished. It was only a question of time. What seems a bit galling to Wiranto is that since he is retiring on March 31, why advance the whole process? The president could have waited until March to let the legal process go on. If he is named a formal suspect, then remove him from office.

Time: Is the international community intervening too much in Indonesia's internal affairs?

Sudarsono: Yes. There is a distinct link between democratization, human rights, the environment and aid. This is a very powerful instrument and the United States plays that role in every corner of the world -- Latin America, Africa and Indonesia. It has had less success in China simply because China is more powerful in terms of resistance. We should be reminded of [first president] Sukarno's legacy. Sukarno taught us in Indonesia that behind every diplomatic nicety is power politics.

Time: Some fear Wahid might be moving too fast in making changes within the military. Do you fear the possibility of a military backlash?

Sudarsono: No. I think the process of "civilianization" is irreversible, Given the context of the past two years -- particularly revelations about the abuses of the military in some parts of the country. It is virtually impossible for any military leader to try to make a grab for power. The real danger is if the civilians do not get their act together and the whole political system stalls -- then the army, as in Pakistan, could think of a creeping coup.

Time: Is Gus Dur too susceptible to international pressures?

Sudarsono: No. He's very aware of them.

Time: Perhaps international pressure and the arrival of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan forced Gus Dur to speed things up and remove Wiranto?

Sudarsono: That's the link. Foreign investment and aid commitments are the benchmark and litmus test for Gus Dur. The president has this view about linking global issues with local capabilities. He's a believer in social empowerment and he believes foreign investment is the key to the Indonesian recovery.

Time: How do you rate Gus Dur's attempt to assert civilian rule of the country?

Sudarsono: He has the best credentials for building a civil society. The only problem is that he doesn't have enough organized, collective support in the Cabinet, PKB [National Awakening Party], NU [a related Muslim organization] and from other political parties. Al of the political parties in the Cabinet are virtually prominent figures who have followers but don't have good organization. Most of the money they get is from their friends in business and the bureaucracy.

Time: Is there a lack of unity in the Cabinet with most ministers beholden to their parties as opposed to Gus Dur?

Sudarsono: Definitely. This is back to the '50s. The PNI, Masyumi, PKI [all political parties] and NU all used government largesse to increase their war chests in anticipation of the next elections. It will come to a head in August because, theoretically, the MPR [People's Consultative Assembly] can call for an accountability speech from the President.

Time: Does the President face the possibility of having his speech rejected, or be the subject of a no-confidence motion?

Sudarsono: I don't think so. But there is a feeling that the other parties are keenly interested in creating a climate that Gus Dur has not been in full control of the Cabinet or controlling the violence in the country. I think it is unfair to blame it on him since the violence and unrest goes back to the Habibie era. There was also too much openness. We let loose the media and compounded the sense of hatred and ethnic violence because it was played through the media.

Time: Should high-ranking officers be responsible for the actions of their subordinates?

Sudarsono: There are three positions on this. The European tradition is that the commander is fully responsible. The British position is that the commander is not responsible for what is done by his troops. The American position is that the person two steps up from the perpetrator is held to account. In the case of My Lai, William Calley was brought to court and his commander two steps up was indicted but not General Westmoreland. My own personal view is that General Wiranto should not be held totally responsible. He had command responsibility but he did not perpetrate, order, finance or direct what took place in East Timor. It was state policy which was decided by the Habibie government. It was a collective Cabinet decision.

Time: Shouldn't Wiranto bear some responsibility for what happened not only in East Timor, but also for the hundreds that have died around Indonesia over the past two years?

Sudarsono: Given the nature of the conflict in East Timor over 15 years -- between religious groups -- I don't think any commander could have been able to take effective action. Given the history and links between the militias and the Indonesian military, it would have been virtually impossible for any commander, much less General Wiranto, to do what the international community at that time expected. I think Wiranto was a victim of circumstance. Even if he had wanted to, he could not have controlled the deep-seated violence of the conflict between the [pro-independence] Falantil and the militias.

Time: Couldn't the violence have been minimized if the militias had not been as well-armed or trained by the military.

Sudarsono: My main objection to the Commission Investigating Human Rights in East Timor report is that it did not investigate the cheating of UNAMET or the armed activities of the Falantil. It was so one-sided against the Indonesians that they conveniently absolved the UN of any blame and absolved the Falantil of any blame.

Time: Will investigations into past wrongdoing in Indonesia go all the way to the top? Will Wahid go after Suharto?

Sudarsono: I think Gus Dur would like to do a Wiranto to Suharto. The problem is that Suharto is very stubborn and doesn't acknowledge or recognize his guilt. We should elevate Suharto to Indonesian icon like Sukarno, absolve him of all guilt, pardon him -- but insist that all the businesses of his sons and daughters should be turned over. That would be more just, convenient and efficient than going through this endless and futile process like the Marcoses.

Time: Do you see any similarities in the fates of Wiranto and Suharto?

Sudarsono: Yes. We tend to be very dismissive of fallen leaders. That is our culture.

Time: If you were asked to testify at any upcoming trials to whom would your loyalty be, the government or Wiranto?

Sudarsono: I would give a balanced view. I would identify the national, regional and international context of the conflict, and point out that the United nations was not a neutral partner on the ground. There was a systematic attempt to bamboozle us. We were had by the UN, had by the Australians, had by the Americans.

Time: Why is it that so little justice is carried out in Indonesia when the violations and those who committed them are apparent to most people?

Sudarsono: The court system needs more money to investigate, to look for evidence, to hire police. We don't have that infrastructure. The infrastructure of justice is very poor in Indonesia. This is why it is difficult for outsiders to understand why it is difficult to bring people to justice. What I would like to learn from the South African experience is to provide justice plus reconciliation. Why not have a package solution for Aceh instead of having five outstanding trials from 1996-99? The most outstanding of those five gets put into the package, have the victims and perpetrators face each other like in South Africa, and then we defend them through the reconciliation commission. It would serve justice and it would save a lot of money and time. In East Timor, I would prefer this system to reconcile East Timor and West Timor. It would serve justice, bring perpetrators to court and, at the same time, provide a very necessary form of reconciliation between the peoples on both sides.

Time: Is the military on its way to becoming a more professional body?

Sudarsono: My job now is to instill a sense of professionalism and reduce their number of businesses, and cronyism with their local partners. I also want to reduce the unwarranted misuse of power at the local level and restrain the use of foundations and cooperatives but also in the long run provide a regular military budget that provides decent pay. We cannot have a professional military without professional pay.

Time: Are those in the military cooperating?

Sudarsono: Yes. I've told them can no longer collect expensive toys, such as those owned by some outlandishly rich generals.

Time: How long will it take to make the military more professional?

Sudarsono: Five years. My sense is that the colonels understand that the professionalism of soldiers is going to be much less lucrative but paradoxically they are proud of it. The colonels that I talk to in the army and navy realize that the good times are over.

Time: What should Indonesians learn from Wiranto?

Sudarsono: That he is a very unlucky person. His name was so rosy. Time magazine was full of praise of him in May 1998. And look what you're writing about him now. Wiranto restrained himself from grabbing power although there was a decree from Suharto in May 1998. He successfully facilitated the succession from Suharto to Habibie and from Habibie to Gus Dur. He was rejected by the military faction in Parliament to advance to become Vice President and he accepted that. He could have conveniently let the students storm Parliament during the special session in November 1998.

Wiranto: 'I tried to build a house of peace'

General Wiranto has been a pivotal player in modern Indonesia. Appointed head of the armed forces by Suharto in 1998, he helped ease the dictator out of power, then saw the military through a series of crises: pro-democracy demonstrations in Jakarta, ethnic and religious violence in the provinces, the referendum on independence in East Timor. Last week Wiranto, 52, was suspended from his post as Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs, after being implicated in a government-sanctioned report on human rights violations in East Timor. Four days later he spoke with Time reporter Jason Tedjasukmana at his private residence in south Jakarta.

Time: You have been accused of genocide by some members of the international community. What is your response?

Wiranto: There was no genocide. It cannot be compared to Somalia or Rwanda, where hundreds of thousands died. According to our count, during the East Timor incident, more or less 92 people died in all of East Timor.

According to the KPP HAM [Commission Investigating Human Rights Violations in East Timor] report, about 250. We have to admit that the conflict between both sides was going on for more than 20 years. Even before that there was fighting between ethnic and tribal groups.

Time: What I saw in East Timor was complete devastation. How could destruction of that scale take place without some kind of planning or organization?

Wiranto: Not everything was destroyed. I think you just saw a few districts. Of all 12 districts only four suffered heavy damage. The other eight were intact. For example, Baucau is still intact. Why does the damage appear to be that extensive? Because, according to accounts from local eyewitnesses and several pastors, and even a pastor that was on Portuguese radio, after newcomers and those who were pro-integration heard of their loss, they felt life in East Timor was over and that it would be better to move somewhere else. They began to destroy and burn buildings and stores that they had built up little by little over tens of years. They did not want to have their houses abandoned and taken over by those they considered the enemy. After they finished burning their own houses then they helped their neighbors burn their houses. That's why it looks so extensive but not because it was planned by TNI [the military]. It was spontaneous by the homeowners themselves. Just ask the refugees in West Timor. They will tell you the same thing. I would like the international inquiry to directly ask us -- the pro-integration side and government officials who were there then -- to obtain information that is balanced and comes from another side. If the information only comes from one side, of course it is biased.

Time: In light of the accusations you face, are you now afraid to leave the country for fear of suffering the same fate as Pinochet?

Wiranto: No. I am not Pinochet. Things were very emotional in East Timor. I went there and told my subordinates in the field to shoot on sight and to take strong measures. But when you are facing crowds that large and emotional that kept getting bigger, soldiers and police anywhere in the world would have a problem. What happened was not intentional.

Time: What is it like being suspended after having held some of the most powerful positions in the country?

Wiranto: I don't feel any loss or pressure. All of my jobs have been in service of the country. I used whatever the position was to carry out my activities to support, help and contribute to the development of the country. My orientation was toward service, not the post.

Time: How were you informed of the President's decision?

Wiranto: I was told by the staff of the President.

Time: Were you shocked by the decision?

Wiranto: No. In 30 years I have faced worse problems. My reaction was balanced. One has to think clearly, objectively and see everything with a wider perspective and not become emotional.

Time: Do you now have any political ambitions?

Wiranto: I haven't thought about that yet. My status is still as a minister but non-active. I'm still waiting to see how the whole process is carried out.

Time: How much do you feel that you influenced historical change in Indonesia since becoming head of the armed forces?

Wiranto: I experienced three different governments, and during those periods I went along with the process of reform. It was a global development that Indonesia had to follow. Whether it was human rights or the environment, Indonesia, whether it wanted to or not, had to go through the reform process if it did not want to be left behind. There was no pressure or pushing. Reform was a necessity for Indonesia. I felt the process had to happen gradually and constitutionally. I even made a program about reform and gave it to the President and the DPR [lower house of Parliament] while I was still head of TNI. So it is not true that the TNI obstructed reform. Because we supported reform, we carried out internal reform so we could walk in step with national reform. My suggestion to the government was that the agenda had to be clear and step by step. What was important was that it had to be controlled well and be carried out structurally as well as culturally.

Time: You once swore to protect Suharto and his family. Can you still do that?

Wiranto: I would protect any president. By doing so I protect the dignity of the nation. I wouldn't protest if he is taken to court as long as it is done legally and not illegally. But I don't want to see hundreds or thousands of people going to his home and then dragging him out on the street. That would be vulgar. I haven't done anything during the investigation of Suharto and am not interfering because I respect the legal process.

Time: To the outside world, the decision to confer "non-active" status appears to be based on a belief that the KPP HAM findings are correct in implicating you in the post-referendum violence in East Timor. What is your reaction to this perception of guilt?

Wiranto: First of all, I think it is important to clarify a few things about the accusations that KPP HAM has made. Number one, people need to understand the truth about KPP HAM. They were only responsible for collecting information and providing a report on what they think happened in East Timor. It does not have the legal authority of an official police report. In this sense, it cannot be used to make a formal legal decision.

Number two, the Attorney General still needs to study the findings of the report. This will be done through a special team that will be legally formed who will then decide who was involved and should be held accountable. Up to this point, nobody has been officially implicated, including myself. Number three, as is stated in the executive summary of KOMNAS HAM [National Commission on Human Rights] to the Attorney General, I most definitely have not been involved in human-rights violations. I am considered responsible for what happened in my capacity as commander of the armed forces at the time. Please understand, though, there is a big difference between these two. With these things in mind, I see the decision to make me "non-active" as an administrative decision. It has been done to make it easier for me to provide additional information or explanations to the special team formed by the Attorney General. Finally, about people's assumptions that I am guilty, let me ask you, who is it that says I am guilty? Many people have actually told me they know I am not guilty! Anyhow, it is best that we all wait and trust in the rule of law and good governance.

Time: Do you intend to resign before the Attorney General's Office finishes its follow-up investigation?

Wiranto: How can I make a decision concerning a process that is still uncertain? Honestly, I am not concerned about the job or the so-called power that is associated with it. Even before I had a single star on my shoulder, I knew if I ever did get one, it would not be forever. We are, all of us, just human. The real issue has to do with honor and truth. I have tried to serve my country for 35 years. As a soldier, I don't expect a thank-you card, but honesty and fairness.

Time: What will be your defense?

Wiranto: If we look at the issue of East Timor from the perspective of responsibility, the issue becomes much clearer. In my position as the commander of armed forces, I was responsible for policy formation. I was not responsible for the deployment of troops or for directing them in the field, which are operational or tactical responsibilities. In the area for which I was responsible I did my best to build a policy that was directed at ending armed conflict, the terrorizing of innocents and the violating of human rights. The peace agreement forged in Dili on April 21, 1999, is just one of many efforts made to bring peace to the two parties who had been fighting for over 25 years. This alone demanded incredible patience and hard work.

Furthermore, I stated and insisted on the neutrality of the TNI. Imagine U.S soldiers during the closing days in Vietnam being told to be neutral at the drop of a hat and to shake the hands of the Viet Cong. For those of us who had fought the Fretilin for over 20 years this demanded the utmost in military discipline. It came from a heart that sincerely desired peace. To cement the gains made through the peace agreement, I then oversaw the signing of a cease-fire agreement in Jakarta on June 18, 1999. Without the weapons to make war, the impetus to attack and murder would begin to recede. Over and over again, I tried to convince both parties to turn their physical confrontation into a political struggle -- to beat their swords in plowshares. To this effect I also formed the Commission on Peace and Stability, which was manned by both pro- and anti-integration personnel as well as members of KOMNAS HAM and the government. This commission was formed to help ensure that the signed agreements were not broken. Besides this, I was pleased that foreign police advisers and military liaison officers were sent to help us Indonesians ensure security during the balloting. Along with these foreigners, there were also droves of reporters and observers -- 4,000 foreigners in all -- and not a single fatality over a period of three months. Fortunately, the balloting was carried out peacefully. After the results were announced and the rioting began I announced a military emergency to bring the situation under control.

I admit that during those few days human-rights violations did take place and that members of TNI and the police were involved. The military and police have already arrested and processed a number of our members who were found guilty of such crimes.

So, as the one responsible for policy this is what I did to try and bring peace to East Timor. I think more than anyone else, besides of course the victims, I was distraught over what happened. I had tried to build a house of peace and saw it go up in flames and myself being blamed for it. But think about: why in the world would I sweat and labor with my own hands to build such a house only to burn it down? You tell me.

Time: Do you feel that the legal process is being followed?

Wiranto: I have already explained that legally I have not been tried for anything. The decision on whether or not I should be tried has not even been made. On whether there was another reason for dismissing me, for example a political one, I do not want to make any sort of assumptions at this time. At this time Indonesia is undergoing major changes, or reformations, in the areas of politics and law. If there has been a manipulation of the law for political purposes, then what has happened to me has been a setback rather than a move forward as so many imagine it has been. Also, if there has been a manipulation of the law for political purposes, it will be criticized and rejected by the people.

Time: What was the reason for the switch from keeping you in the Cabinet to removing you at the last minute?

Wiranto: I think that someone other than me would better answer this question.

Time: Do you feel that your career has been tainted by the decision taken by the President?

Wiranto: My military carrier will be determined by what I did as a professional soldier. As long as I carried out my duty according to the soldiers' pledge, doing what was best for the people and the nation, I am sure that my honor as a soldier will be safely guarded.

Time: Do you feel that you are being judged prematurely?

Wiranto: If I feel judged it means that I feel guilty. There is a certain principle in law, as you say, "innocent until proven guilty." This means until a court of law finds me guilty I am innocent before the law and therefore should not be spoken of as guilty. Therefore, it is best that I think positively about what has happened and believe that truth will triumph. I hope that this problem can be quickly settled without outside intervention or vested interests that may feel injustice can lead to justice.

Government to push ahead with fuel price hike

Jakarta -- President Abdurrahman Wahid said on Monday the government would push ahead with plans to increase electricity tariffs and fuel prices despite the public's protests, citing that it was part of the agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The President, also known as Gus Dur, said Indonesia would not cancel the plan as the measure could hamper the country's efforts to obtain loans from the IMF. "The President said the government could not lift subsidies on both commodities, because if this was done, it would face difficulties in obtaining funds from the IMF," Budiman Sudjatmiko, the chairman of the youth party Partai Rakyat Demokratik (PRD), told reporters after meeting with the President.

Budiman, party secretary general Petrus H. Harianto and head of the party's board of leaders Faisol Reza were invited by the President for a talk at the Bina Graha presidential office after they had staged a rally against fuel price and power tariff increases in front of the palace complex.

Budiman said he asked Gus Dur to review the plan to protect the interests of the public who elected him. The President turned down the request. He promised, however, the government would try to gradually cut the country's dependency on the IMF and foreign loans. Budiman said his party would push ahead with campaigns to block the government's efforts to raise the prices of both commodities, arguing that the measure was too burdensome on a public not yet fully recovered from the impact of the economic crisis.

"We shall try to block the plan through demonstrations and seminars," former political prisoner and demonstration leader Budiman said.

The government agreed on Friday with the House of Representatives's special team on fuel prices and power tariffs to increase the power tariff by an average of 29.43 percent starting on April 1. They agreed, however, to protect low-income households that consume a maximum capacity of 900 watts at any one time from the increases.

The agreement was lower than the 35 percent tariff increase proposed by the government, and was different from the government's initial proposal to only protect consumers of a maximum capacity of 450 watts at any one time from the increase.

The government expects to cut subsidies for electricity by Rp 3.9 trillion (US$535 million) this year. The government has also proposed a 20 percent increase in fuel prices, but it has yet to reach an agreement with the House's special team on the proposal.

Legislator Pramono Anung, who chaired the House's special team on fuel prices and power tariffs, said earlier the team had proposed a 10 percent increase for Premium and Premix gasoline but no price increase for kerosene and diesel oil.

Analysts say the planned increases in fuel prices and power tariffs may serve as a test to gauge the strength of Abdurrahman's four-month administration. Subsidy reductions for both commodities has been a sensitive issue in the country for three decades. The last price increases for both commodities, which took place in May 1998, sparked violent riots resulting in the downfall of president Soeharto.
 

Arms/armed forces

TNI to quit House, but not Assembly

Jakarta -- The Indonesian Military (TNI) is prepared to leave the House of Representatives (DPR) after the next elections in 2004, but insists on maintaining a presence in the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

TNI Commander Adm. Widodo A.S. told Assembly Ad Hoc Committee I for constitutional amendments on Friday TNI's stance was a signal of its wish to withdraw from politics and remain neutral in general elections.

But he stressed that the military, as part of the nation, also wished to participate in the Assembly, the country's highest law-making body, in deciding the nation's political development. "My proposal is based on objective conditions. I trust the ad hoc committee will decide on the necessity or otherwise of the TNI faction's presence in the MPR," he said.

Widodo said TNI members had the same political rights as civilians, namely the right to vote and be elected to office, but were determined not to exercise these rights. "If TNI members vote, they will vote for various parties, thus giving an impression of groupings within the institution. But if they set up their [own] political party, they will certainly vote for it, thus making them no longer neutral." The 1999 Law on Elections stipulates that TNI and the National Police, which have 400,000 members between them, are granted 38 seats in the House/Assembly under the TNI/National Police faction. But the Assembly decided in its general session last October to bar the military from the House beginning in 2004.

Under its dual function, TNI, whose members do not vote in elections, has participated directly in the government while maintaining its responsibility for national security. But the fall of former president Soeharto, a retired Army general, in May 1998 sparked demands for the military to leave politics entirely. The number of seats reserved for TNI in the legislature has been reduced gradually over recent years from 100 to the present 38.

In line with his proposal, Widodo suggested the MPR review Article 2 of the Constitution, which was amended last October, in order to pave TNI's way into the Assembly. The amended article stipulates that the Assembly comprises House legislators and regional and interest group representatives, who are all elected. "We think this article needs reviewing or additional explanation to make sure all elements of the nation are accommodated in the MPR," he said. The Assembly has 700 members, 500 of whom are House legislators.

Widodo also asked the ad hoc committee to consider reviewing Article 10 of the Constitution on the president's status as the supreme commander of the military, in order to avoid repeating past mistakes. He said as the head of state, the president had the power to deploy or use the military to safeguard his or her political decisions, but could not use the military for other political purposes.

Some ad hoc committee members said Widodo's remarks reflected TNI's continued refusal to leave the political arena. "Their rejection is natural because they have enjoyed political benefits for the past 32 years. They are trying to maintain their privileges," Asnawi Latief of the Muslim Community Awakening Party (PKU) said.

He suggested the Assembly treat TNI the same as it did civil servants, who cannot pursue politics unless they first resign. "It's better if military members are allowed to vote, but they must resign if they want to be elected as legislators," he said.

Julius Usman from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) labeled Widodo's statements "an old trick" to maintain the pivotal political role the military has played for three decades. Ali Maskur Musa from the National Awakening Party (PKB) was more cautious, saying the military's departure from the House should take place democratically. However, he did not elaborate on how this would be achieved.

In Yogyakarta, political observer Samsu Rizal Panggabean from Gadjah Mada University said Widodo's statements reflected TNI's halfhearted commitment to democratization. "In line with the reform agenda, all members of the next Assembly should be those elected in the general election. So there should be no appointees in the Assembly," he said.

Rizal suggested the next Assembly consist only of House legislators and regional representatives elected by provincial legislators. "The key is that anyone, civilians and military personnel, who intends to run for either the MPR or DPR must compete in the general election. That's how a democratic system must work. "We no longer want to hear TNI's reason that their presence in the MPR is needed for the sake of national unity."

Kopassus thugs finally brought to account

Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- They call them Black Operations -- kidnapping, killing, torturing, raping, burning and looting designed to intimidate opposition or set communities against each other. Sometimes they wear black masks, other times they pose as local thugs. Often local military officers are not told of the arrival in their towns and villages of highly trained, brutal soldiers who launch covert, state-sponsored terror campaigns.

"For decades they have been a law unto themselves," says Mr Robert Lowry, an Australian expert on Indonesia's armed forces. "They have become a force within a force that make work for themselves to justify their own existence."

But the new civilian government in Jakarta is preparing to effectively dismantle Kopassus, the country's 6,000-strong elite red beret special force that human rights investigators say is behind a swathe of terrorist acts across the archipelago over decades, including last year's violence in East Timor and atrocities in Aceh province.

The Defence Minister, Mr Juwono Sudarsono, told the Herald that he intended to cut back what he described as the "rag-tag" elite that Kopassus has become to a force of between 700 and 1,000, similar to Australia's anti-terrorist SAS group. "My aim is to streamline the military, particularly the army and particularly Kopassus," Mr Juwono said. "I am just beginning to rein in the military to do what it does best and that is soldiering."

The move to radically cut back Kopassus and make it accountable to the new military hierarchy dominated by non-army officers appointed by the President, Mr Wahid, is certain to increase tensions between the army and the country's first democratically elected government.

A two-week stand-off between Mr Wahid and the former armed forces chief, General Wiranto, fuelled rumours of an army rebellion that subsided only when the general -- accused over the East Timor violence -- reluctantly agreed to step down from Cabinet.

Throughout the 1990s, Kopassus -- the army's first special forces, formed in 1952 -- was greatly expanded under the leadership of Lieutenant-General Prabowo Subianto, the ambitious son-in-law of the then President Soeharto.

"Kopassus was Prabowo's power base," said a retired army officer in Jakarta, who asked for anonymity. "He ruled it as his own fiefdom ... there were no checks, no balances. They were basically out of control." General Prabowo tried to buy the unit Russian helicopters and insisted on its commandos being the best at everything, including rushing to beat Malaysian soldiers to climb Mt Everest.

But after Soeharto's downfall, General Prabowo admitted to a military tribunal that he had presided over the kidnapping of nine political activists. He was drummed out of the military and forced into exile, one of the few times a Kopassus man has been brought to account.

At the height of the East Timor violence last year, journalists saw Kopassus soldiers change into civilian clothes and join militias attacking independence supporters. Human rights investigators in the Territory have evidence that Kopassus covertly directed much of the violence before the September arrival of Interfet troops. Australian soldiers with Interfet caught at least 10 Indonesians operating in militia units who carried Kopassus identity cards.

An independent commission investigating human rights abuses in Aceh over a decade concluded late last year that most of the troops responsible for countless atrocities in the province were from Kopassus.

Kopassus forces have traditionally reported to the military's senior commanders in Jakarta. Their primary role has been strategic intelligence gathering and special covert operations at home and abroad.

One of most spectacular successes of Kopassus was the storming of a hijacked Indonesian aircraft in Bangkok in 1981. Only one hijacker survived. In 1962 its forces infiltrated Irian Jaya in support of Indonesia's liberation campaign.

When East Timor was invaded in 1975, Kopassus forces were among the first to land. For the next two decades they played a leading role in the province, hunting down the resistance leader Lobato in 1978 and in 1992 capturing his successor, Xanana Gusmao. Over decades, Kopassus concentrated on eliminating rebel leaders and their support structures in Aceh, East Timor and Irian Jaya, now West Papua.

Some former Kopassus commanders have gone on to fill top positions in the armed forces, including General Edi Sudrajat and General Feisal Tanjung. In 1998 Australia abandoned major military exercises with Kopassus after damaging publicity over its human rights record.

Indonesia's Parliament will summon General Wiranto to face questioning over East Timor, a senior politician, Mr Yasril Ananta Baharuddin, said yesterday.
 

Economy & investment

Airports, state companies to be privitised

Jakarta -- At least three of Indonesia's airports under the state-owned airport operator PT Angkasa Pura (AP) I, will be offered to private investors, a company official said.

Gatot Pudjo Martono, the director of PT AP I said on Thursday the government would decide the system and time table of privatization of the three airports, Bali's Ngurah Rai, Surabaya's Juanda and Makasar's Hasanuddin.

Martono said the three airports are the largest contributors to the company's income. Martono said Ngurah Rai contributed 50% to AP I's earning, and Juanda and Hasanuddin accounted for 50% each.

The AP I's income in 1998 totaled Rp1.08 trillion (US$142 million) with profit of Rp800 billion, down in 1999 to Rp660 billion and Rp300 billion respectively. Martono attributed the decline to the strengthening of rupiah against the US dollar.

He said the intrest of the regional government would be considered in privatizing airports. He said airports have better prospects with the improved outlook of the economy in general.

Three state-owned Indonesian companies are also planning initial public offerings (IPO) for next month under the government's privatization program.

Nyoman Tjager, a deputy of the state minister for state enterprises, said the privatization of PT Pupuk Kaltim, a fertilizer company, PT Tambang Bukit Asam, a coal mining company and PT Perkebunan Nusantara, a plantation company,was aimed at raising fresh funds to cover a deficit in the 2000 fiscal budget.

Tjager said that next in the list to be privatized are PT Indo Farma and PT Kimia Farma, both pharmaceutical companies, PT Aneka Tambang, a general mining company and PTPN II, a plantation company.

Earlier, Laksamana Sukardi, the state minister in charge of state enterprises, said that 8 state-owned companies had been put on the "fast track" to privatization.

Indonesians in for belt tightening

Tim Dodd, Jakarta -- After a year's pause for breath Indonesians are about to face another economic squeeze with tax hikes and subsidy cuts set to raise prices on basic goods as part of the Government's effort to prune its budget.

The price of electricity will go up by an average of nearly 30 percent on April 1, and fuel costs will rise shortly afterwards, probably by 20 percent, as the Government winds back its heavy subsidies. At the same time taxes will rise, including new excises on soft drinks, ties and cement, which will also pass through to consumer prices.

The Government's planning board believes the CPI could rise by more than 10 percent this year. Last year inflation was zero, but this followed 77 percent hyper-inflation in 1998.

The Indonesian Government has been forced into cutting its budget by the legacy of the economic crisis and decades of bad policy making in the Soeharto years. The bills are now coming in for the $130 billion bank rescue plan (interest payments are up by 45 percent in this year's budget) and a 17 percent rise in the public servants' salary costs -- seen as essential to cut down on the rampant corruption caused by very low public sector pay.

Price rises are a volatile issue in Indonesia and subsidy cuts for electricity and petrol in May 1998 sparked riots which helped push The president Soeharto from office.

Indonesia's tiny socialist party, the People's Democratic Party, plans to protest against the price rises with a series of demonstrations. But other advocates for low-income earners see the price rises as responsible. "This is not popular but it is a better option than foreign debt," said Ms Wardah Hafidz, co- ordinator of the Urban Poor Consortium in Jakarta.

The electricity price rise will be structured to minimise the impact on the poor. Households with higher usage will be given a bigger price rise. The biggest burden will be borne by business. The price rise for industry will be between 54 percent and 76 percent.

Indonesia's budget situation is being assisted by the continuing high oil price. Although the high price raises the cost of the petrol subsidy, the Government makes a net gain because it wins more in extra taxes than is lost with a higher subsidy.

Rush for black gold offers money to burn

Dow Jones, Jakarta -- As Asia's only member of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries, Indonesia's coffers are filling with cash, according to analysts and Indonesian government officials, as the rally in crude oil generates a windfall for the struggling economy.

As crude oil prices hover at about US$30 a barrel, some of the world's largest oil exporters are starting to acknowledge that petroleum prices have risen too much and are suggesting Opec should boost production in order to lower prices.

This has already caused prices to fall slightly. Crude oil for April settlement dropped as much as 44 cents, or 1.67 per cent, to $25.78 a barrel before recovering to $25.84 in afternoon trade on London's International Petroleum Exchange yesterday. Still, with Indonesia's budget expiring on March 31 based on an average price of $10.50 per barrel, the country is clearly earning much more than it budgeted on.

While this may appear a welcome phenomenon as Indonesia struggles to reduce its dependence on foreign loans, the rise in the price of oil to nine-year highs is actually more of a mixed blessing as it also raises the cost of fuel subsidies, which have long been in place to insulate large chunks of society from fluctuations in the price of oil on global markets.

The subsidies keep domestic fuel prices unchanged, so the increase in global prices does not stoke inflationary pressure. However, as oil revenues increase, so does the cost of the subsidies. In addition, Indonesia imports a lot of its crude requirements from overseas markets, and the oil rally is also driving up the cost of those imports.

The government said it was still coming out on top. Indeed, with the economy so weak and private inflows of capital practically non-existent, oil prices are proving to be a vital money-spinner.

"I think we still have a gain, because of the oil price increase, even though we have to also buy some crude from Saudi Arabia," said Sahalla Goal, director of oil and non-tax revenue at the finance ministry. "Of course, Indonesia is taking advantage of this rally." The country would clearly be benefiting more if it was not subsidising fuel costs.

In the current budget year, for instance, the government forecast oil and gas revenue at 21 trillion rupiah. Its most recent estimate predicts it will actually be more than double that at 49.2 trillion rupiah.

Although at the same time, the actual cost of subsidies on the budget has jumped, from the assumption of 28 trillion rupiah, to the latest prediction of 42.5 trillion rupiah. "I think the impact of the price increase in oil is positive and negative at the same time," said Pande Raja Silalahi, an economist at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta. If Indonesia does not lift subsidies though, it will continue to only partially enjoy the black gold rush.