Democratic
struggle
East Timor
Presidential
succession
Political/Economic
crisis
Aceh/West
Papua
Human
rights/Law
News
& issues
Arms/Armed
forces
Indonesia
protests flare on eve of assembly
Reuters - September 30, 1999
Claudia Gazzini, Jakarta
-- Protests broke out across Indonesia on Thursday over grievances ranging
from the UN-backed intervention in East Timor to the pace of democratic
reform.
Students threw three molotov
cocktails and some rocks at the Australian Embassy in protest against Camberra's
involvement in East Timor. One molotov cocktail entered the grounds of
the building. A window of an embassy security post was also broken.
The protests flared as US
Defence Secretary William Cohen held talks with officials in Jakarta and
came a day before the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) convenes. The
MPR is to elect a new president within a few weeks.
At least 2,000 protesters
took to the streets in several parts of the capital and at least three
major regional cities.
About 500 students were involved
at the Australian embassy protest, burning Australian flags and set fire
to rubbish outside.
They were protesting Canberra's
leadership of the UN force in East Timor, where thousands of people are
believed to have been killed since the former Portuguese colony voted overwhelmingly
on August 30 for independence from Indonesia.
"Australia has to apologise
to Indonesia," read one banner. Another called Indonesia's southern neighbour
"neo-imperialist".
Cohen
talks with Habibie, Wiranto
About 50 protesters also
rallied at the US embassy as Cohen met President B.J. Habibie and military
chief General Wiranto.
Wearing uniforms and white
veils, some 500 Moslem students chanted prayers from the Koran and demanded
effective reforms outside a Jakarta hotel where members of the new parliament
are staying, calling this "the will of the Indonesian people". In the Sumatran
city of Medan, about 500 students demanded the government allow neighbouring
Aceh province a referendum on its future status like the East Timor ballot.
"In order to end the troubles of Aceh, the government has to allow a referendum
for the people of Aceh," a student said.
Protests also broke out in
Pontianak on Borneo island as the local parliament for West Kalimantan
province was being sworn in.
Anger
directed at Australia
In the far eastern Moluccas,
some 150 students demanded that Australians leave the province's north,
including missionaries, mine workers and tourists, the official Antara
news agency said.
In recent weeks, Australian
flags have been burnt, several Australian firms have evacuated their staff
and Canberra's diplomatic presence has been reduced in parts of Indonesia.
Australia's embassy grounds
in Jakarta also have been broken into during past protests and the building
has been shot at.
Two days of clashes last
week between security forces and students protesting against a new internal
security bill left at least seven people dead. One person also was killed
this week in a protest against the security law in southern Sumatra.
The law was rushed through
the outgoing parliament last week, but the government bowed to the protests
and suspended its implementation. Students have vowed to hold more protests
until the law is revoked.
Opposition figure Megawati
Sukarnoputri called on students to stop protesting and put their faith
in the MPR, which on Thursday held a rehearsal for Friday's opening ceremony.
The body consists mainly of MPs elected in June.
University
student shot dead in Lampung
Kompas - September 29, 1999
Bandar Lampung -- The mourning
of Yap Yun Hap who died of gunshot wounds had hardly lifted from the Indonesia
University campus grounds, when news broke through that another student,
M. Yusuf Rizal (23), has fallen victim at the Bandar Lampung University
of Lampung on Tuesday (28/9). The victim participating in a demonstration
against the Emergency Situations Draft, and a student at the Social Sciences
Faculty of the University, was shot in the neck.
The tragic incident occurred
during a chase of security troops who went after the students and started
shooting following riots and clashes on the grounds of the Kedaton Military
Rayon Commando Headquarters.
The military headquarters
are located right opposite the Bandar Lampung University. More students
were injured on the campus grounds. At least 31 students were injured,
11 are still in intensive care at the Abdoel Moeloek Hospital and at the
Advent Hospital of Bandar Lampung. Nine security men were also injured
in the melee.
"I cannot accept the fact
that my child has sacrificed his life for nothing. He is not a criminal.
The students took to the streets to voice the aspirations of the people
and in a token of solidarity for their fallen friend in Jakarta. I, therefore,
appeal to the military authorities and the police, to solve this case once
and for all," Mahmud (60), Rizal's father said.
This pensioned teacher refused
to accept the death of his son meekly.
The eleven injured students
in hospital are, Remi Citra (20), student of the same university (UBL),
Saidatul Fitria (21) FKIP Unila, Mujamil (22) Fisip Unila, and Riki Rusdi
(22) Fisip UBL who is under treatment of the Advent Hospital. Seven other
students in hospital care are, Ifan (20) UBL student, a. Rozak (22) Fisip
Unila, Agung Prasetyo (20) UBL, Dika Rinaldi (20) UBL Accountancy student,
Erlan (24) UBL, Fitriansyah (21) UBL, and M. Soleh Wahyudi (23) UBL student.
The victims are not in the
best of conditions because of headwounds, injuries on hands and the stomach.
Saidatul Fitri, a photographer of the Unila Teknokra campus paper was still
unconscious yesterday evening. Oblivious of the infuse equipment and other
life supporting machine, she lies prone in a hospital bed because a bullet
had struck her forehead.
The action
Since 9.30am, a mixture of
hundreds students from the Bandar Lampung University, Unila and other students,
activists of the Democratic People Party (PRD) had assembled on the road
in front of the UBL campus in protest against the Emergency Situations
Draft. The demonstration was also hedl in a token of solidarity for the
death of Yap Yun Hap.
Shouting slogans, the demonstrating
crowd filled the surroundings of Jalan ZA Pagaralam, Kedaton, some 2,5
kilometers from the city center of Bandar Lampung. Then, for some unknown
reason, people were running and entered the yard of the military headquarters
in front of the UBL campus. The crowd demanded of the military to fly the
flag half mast as a mark of mourning for their friend, Yun Hap in Jakarta.
Eight military men looked on helplessly and the crowd lowered the Red White
flag to half mast.
After that the crowd went
out of hand. In a bout of emotional uprising, they took down the name board
of the Military Rayon Commando and started to stone the military headquarters.
Glass panes up front of the premises provided a scene of total destruction.
A combined unit of security personnel, like a unit of Anti-Riot District
Police from Lampung, a unit of the Mobile Brigade, and military men of
the 043 Military Resort Commando, Black Eagle, which had since long been
alerted, were trying to hold back the advancing mob. Police Chief Bandar
Lampung Resort, Lt. colonel TMB Siahaan, who led the counter operation
appealed to the mob not to damage anything.
But, the answer was a hail
of stones, broken tiles, and other hard objects. Warning shots in the air
and tear gas could not hold the mob back. Full clashes could not be avoided
as hundreds of security men stood ready to fight the mob around 60 meters
away.
Both groups were involved
in a stone throwing session. The troops crawled in an advancing stance
and rained bullets on the angry mob in front of them. People fled for safety
in all directions, most of them tried to find refuge on UBL campus grounds.
But, the chase went on. Casualties could no longer be avoided on both sides.
A number of students fell to the ground inside the university complex when
they got hit by bullets. One of the students was Rizal who was fataly hit
in the neck.
The Commander of 043 Military
Resort Commando Black Eagle, Colonel Mudjiono, said after the clashes that
the demonstration was the ultimate of brutality. It was there for everyone
to see, they were not demonstrating, but, they were out on a destruction
and assault mission of government buildings and government officials.
"This is not a genuine student
action," said Mudjiono.
Ongoing action
In spite of the sacrifices
and deferment of the Emergency Situation Draft by government, students
in Medan, Jakarta and Semarang, do not seem to stop their actions against
the Emergency Draft. They demanded a total withdrawal of the draft.
In Medan students of Sisimangaraja
University XII were staging a demo in front of the campus. Three long college
desks were set up on the road, old tyres were set ablaze which created
a traffic disturbance in no time.
In Semarang, a PRD mob staged
an action on foot which moved towards Parliament House and the District
Police Headquarters of Central Java. The crowd demanded responsibility
from Chief Commander General Wiranto and President Habibie for the shootings
and violence suffered by anti-Emergency Law students and the public.
In Jakarta, various student
and public groups were holding a flower ritual at the beginning of Jalan
Garnison, next to Atma Jaya University campus. About thousand UI students
arrived from the university's campus in Depok to join the flower tribute
after participating in a walk along the Dr. Satrio Artery Road in the neighborhood
of the Casablanca area.
Other than students, North
Sumatra farmers who joined the People Movement for Agricultural Reformation
(Gerag) joined demonstrations in respect of the Semanggi Tragedy II victim.
Attired in farmer outfits, longsleeves, and handwoven cloth, they walked
from down from the Casablanca area. After the flower tribute at the site
of the incident, prayers were said for the victim and the student cause.
After the flower ceremony,
UI students staged an action at the end of Jalan Garnison. There went on
shouting slogans and sang anti-military songs.
"We don't just demand withdrawal
of the Emergency Draft, but we want politics free from military elements,"
one of the demonstrators said.
One
dead in fresh student protest
Agence France Presse - September
28, 1999
Jakarta -- Protests against
a new state security bill in Indonesia claimed another life Tuesday when
security forces shot dead a student in clashes in the Sumatra island city
of Bandar Lampung, hospitals and reports said. At least 27 others were
injured in the protest, which followed the deaths of at least seven people,
one a student, in similar protests in Jakarta last week.
Tuesday's victim was shot
dead in front of the Bandar Lampung University, where the clash broke out
after security officials attempted to disperse hundreds of students trying
to march to the local military headquarters, said Alira of the Bandar Lampung
Legal Aid Institute.
Alira could not give further
details saying she had yet to get a full report from the members of the
institute's team gathering data on the incident.
But she said the students
had started to march from Lampung University and had passed the Bandar
Lampung University where they were joined by hundreds more students, when
the clash took place.
"A male student was admitted
here this morning. He was already dead on arrival," an employee of the
emergency ward of the Abdul Muluk hospital in Bandar Lampung said by telephone.
He could not give further details but said 11 other students were also
brought to the hospital with various injuries.
Hospitals in Bandar Lampung
contacted by telephone said at least 27 people were injured and rushed
to the hospitals, including one in critical condition with a fractured
skull and at least five with gunshot wounds.
The state Antara news agency
identified the dead student as Muhamad Yusuf Rizal, 22, a student of the
faculty of social and political sciences at Lampung University.
Rizal was the second student
to die in protests against the security bill which was passed by the parliament
last Thursday.
Two days of massive demonstrations
against the bill in Jakarta left seven people dead, including a police
officer, and a student who was shot by soldiers late Friday. More than
100 others were injured in running clashes in the capital.
President B.J. Habibie, citing
the bloodshed, suspended his ratification of the bill until further notice.
Antara said the Bandar Lampung clash broke out when a thick cordon of police
and soldiers barred the way for the student march at Bandar Lampung university.
The students protestors,
who had intended to march to the Lampung military command, were also demanding
the military account for the death of the student in Jakarta.
A local journalist said the
students were negotiating their passage with officers there when a shot
was fired at close range and killed Rizal.
In the ensuing panic, students
began to throw stones or anything they could find, while the security forces
fired more shots and teargas. The clash, which broke out close to noon
only subsided after dusk, the journalist said.
Antara quoted Lampung military
spokesman Captain Muhammad Sufi as saying at least for four security personnel
were injured in the clash and were rushed to the military hospital. Sufi
denied there were bodies of other dead students at the military hospital.
Alira said some students
had reported three deaths, while a city telephone operator said he had
heard several telephone conversation that spoke of five killed. But none
of the other deaths could be immediately confirmed, Alira said.
Despite calls by students
and rights activists calling on the government to scrap the state security
bill, Habibie has said the delay in ratification is only to allow time
for the public to study its merits over a 1959 law it is to replace.
Critics of the security bill
say it would give a military accused of mass human-rights violations across
Indonesia, including in East Timor, sweeping powers.
PRD
member shot dead in Lampung
KPP-PRD - September 28, 1999
[The following is a compilation
of several reports sent to ASIET (Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and
East Timor) by the Central Leadership Committee of the People's Democratic
Party (KPP-PRD) in Jakarta.]
Today, a number of organisations
in Lampung, South Sumatra, including the Lampung University Student Council
(DMUL), the People's Democratic Party (PRD), KMPPL and the Lampung Peasants
Council, held an action in front of the Kedaton Military District Command
(Kodim). They demanded the withdrawal of the new Emergency Security Bill
and the dual function of the armed forces and that armed forces chief General
Wiranto be tried in an international court.
The demonstration was met
with repression by the military and as a result, a clash occurred at 11.23am
with shooting continuing until 12.15pm. At least two students were killed
and scores seriously wounded.
One of the two who died was
Jusuf Rizal, an DMUL activists and a member of the PRD. The other victim
has not yet been identified.
At 12.23pm, the Bandar Lampung
University was attacked by troops from the Bandar Lampung Kedaton Sub-district
Military Command (Koramil). A number of students were shot.
At 2pm, troops again attacked
the campus shooting indiscriminately forcing thousand of students to flee.
The number of victims is expected to increase significantly. The troops
also entered lecture theaters and destroyed what they found inside.
At 4.30 troops and police
reentered the campus, chasing and beating people, shooting and destroying
a number of buildings (Building C and F and the university Rector's building).
Ten motor vehicles were also destroyed.
As of 5pm, the number of
victims had reached 40:
-
Nine shot with live ammunition
or rubber bullets
-
One dead
-
29 suffering injuries as a result
of being beaten
-
11 being treated at the Abdul
Meoloek hospital, two in a critical condition and in a coma.
-
13 are being treated at th Advent
hospital
-
11 have been arrested by the
Bandar Lampung police
-
5 were abducted in a Red Kijang
vehicle number plate B 700 XX. Their whereabouts are unknown.
Preliminary list of victims
-
Dedi Sukasma (22), UBL student,
fractured scull, currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek pubic hospital.
-
Yusuf Rizal (23), Unila student
and PRD member, shot in the neck, deceased.
-
Ifan (22), from West Java, suffered
head wounds and currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek public hospital.
-
Budi Wahyudi (22), UBL student,
suffered head wounds and currently being treated at the Abdoel Moeloek
public hospital.
-
A. Rozak (22), Unila student,
suffered head wounds and currentlybeing treated at the Abdul Meoloek public
hospital.
-
Agung Prasetyo (20), UBL student,
shot in the thigh and currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek public
hospital.
-
Dika Rinaldi (24), UBL student,
shot in the back and currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek public
hospital.
-
Erlan (24), UBL student, suffered
head wounds and currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek public hospital.
-
Fitriansah (25), UBL student,
shot in the left shoulder and currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek
public hospital.
-
Supardi, UBL security guard,
gun shot wounds and currently being treated at the Abdul Meoloek public
hospital.
-
Zaidatul Fikri (23), Unila photographer,
gun shot wounds, is in a critical condition and currently being treated
at the Abdul Meoloek public hospital.
-
Retno Supriadi (24), Unila student,
shot in the stomach, is in a critical condition and currently being treated
at the Abdul Meoloek public hospital.
Notes:
UBL: Bandar Lampung University,
Unila = Lampung University
The UBL campus is located
in front of Kodim Kedaton, the security forces involved in the shootings
were from Kodim and a Korem unit called the "Black Garuda" (Garuda Hitam).
[Translated by James Balowski]
Hundreds
of students in anti-military protest
Agence France Presse - September
29, 1999
Jakarta -- Some 1,000 Indonesian
students returned to the streets here Wednesday in a peaceful protest against
military violence.
The protesters, mostly from
the University of Indonesia, massed at a busy roundabout in the capital's
main thoroughfare, chanting slogans and brandishing signs against what
they called the military's meddling in all aspects of life.
"Violence is not the solution,"
read a large banner. Abdul Hakim, a student from the University of Indonesia,
said.
Tension rose as dozens of
nationalist protesters attempted to join the student crowd. But the students
rejected their involvement.
Two days of massive demonstrations
against a controversial state security bill in Jakarta last week left seven
people dead, including a police officer, and a student who was shot by
soldiers.
More than 100 others were
injured in running clashes in the capital as soon as the bill was endorsed
by the parliament. President B.J. Habibie, citing the bloodshed, suspended
his ratification of the bill until further notice.
Present among the student
crowd Wednesday were prominent Muslim leader and presidential hopeful Abdurrahman
Wahid and reformist politician Amien Rais, chairman of the National Mandate
Party.
"I'm here because this protest
is against violence," Wahid said to cheers of the protesters. But he warned
the students against taking their protest to parliament. "I warn those
people who want to take over the parliament through violence. Beware,"
he added.
Rais, who spearheaded a reform
movement that helped topple former president Suharto last year, called
on the students to continue their struggle. "Never quit. Listen to your
conscience," he said.
The parliament building has
become a symbol of Indonesian students' resistance against the goverment.
A protest against the bill in the Lampung province in southern Sumatra
on Tuesday also claimed the life of a student.
Gurkhas
rescue 4,000 from militia
South China Morning Post
- October 1, 1999
Agencies in Dili, Los Palos
and Jakarta -- British Gurkha soldiers yesterday arrested two members of
a group of East Timorese militiamen who were holding more than 4,000 people
in the eastern port of Com, military sources said.
The militiamen appeared to
be preparing to move the 4,000 people out of the territory, the sources
said.
The Gurkhas, part of the
Australian-led International Force for East Timor (Interfet), arrived in
the eastern town of Los Palos earlier in the day. They were acting on information
received on the ground, the sources said.
Thousands are thought to
have been killed by pro-Jakarta forces since East Timor overwhelmingly
voted for independence in a UN-organised August 30 referendum.
Hundreds of thousands have
left the territory, many of them forcibly removed by militiamen backed
by elements of the Indonesian military.
United Nations Secretary
General Kofi Annan yesterday asked the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights,
Mary Robinson, to set up a commission of inquiry into East Timor and to
report to him by December 31.
Mr Annan said the international
inquiry would include "adequate representation of Asian experts" and work
in co- operation with the Indonesian national commission on human rights.
Jakarta has so far rejected such a probe.
Armed forces chief General
Wiranto yesterday admitted military transport was used to move most of
the 250,000 refugees now in West Timor, but only because there was no other
transport available.
"This does not mean that
we encouraged [their move] or engineered it," General Wiranto said after
accompanying President Bacharuddin Habibie in talks with visiting US Defence
Secretary William Cohen.
General Wiranto said Mr Cohen
had expressed hopes that when security had returned to East Timor, Indonesia
would assist in returning the refugees who wanted to go home. The general
said: "When the time is right, the military will be ready to help return
them."
Mr Cohen said the military
had aided and abetted violence in East Timor and urged it to disarm anti-independence
militias and investigate and punish those guilty of "improper behaviour".
He said General Wiranto had
promised to investigate the military's role and act to disarm militias.
"I made it clear that the US will not consider restoring normal military
to military contacts until the TNI [Indonesian armed forces] reforms its
ways," he said.
In New York, Foreign Minister
Ali Alatas rejected US charges that the Indonesian military was failing
to protect East Timorese refugees in West Timor and elsewhere in Indonesia,
but invited Washington to send a fact-finding team to the region.
US Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright agreed to the proposal. But she failed to persuade Jakarta to
co-operate with a UN investigation into rights abuses in East Timor.
The peacekeepers have had
to release a man believed to be a militia commander because Interfet's
mandate will not allow it to hold him for more than 72 hours.
Interfet forces said yesterday
it had recovered nine bodies in the eastern part of the territory at the
weekend.
The recovery of the bodies
from Lautem, 175km east of Dili, followed the discovery on Wednesday of
nine other mutilated corpses in a truck near Dili airport.
13
bodies found in mass grave
Agence France Presse - October
2, 1999
Dili -- The bodies of 13
people, many of them showing traces of violence, have been found in a mass
grave near Dili, a spokesman for the United Nations said on Saturday.
The bodies were found at
Tibar, around 20 kilometres west of the East Timorese capital. A grave
containing the corpses of two men, one with his throat cut the other killd
by a bullet in the head, had previously been found at the site, spokesman
David Wimhurst said.
AFP journalists on Saturday
found another three bodies near a house in Dili. One had been half devoured
by animals, another had been dumped in a ditch and the third was covered
in loose stones.
The latest discoveries follow
the killing last weekend of nine people, including two nuns, in eastern
East Timor and the discovery in Dili on Tuesday of the charred and mutilated
remains of at least nine people.
The victims are believed
to have been killed by members of armed militias who went on a violent
rampage after the territory voted on August 30 for independence.
The militias, who want East
Timor to remain part of Indonesia, were backed by some members of the Indonesian
army.
The United Nations has begun
an inquiry into the atrocities. Members of an investigative team are due
to arrive here early next week.
The UN inquiry is to produce
findings by the year end. These could lead to the establishment of an international
tribunal to judge those accused of carrying out or organising the terror.
Disease
rampant in Timor camps
Associated Press - October
2, 1999
Dafna Linzer, Kupang, --
In the ramshackle Tuapukan camp, home to 10,000 refugees from East Timor's
chaos, Indonesia's red-and- white flag flies proudly above unfinished roofs
of dried palm fronds and straw.
The show of support for Jakarta
is expected in a camp that is home to families of pro-Indonesia militias
and low-ranking Indonesian troops. What is surprising are the horrendous,
overcrowded conditions that even they are forced to tolerate.
Some 230,000 East Timorese,
most believed to be independence supporters intimidated by rampaging militias,
are living in scattered encampments across West Timor. Many say they were
forcibly taken after a landslide vote to separate from Indonesia.
Access to their camps is
severely limited, even for international air workers trying to help them.
Outbreaks of malaria and measles are on the rise, and health officials
fear the situation will only worsen with the onset of the monsoon season
next month.
In Tuapukan, hundreds of
refugees squat under leaves or plastic tarps hastily thrown up along a
traffic-clogged dirt road. Cooking tables and open latrines are side by
side. There is no water. Black exhaust from passing trucks hangs in the
air.
Dr. Hendra Wajaya, who works
inside the camps, estimated Saturday that up to half the children in Tuapukan
are suffering from diarrhea, which already has proved fatal there. Tuberculosis
is another concern.
Local health officials say
a lack of sanitation is speeding the spread of disease through Tuapukan,
located nine miles east of Kupang, the West Timor capital. One nurse expressed
concern for 10 newborns, who were delivered healthy but are now at serious
risk of infection.
Dr. Mappi Gaspar, field director
of Doctors Without Borders, said her staff members had gained access to
several camps and were trying to improve sanitation conditions.
Indonesian troops and militia
rule this section of countryside where four camps, home to roughly 40,000
people, run one after another for miles outside the city.
Scattered blue or orange
tents pepper a browned landscape thirsty for water, but most people live
under crude huts.
It was unclear whether those
in Tuapukan came to West Timor freely or were forced. Indonesian officials
in Kupang said Saturday that safety concerns made it impossible for foreigners
to enter the camp. Refugees in other camps said they were told three weeks
ago to board Indonesian military planes for West Timor or be killed.
In Asumta camp, worn out
mothers breast-fed their babies, shoeless children stared at the brown
earth and swarms of black flies buzzed in the air.
A few men quietly inquired
into the whereabouts of the militia, telling aid workers stories of torture
back in East Timor.
Fermina Sanchez hugged her
6-month-old son close to her chest as she stood on the steps of a church
complex where she is staying. "My husband stayed behind in Dili," she said.
Looking downward at her five other children gathering around her skirt,
she added, "We need to go home."
Militia
vow to avenge Australian border raids
Sydney Morning Herald - October
2, 1999
Mark Dodd, Dili -- Australian
soldiers have taken control of two towns in militia heartland along East
Timor's volatile border with Indonesian West Timor, in their biggest operation
since landing in the territory 12 days ago.
Yesterday's raids brought
an immediate threat from militia commander Joao da Silva Tavares to lead
12,000 of his fighters back into East Timor on Monday to occupy six western
districts -- including areas secured yesterday by the Australian troops.
Dubbed Operation Lavarack,
the Australians' land, sea and air assault along the western border began
shortly after 6am. It involved soldiers from the second battalion Royal
Australian Regiment, who were landed by Australian Army Blackhawk helicopters,
RAN landing craft and supported by light armoured vehicles.
Mr da Silva Tavares responded:
"The Interfet forces do not have the right to drive me from the land of
my birth. If Interfet dares to attack me, we will immediately wipe them
out." However, Interfet headquarters spokesman Colonel Mark Kelly said
the operation had met no resistance so far and by midday yesterday there
had been no sightings of pro-Jakarta militia.
"There have been reports
of a lot of militia activity in all the western regions," Colonel Kelly
said. "This is our first big move into those areas. The battalions deploying
as part of Operation Lavarack will be there for weeks. Obviously our intent
is to provide security to the people of East Timor."
More than 250 soldiers have
been landed out of a total force of 1,000 troops in the operation. They
have secured Balibo and occupied the border town of Batugade, about 100
kilometres west of Dili.
Colonel Kelly said his soldiers
were under strict orders not to cross the border into Indonesian West Timor,
an ill-defined frontier that lies only metres from the crumbling ruins
of the old seafront Portuguese fort at Batugade.
Nervous Indonesian Army commanders
had earlier warned of possible reprisals if troops crossed into West Timor.
The commander of the Australian force, Major-General Peter Cosgrove, has
stressed repeatedly his troops will confine military operations to East
Timor. Mr da Silva Tavares's threat of counter-raids is believed to involve
pro-Indonesia militia now based at Atambua, just over the border in West
Timor. The town is home to tens of thousands of refugees, and the militia
have been accused of intimidation and hampering efforts to get aid to them.
The latest operation follows
criticism by some aid groups and journalists that Interfet troops were
proceeding too cautiously in fanning out into East Timor's rural areas.
However, General Cosgrove has been quick to deny the charge. A statement
by Interfet headquarters yesterday said the aim of Operation Lavarack was
to restore peace and security in the western areas of East Timor to support
humanitarian operations. On Thursday, the British Gurkhas became the first
Interfet soldiers to fire shots -- to dispel a group of militia holding
about 2,000 unarmed civilians hostage in far eastern Com.
Exiled resistance leaders
Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos-Horta have told The Washington Post they plan
to notify Indonesian authorities of their intention to return to East Timor
on October 15.
Nine
bodies found in burnt-out pickup truck
Agence France Presse - September
30, 1999
Dili -- The mutilated and
charred remains of at least nine people were discovered in a burnt- out
pickup truck on the outskirts of Dili Wednesday, an AFP reporter at the
scene said.
The truck, which was found
surrounded by clapped out buses in a scrapyard two kilometres west of the
city, contained the skulls and rib cages of nine bodies which appeared
to have suffered severe machete wounds.
One of the sets of remains
appeared to be that of a child. The top of another skull had been sliced
off: the mouth was wide open as if the victim had died screaming in agony.
The rib cage of one of the other sets of remains had been sliced open.
Falintil
in control of areas TNI abandoned
South China Morning Post
- September 30, 1999
Waimori -- Pro-independence
guerillas said yesterday they had seized control of most of the eastern
part of East Timor after clashes with retreating militia and Indonesian
soldiers.
The commander of the Falintil
resistance on the ground in East Timor, Taur Matan Ruak, said his fighters
had taken control of areas abandoned by the Indonesian military which had
yet to be occupied by international peacekeepers.
Speaking from his mountain
headquarters, Commander Ruak said guerillas were still fighting militia
and soldiers for control of an area around the southern coastal town of
Betano.
Commander Ruak made it clear
the guerillas were unlikely to disarm. "We have learned over 24 years that
we can never trust the Indonesian military," he said. A decision to disarm
is seen as extremely unlikely before Xanana Gusmao, the leader of the guerillas
and likely leader of an independent East Timor, returns.
Mr Gusmao, who has called
for reconciliation with Indonesia, is seen as the only man with the authority
to prevent the guerillas going on a killing spree to avenge the orgy of
militia-led violence that followed the territory's August 30 vote for independence.
"Xanana should be here as soon as possible -- we need him," Falintil officer
Falur Rate Laek said.
Falintil set up its semi-permanent
base in a river valley in the Waimori region, southeast of Dili, just before
the UN- organised ballot.
More than 3,000 refugees
are also sheltering there, forced into the mountains by militia violence.
A further 10,000 huddle in the surrounding hills.
The guerillas remained in
their mountain camps in the weeks leading up to and after the independence
vote. Now they are cautiously moving back into towns and villages left
devastated by departing Indonesian soldiers.
"There's very few of us and
it's a very large area but we've sent people to where TNI [Indonesian army]
have left to make sure the population is secure," Commander Ruak said.
Western towns such as Maliana, Bobonaro and Suai remain in the hands of
militia.
Awesome
destruction 'like carpet bombing'
Sydney Morning Herald - September
30, 1999
Mark Dodd, Dili -- When paramilitary
toughs supported by Indonesia's discredited military force in East Timor
finally set down their cans of petrol and matches, hundreds of innocent
people had been killed, tens of thousands made homeless and whole towns
and villages razed.
Of a pre-ballot population
estimated at 880,000 about 200,000 people are now living in squalor in
Indonesian West Timor where threats, intimidation and sudden, violent death
at the hands of the militia is a daily hazard.
A United Nations helicopter
survey last week of the damage inflicted across this half-island territory
during a fortnight of unchecked militia attacks is mind-boggling in its
scope.
A delegation from the European
Union on an assessment mission in East Timor said on Tuesday the destruction
was comparable to damage in the Balkans.
About 70 per cent of Dili,
East Timor's capital, lies in ruins and infrastructure has all but collapsed.
There is no mains water, telephone lines are down, electricity operates
in only a few areas and sanitation and public health services are non-
existent. Many of the city's 174,000 population are now returning, including
refugees from other regional centres.
The enclave town of Oecussi,
lying on the north coast of Indonesian West Timor, is 90 per cent destroyed.
The UN spokesman Mr David Wimhurst likened the damage to World War II carpet
bombing.
A foreign reporter on the
helicopter survey said there was no sign of life except for a small group
of people standing on a barren ridge line on the town's outskirts. The
pilot reported one other unidentified person signalling with a mirror.
Baucau, East Timor's second-biggest
city with a pre-ballot population of 96,800 escaped largely intact. However,
utilities such as communications, power and water are all out of order.
The main clinic, post office and telecommunications centre facilities were
torched, along with the market and UN headquarters. Central Manatuto, population
35,200, lies totally destroyed and completely depopulated.
All over Balibo, near the
north-west border, houses were still burning last weekend. Damage was reported
as very extensive. Ainaro, the district capital of the fertile coffee-growing
south-west, is 70 per cent destroyed. Same, about 80 kilometres south of
Dili, is 40 per cent destroyed.
Some villages surrounding
the main district centres lie in ruins, while others inexplicably escaped
damage. In Suai, on the south-west coast, where militia are alleged to
have massacred more than 100 unarmed refugees sheltering in the grounds
of a church, all the buildings are in ruins, with the former UN headquarters
gutted.
Only a radio mast remains
undamaged and, attached to it, an Indonesian flag fluttered in the breeze.
Militia
ordered to change tactics
Agence France Presse - September
28, 1999
Jakarta -- The commander
of the East Timorese militia has ordered his men to halt their campaign
of terror, and apologize to their victims, the state Antara news agency
said Tuesday.
The militia should now change
tactics and try to win over the people with "good communication and friendship"
in the "long struggle" to win back East Timor for Indonesia, Antara quoted
militia supremo Joao da Silva Tavares as saying.
Antara said it had received
a signed copy of Tavares' written instruction "to all commanders" sent
from the border town of Atambua in West Timor. It was dated September 25.
"In relation to the recent
shooting, stealing and looting of the wealths and stockpiles, intimidation
and unrest towards the people ... I must instruct a halt to such actions
as these," Tavares said.
"The struggle of the PPI
(the Integration Fighter Force) and the East Timorese generally, is still
too long, therefore it needs good communication and friendship.
"It is therefore necessary
to us to create a situation which could give a safe feeling to the people
by the PPI."
Firm "preventive and curative"
measures, were needed, he added, and he would not tolerate actions "which
violate the law." He also expressed his "sympathy and concern" for the
"many brutal actions by individuals using the name of PPI."
The Indonesian army-backed
militia carried out an unchecked campaign of terror, arson and murder in
East Timor after the announcement on September 4 that the East Timorese
people had voted four-to-one in favor of independence.
The capital Dili and most
other major towns were reduced to ashes before world outrage resulted in
the dispatch of a multinational peacekeeping force there which arrived
on September 21.
Tavares and hundreds of the
militia have since poured over the border into Indonesian-ruled West Timor,
while those who remained in the East are being rounded up and disarmed
by the International Froce in East Timor (Interfet).
The United Nations High Commission
for Refugees (UNHCR) has raised the alarm that the militia are now controlling
the camps housing some 230,000 East Timorese refugees.
Many of the refugees have
said they were forcibly deported at gunpoint by Indonesian military planes
and ships from the East, and fear the militia will not allow them to return.
Community leaders in Kupang,
the main town in West Timor, and in Atambua, the main town of the Belu
district neighbouring East Timor which has borne the brunt of the exodus,
have also complained about the unruly militias and called on the police
to disarm and restrain the militias.
Bishop
says 9 church workers killed
Reuters - September 27, 1999
Lisbon -- Nine church workers
including two nuns and a priest have been shot dead by Indonesian troops
in the eastern part of East Timor, Bishop Basilio do Nascimento told Portuguese
television on Monday.
The Bishop of Baucau said
the group, all of whom worked for the Baucau diocese, were gunned down
on Saturday and their bodies dumped in a river.
"This morning we received
the news, unfortunately confirmed, that the nine people were killed and
their bodies thrown into a small river," he told the state RTP channel
in a telephone interview from Baucau. He gave no further details of the
attack.
He said the group comprised
the head of the Caritas Roman Catholic aid organisation in Baucau, two
students at the local seminary, two nuns, an Indonesian journalist who
worked for a Japanese news organisation, two assistants to the nuns, and
a driver.
They were attacked on their
way back to Baucau from Lospalos in the far east of the territory where
they had travelled to assess the type of humanitarian aid needed there.
"Unfortunately, they never returned to Baucau," he said.
A Roman Catholic priest identified
as Father Martins had earlier told Portugal's radio TSF by telephone from
East Timor that seven church workers had died when their vehicle was attacked
by a group of soldiers on the road between Baucau and Los Palos.
In Rome, the Roman Catholic
news agency MISNA named the nuns as 69-year-old Erminia Cazzaniga, Mother
Superior of Manatutu and Baucau, and 48-year-old East Timorese Celeste
de Carvalho Pinto.
An Australian-led multinational
force is trying to restore order to East Timor, laid waste by pro-Jakarta
militias after the former Portuguese colony voted for independence from
Indonesia on August 30.
[On the same day Associated
Press said that a Falintil commander claimed his men had shot dead 11 militiamen
responsible for the killing during a firefight on Monday morning. "Those
who came to check the corpses, they fell into our ambush and were wiped
out," the commander, identified only as Leres, told Portugal's TSF Radio
by satellite telephone. He did not say how he knew those men were those
responsible for Saturday's massacre - James Balowski.]
Discarded
evidence witness to atrocities
Sydney Morning Herald - September
27, 1999
Mark Dodd, Dili -- A vast
cache of documentary and forensic evidence linking Jakarta's involvement
to hardline pro-Indonesian militias accused of horrendous human rights
abuses continues to lie unsecured in Dili one week after the arrival of
Australian- led peacekeepers.
Since their discovery a week
ago, the remains of an unknown number of suspected militia victims remain
in the bottom of a well less than one kilometre from the Hotel Turismo,
where Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Barnes gives a daily briefing to Australian
and foreign reporters.
A spokesman for the International
Committee of the Red Cross said a team from Dili's main hospital probably
would recover the remains in the well, which is behind a house owned by
the independence activist Mr Manuel Carrascalao.
One senior United Nations
political official said last week that the death toll from two weeks of
militia violence could be more than 1,000.
Mr David Wimhurst, the UN's
spokesman in East Timor said: "There is no structural body that can be
brought to bear [to investigate the alleged atrocities] and this is a weak
point.
"There has got to be a rapid
response to protect these sites," he said, especially if an international
war crimes tribunal was established.
The Australian commander
of the International Force for East Timor, Major-General Peter Cosgrove,
said there was some evidence "there have been some awful acts". Speaking
to reporters last week, General Cosgrove said it was his wish to see "some
professional investigators come in rapidly".
Indonesian military also
appear to be aware that their failure to remove evidence could be incriminating.
Six gun-toting Indonesian soldiers who yesterday were rummaging through
the offices of the ransacked Foundation for Legal Human Rights moved journalists
away from the building.
Next door, at a building
formerly occupied by the Integrated Intelligence Unit, Indonesian soldiers
prevented people from entering. Locals claim the building was a former
torture and detention centre.
At the deserted headquarters
of the pro-Jakarta Forum for Unity, Democracy and Justice, a bounty of
material evidence including membership lists, office files, accounting
records and propaganda lies strewn around the office at the mercy of looters.
Among the papers were boxes of newly printed pamphlets, part of a campaign
to tarnish the reputation of the pro-independence Falintil guerilla force.
The booklets, first printed
in Villawood, Sydney, in 1998 by the "East Timor Service Foundation", show
in graphic and obscene detail the rape, torture and murder of several women.
The photographs have previously
been published and are listed on the Internet. Human rights groups believe
they were taken by Indonesian soldiers and the victims were ethnic Chinese
living in East Timor and East Timorese students detained by the Indonesian
military. As part of the propaganda campaign against Falintil, the booklet
alleges the crimes were committed by pro-independence forces.
Bundles of documents also
lie strewn across the floor of the deserted Aitarak militia post. One contains
a list of 119 militiamen from the Dili-based Company B, whose commander,
Eurico Guterres, is implicated in several crimes. Another hand-written
list contains the names of 24 suspected members of the pro- independence
National Council for Timorese Resistance. Their fate is unrecorded.
Timorese
exiles go into hiding after threats
The Independent (London)
- September 28, 1999
East Timorese refugees in
Indonesia, including the resort island of Bali, are being threatened with
death by soldiers and militiamen, but plans for a large-scale evacuation
are being delayed by the reluctance of foreign governments to accept large
numbers of refugees.
In the Balinese capital,
Denpaser, hundreds of fugitive East Timorese went into hiding after soldiers
and militiamen picketed banks, shops and phone offices, barring refugees
and threatening to kill them.
Last week Indonesian soldiers
fired into the air near where refugees were staying. Local authorities
say the arrivals are infected with malaria and several hotels in Bali have
been ordered to report East Timorese guests to the military. Militia members
have been seen carrying lists bearing the names of those associated with
the independence movement, including political activists, students, humanitarian
workers, nuns and Catholic priests.
Reports by human rights organisations
suggest that dozens of people appearing on such lists were murdered in
mid-September as they evacuated East Timor by boat, and their bodies dumped
in the sea.
The UN High Commissioner
for Refugees and the National Council for East Timorese Independence are
trying to evacuate as many as 2,000 East Timorese trapped in Indonesia,
but the plan is foundering.
Many refugees are reluctant
to disclose their names and locations to the humanitarian agencies, fearing
the lists will be passed to the Indonesian government. There is also the
problem of where the refugees will go after leaving Indonesia.
"We are very worried for
the security of East Timorese in Indonesia, especially as they make their
way from safe houses to ports and airports," said a spokesman for Amnesty
International. "They are refugees and they should have the same rights
and protection as refugees anywhere."
Earlier this month Australia
received more than a thousand refugees who had taken refuge in the United
Nations compound in Dili, but Canberra is said to be reluctant to accept
sole responsibility for the exodus. Diplomats want to keep the refugees
in the South-East Asian region, to allow their speedy repatriation when
the situation in East Timor stabilises, and the Philippines is being discussed
as a possible destination.
"Last week there was a lot
of momentum," a Western diplomat in Jakarta said yesterday. "But now I
sense that the whole thing is losing steam."
Outside East Timor the highest
number of refugees is in West Timor, where 200,000 are living in conditions
of squalor and fear. But across the Indonesian archipelago there are smaller
East Timorese communities, which have become the victims of a systematic
campaign of intimidation.
In Lampung, Sumatra, East
Timorese students have been told that they will now be treated as foreign
students and have been evicted from their accommodation.
In Ujung Pandang, on the
island of Sulawesi, 3,600 refugees are living in schools, mosques and churches
under the control of the feared Aitarak militia, and students in Yogyakarta,
central Java, have fled to Jakarta.
Unconfirmed reports from
the capital speak of a training camp for 2,000 East Timorese, many of them
press-ganged, who are being trained to return for incursions into East
Timor.
Prabowo's
killers stalking activists
Sydney Morning Herald - September
29, 1999
Craig Skehan, Jakarta --
East Timorese independence supporters say they are being terrorised in
Jakarta and elsewhere by militiamen with shadowy political connections.
Sources said that one man
who had been actively involved in searches for independence activists was
closely connected to Prabowo Subianto, the disgraced son-in-law of former
president Soeharto. The man, who is blind in one eye, is reputed to have
criminal connections.
Prabowo is a former head
of the Indonesian Kopassus special force, which has been involved in training
anti-independence militias in East Timor. In May last year, Prabowo was
sacked after soldiers under his command were accused of kidnapping and
torturing political dissidents.
Opposition groups say they
suspect that Prabowo loyalists are linked to a growing number of disappearances
of East Timorese independence activists who were forced to flee from their
strife-torn homeland.
"There is no doubt that people
have disappeared, not just here in Jakarta but in other places as well,
including Bali," one activist told the Herald. "It is just a matter of
how many have gone into hiding and how many have been kidnapped or killed."
An East Timorese human rights
activist whose home in Dili was destroyed in a militia attack was able
to escape to Jakarta. "I am with a group and we move houses every couple
of days," he said. "There are a lot of people like us."
One East Timorese leader
said the bodies of four East Timorese independence supporters, all men,
had been found in Tanggeran township west of Jakarta. He said there had
been reports that the same area was being used by Indonesian commandos
to train militias for future use in a guerilla campaign in East Timor aimed
at disrupting attempts to build an independent state.
East Timorese leaders estimated
more than a thousand East Timorese may have fled to Jakarta. "It is not
easy to get here if people are known to have worked for the independence
cause," one source said. "People have to hide on the way. Now, even here
in Jakarta, they are not safe."
Although now living overseas,
Prabowo maintains a network of supporters within the armed forces.
UN
Press Conference by Xanana, Horta
CNRT - September 30, 1999
The multinational force in
East Timor must rapidly expand to start building peace and security in
the territory, East Timorese leaders Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta
told correspondents at a press conference, sponsored by Portugal, at Headquarters
this afternoon.
Mr. Gusmao said he and Mr.
Ramos Horta were at Headquarters to discuss issues related to the transition
period, including rebuilding the country, and assisting the people during
the difficult phase ahead with United Nations officials. They were also
in New York to say East Timor was prepared to go ahead with the transitional
period, and move towards independence, for which it had fought for the
past 24 years.
Parts of East Timor were
now under control of the Armed Forces for the National Liberation of East
Timor (FALINTIL), he said. The international force in East Timor (INTERFET)
had begun to move to Baucau, the second largest town. Security remained
a problem in the western part of the territory, in areas including Dili
itself, Same and Ainaro. The multinational force must now rapidly increase
the number of troops in East Timor to start building peace and security
there.
Those who had been taken
to the concentration camps in West Timor and islands north of East Timor
were living in very poor conditions, he continued. For humanitarian reasons,
the international community should act quickly to return to East Timor
the more than 200,000 persons living in extreme distress.
A correspondent asked what
kind of commitments had been made by United Nations officials. Mr. Gusmao
responded that the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) remained
committed to solving the East Timor problem and helping the people of East
Timor in a concrete manner. That would include training programmes, building
basic infrastructure and an emergency plan to resettle those who had fled
to the jungle and those who would be brought back from the concentration
camps in Indonesia.
In response to a question
about his meeting with Indonesia's Foreign Minister, Ali Alatas, Mr. Gusmao
said it had been beneficial for both sides. His intention had been to reaffirm
to the Indonesian Government that by working together a new future could
be built for the people of East Timor and the people of Indonesia. East
Timor was ready to relieve Indonesia of the burden it bore and the dangers
it faced with the waves of violence in East Timor. The meeting had been
friendly, and the Indonesian Government had seemed to "welcome our message",
he said. Indonesia had recognized that what had happened in the past few
weeks was shocking and that things should be done differently.
Had the Indonesian Government
made any promises? a correspondent asked. Mr. Gusmao said it had promised
to contribute to the greatest possible extent to pacifying East Timor and
repatriating refugees. It had also promised to contribute to assessing
the territory's immediate needs, such as sanitation and water supply.
Asked whether he sensed any
repentance or apologies from Mr. Alatas, Mr. Gusmao said he had, although
it had not been stated. The Foreign Minister had said that everything that
had happened was beyond the control of the Government and that Indonesia
had been shocked by the violence in East Timor.
What role would women play
in the government being formed in East Timor? a correspondent asked. Mr.
Gusmao said that today women held leadership positions in East Timor and
were working hard in a wide range of activities. "We want to build a society
in East Timor which values democracy, human rights and transparency", he
said. The aim was to promote East Timorese culture and promote gender equity,
and women would play a role in the entire process.
The same correspondent asked
for comment on media perceptions that Mr. Gusmao had isolated himself from
grass-roots and solidarity movements since his release from prison. "It
was not my wish to go to Darwin. I wanted to go back to East Timor, but
I was advised not to go", he said.
He said he had not expected
to be the object of so much attention in New York, but had to accept it
in the interest of the people of East Timor, of whom he was a representative.
In 24 years of fighting, the people of East Timor had always sensed and
gained strength from the international solidarity movement.
What role was envisaged for
East Timorese leaders during the period of transition? a correspondent
asked. That issue was the subject of ongoing discussion with United Nations
officials. Members of the National Council of the Timorese Resistance (CNRT)
had been dispersed around the world during the past 24 years. It was only
days ago that they had begun to gather in Darwin to start planning their
return and their role in the transitional period. He expected that there
would be some areas over which the United Nations would take charge, some
where obligations would be shared and others where East Timorese leaders
would fully take charge. The period must be understood as a transition
to independence; East Timorese must participate actively in the process
to prepare themselves for independence.
When asked what the minimal
requirements were for the tripartite meeting to be considered a success,
Mr. Gusmao said there must be agreement on scheduling Phase III. It was
clear that Phase II was no longer acceptable under the present conditions.
Some sort of administration and political control must be implemented in
the territory immediately. East Timor could not remain in an administrative
and political vacuum, waiting for a decision by Indonesia's People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR), which was a domestic matter only. A correspondent then
asked about recognition of the claims of companies and families controlling
East Timorese resources. Mr. Gusmao said legitimate rights would be respected.
Before leaving Jakarta, he had invited Indonesian businesses to invest
in East Timor and had already received expressions of interest.
Asked for more details about
the western part of East Timor, Mr. Gusmao said that all efforts would
be made to "get our brothers back to East Timor". This morning he had asked
Mr. Alatas to help repatriate the militias. "We will not take revenge on
East Timorese", he said. Much of the violence had been committed by militias
from outside East Timor, he added.
Asked if the INTERFET deployment
would be sufficient, Mr. Gusmao said 7,000 troops were enough, but their
deployment must be expedited.
The Indonesian Government
had said it would pass to East Timor its share in the Timor Gap oil revenues,
a correspondent said. Would there be need for renegotiation? Mr. Gusmao
affirmed that East Timor would honour the terms of the Timor Gap Agreement,
and that Indonesia would surrender its rights to the East Timor authority.
"Indonesia had spent $1 million
per day during the war", a correspondent asked. How much was needed to
rebuild East Timor? he asked. Mr. Gusmao said the plan was to assess the
needs on the ground in October and to determine the cost of reconstruction
and development planning. The real amounts spent by Indonesia were not
known, he added.
Would Indonesia contribute
to the costs for East Timor? the correspondent further asked. "I don't
think so. They have 200 million people to feed, and it is better for them
to take care of their people", Mr. Gusmao said. Mr. Ramos Horta responded
to questions on the talks held at Headquarters. In the last 48 hours, intense
discussions had been held with the Secretary- General, as well as with
senior officials of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Department
of Political Affairs, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United
Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). Tomorrow, they would meet with the head
of the World Bank and representatives of more than 30 countries. In the
discussions, a number of issues had been highlighted. First among those
was the emergency of repatriation.
They had stressed that every
diplomatic effort must be directed at Jakarta so that the tens of thousands
of East Timorese forcibly relocated to West Timor and islands were relocated
to East Timor and then resettled, he continued. At the same time, they
had emphasized the humanitarian situation in East Timor, particularly the
need to feed, house and care for those who were there now and the returnees.
As the emergency situation was addressed, there was need to build infrastructure,
based on a joint assessment by the World Bank and donor countries, he went
on. The idea was to not duplicate efforts; tomorrow's meeting in Washington
would be directed towards finding common ground for assessment, with the
aim of sending a joint mission. Then, focus would be on what could be called
"a mini- Marshall Plan" for the territory, which the World Bank would be
asked to design in consultation with East Timor. Another issue being addressed
was the need for the faster deployment of INTERFET, he said. Addressing
the humanitarian situation and rebuilding the country would be possible
only under conditions of peace and security. East Timor appealed to those
countries that had offered contingents to INTERFET to deploy them faster,
he stressed.
Another issue being discussed
with the Secretary-General, the President of the Security Council, the
Foreign Ministers of New Zealand, Don McKinnon and Australia, Alexander
Downer, was the role of CNRT in the transition period, he continued. The
people of East Timor had voted for independence under the flag of CNRT.
The CNRT had earned the right to participate actively in the transition.
In the United Nations in the 1960s and 1970s national liberation movements
from countries such as Namibia (SWAPO) and South Africa (ANC) had gained
special status in the Organization -- the General Assembly had recognized
them as the sole legitimate representatives of the people without their
having been elected in those territories.
On the basis of the legitimacy
that came from the 30 August referendum, the CNRT expected to be consulted
at every level and to participate actively in the transition period, he
emphasized.
A correspondent asked for
Mr. Gusmao's views on criticism of the Secretary- General's decision to
proceed with the referendum despite warnings of violence. Mr. Gusmao said
he fully supported every decision taken by the Secretary-General. For 23
years, the people of East Timor had lived in danger and suffered a huge
death toll to gain the right to self-determination. The risk was taken
by them, and they were determined to continue in order to achieve their
sacred goal. Now, with media attention, the world was witnessing the barbarous
actions and questioning the Secretary-General's decision. But for 25 years
no one had known what was happening -- "we were taking the risks on our
own".
"On behalf of the people
of East Timor, I express gratitude not only for the concern showed by the
Secretary-General but also for his commitment", he said. No one had expected
the violence to reach that level. Even Minister Alatas had recognized that
the level of violence was shocking, including to the Indonesian Government.
The whole world did not expect such violence to happen, and that includes
Indonesia itself.
Indonesia
moves up presidential vote
Reuters - October 2, 1999
(abridged)
Lewa Pardomuan, Jakarta --
Indonesia's top legislative body will elect a new president on October
20, bringing forward an event many hope will halt the country's leadership
drift under the deeply unpopular incumbent, B.J. Habibie.
Members of the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) also agreed to curb the powers of the presidency -- abused
for decades under former long-time rulers Suharto and Sukarno -- and moved
towards formally releasing East Timor from 23 years of disputed rule by
Jakarta.
"The date has been decided.
The presidential election will be on October the 20th," Slamet Effendy
Yusuf, deputy chairman of former ruling party Golkar, told reporters after
a closed-door meeting of assembly members.
Other assembly members, including
Sabam Sirait from the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P), confirmed
the 700- seat MPR had agreed to bring forward the vote to October 20. A
vice president is likely to be elected on October 21 and a new government
chosen soon after that.
Legislators had wanted to
bring the presidential vote forward from the previous November schedule,
citing deep political uncertainty, economic crisis and popular unrest.
Lawmakers said it was likely
violence-torn East Timor would win independence from the chamber but one
official pointed to the potential problem of dealing with East Timorese
who favoured integration with Indonesia.
"I think it will be difficult
if we do not lift [the decree]," said Aisyah Amini, a senior member of
the United Development Party. "There is a tendency we are going to do it.
The problem is now how we pay attention to the aspirations of the pro-
integration people."
Indonesia has little more
than a caretaker government after the resignations of six ministers this
week to take up MPR seats, leaving a quarter of the cabinet holding more
than one portfolio.
The MPR includes 500 legislators
from the newly convened parliament, the first to be freely elected in over
40 years. The two chambers are expected to elect speakers on Sunday and
Monday, respectively.
The schedule for the presidential
vote and the other elections are expected to be formally endorsed later
on Saturday.
The assembly is also likely
to set October 14 as the date for Habibie's accountability speech to the
MPR -- a report card on his own 16 months in office. If it is rejected,
Habibie's already faint hopes of being re-elected would evaporate.
That would further shorten
the odds on frontrunning candidate Megawati Sukarnoputri, whose PDI-P won
the biggest share of the vote in parliamentary elections in June.
The unelected Habibie remains
under massive pressure over East Timor's decision to break from Indonesian
rule and a major banking scandal which has implicated members of his inner
circle.
Golkar's Yusuf, speaking
earlier to reporters, said the MPR wanted to weaken the powers of the presidency
to avoid a repeat of past abuses in the world's fourth most populous country.
Indonesia has a presidential-style
government similar to the United States. A powerful president forms government
independently of the parliament.
Parties
agree on MPR session
Jakarta Post - September
29, 1999
Jakarta -- In an unprecedented
move, Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Wiranto brought together on
Tuesday leaders of six major political parties to hammer out a commitment
to ensure the General Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR)
runs smoothly.
The closed-door meeting was
held at the Museum Perumusan Naskah Proklamasi building in Central Jakarta.
Sources said it was initially to be held at the military-owned Wisma A.
Yani, but was moved to provide a more neutral location.
The six party leaders attending
were Megawati Soekarnoputri of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI Perjuangan), Akbar Tanjung of the Golkar Party, Matori Abdul Djalil
of the National Awakening Party (PKB), Hamzah Haz of the United Development
Party (PPP), Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN) and Yusril
Ihza Mahendra of the Crescent Star Party (PBB).
Also present was chairman
of the Nadhlatul Ulama Muslim organization Abdurrahman Wahid, influential
Muslim intellectual figure Nurcholish Madjid, former minister of trade
Frans Seda and University of Indonesia rector Asman Budi Santoso.
Nurcholish, who was appointed
as the meeting's media spokesman, said the participants had agreed that
the Assembly's General Session, due to begin on Friday, should proceed
smoothly and peacefully as a legitimate gateway for a new and democratic
Indonesia.
"Therefore, all actions aimed
at foiling the General Session by any side will be seen as a negation and,
even, a betrayal of the people's aspirations," he said.
Participants at the meeting
said it was the first in a series of gatherings between the military and
political parties.
The meeting was held under
the backdrop of mass protests here against the controversial state security
bill, which culminated in clashes with security forces and claimed eight
lives. There are fears that the latest tragedy will spark more demonstrations
during the General Session.
Amien Rais said that in future
meetings, student leaders would be invited to take part. "What we just
had was a preliminary meeting. There may be three or four more. And at
the next meetings, student figures could be invited," he said. Nurcholish
said party leaders expressed a commitment to avoid misunderstandings and
unhelpful criticisms of one another so that problems arising during the
General Session could be resolved peacefully.
"We also agreed [not to intervene
and] to let the General Session discuss, formulate and decide peacefully
what is best for the nation in the next five years," Nurcholish said.
Amien said he was pleased
that the big name party leaders had agreed to participate at the meetings.
"We have a common perception and vision about the General Session and we
are all committed to making it a success ... We are also of the same opinion
that there should be no use of force in the decision- making process at
the General Session."
Amien said what was important
was that party leaders had agreed not to mobilize their supporters to intervene
during the General Session. "We will accept, without reservation, all decisions
taken by the General Session," he pledged. When asked whether the issue
of presidential candidates was discussed at the meeting, Amien responded
in the negative.
Wiranto hailed the meeting
and admitted being surprised at the strong commitment from the leaders.
"During the two-hour meeting, all participants presented their vision on
the MPR General Session and they shared the same opinion.
"Of course, the meeting is
not a solution for all problems, but it is a strong foundation in facing
the General Session and any problems in the future," he said.
Yusril said he proposed the
possibility of discussing power- sharing options with the party leaders.
"But I didn't receive enough responses," he said.
Back-room
manoeuvres in Jakarta
Straits Times - September
27 1999
Major political heavyweights
hope to arrive at some consensus on the rules of the game for the presidential
election scheduled for Nov 10
Susan Sim, Jakarta -- A party
leader humiliated by his presidential candidate holds secret talks with
the enemy camp, whose chief continues to baffle with her disinterest; a
top general courted by all sides decides finally to do the right thing,
and offers to underwrite an all-star political meeting.
With three days to go before
Indonesia's highest legislative body, the People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR), swears in its first mixed batch of freely elected MPs and appointees,
a sense of urgency is leading to some surprising manoeuvres, some of which
might finally come to light.
First on the agenda: a meeting
of the major political heavyweights, those whose parties contested the
June election and won seats.
The aim: to arrive at some
consensus on the rules of the game, the game being the presidential election
now scheduled to take place in the MPR on Nov 10.
The problem: it is the military
that is proposing this pre-MPR caucus, in the hope of pre-empting any party
from taking its fight to the streets and the inevitably bloody aftermath.
"We have psychological problems
regarding the military's role. The image of party leaders listening to
the military could create a window for unrest, could create a sense of
insecurity among the people," a close aide to a major party leader told
The Straits Times.
"We don't know if in the
end, the military is the solution or the problem. Tensions are very high
after last week's riots."
The anti-military riots was
started by students protesting a newly passed internal security Bill. It
spiralled into near- anarchy and has also led General Wiranto to reconsider
his own political viability.
Said a confidante: "He's
become more hesitant about accepting the offers of becoming a presidential
or vice-presidential candidate. "He's thinking of just playing a role in
getting all the elites together and he'll abide by whatever decisions they
make."
Gen Wiranto's political prospects
had looked promising just a month ago. Both President B.J. Habibie and
Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri wanted him as his/her running mate; he could have
secured the country's No. 2 post and total command of the military by stating
his terms.
The No. 1 post was also within
reach, although a careful public relations campaign would have been needed
to establish his reform credentials while he took on the aura of the reluctant
kingmaker.
Even the East Timor debacle
and international threats to put him and his military in the dock for war
crimes would not have derailed his ambition.
The same student demonstrators
who called for his resignation last Saturday would have demonstrated on
his behalf if the UN came after him. He is their general for them to censure
and disparage, not the foreign community's.
But the riots too hammered
home the point that Indonesians would no more trust their generals in politics,
whatever their motives.
Military spokesman Major-General
Sudrajat even took pains to ensure his critics knew the decision for the
President to hold off signing the security Bill into law came from Gen
Wiranto.
A classified memorandum he
supposedly sent to the Indonesian Human Rights Commission even noted that
he took the decision to appease the public even "before he discussed it
with President Habibie".
To be sure, the duet between
the President and the General had become increasingly dissonant. Gen Wiranto
was left seething with anger when Dr Habibie impulsively cancelled a plan
to set up a military command in Aceh as part of measures to diffuse separatist
tendencies by turning over security functions to the Acehnese themselves.
At the same time, the President's
insistence on Golkar naming Gen Wiranto his running mate now has taken
on the air of a desperate incumbent looking for support from the military.
Insiders said that at a meeting
between Dr Habibie and Golkar chairman Akbar Tandjung 10 days ago, the
candidate had screamed at his party boss in front of Gen Wiranto and other
witnesses.
When he disclosed that the
General would be relieved of duty next month to make himself available
for nomination, Gen Wiranto looked "visibly annoyed".
Mr Akbar too felt humiliated,
one of his aides said. Although he did announce to reporters that he would
ask Golkar to endorse the Habibie-Wiranto ticket soon, he has also been
meeting secretly with Ms Megawati of the Indonesian Democratic Party- Perjuangan
(Struggle).
This second-track strategy
is seen as necessary to secure the party's future, especially since at
least half of its legislators appear unwilling to vote for Dr Habibie next
month. It is also dictated by reality. Golkar deputy secretary-general
Muchyar Yara told The Straits Times: "The election results show the people
want change, they don't want Golkar to lead the government.
"If we try to force Habibie's
candidacy through, it is easy to calculate that he'll have only one to
two years before the people kick him out. Maybe less. Then Golkar will
again have supported an illegitimate government. It'll be finished."
A party source said Mr Akbar
met Ms Megawati and Mr Matori Abdul Djalil, chairman of Indonesia's Nation
Awakening Party, in secret talks last Friday.
Golkar would like the vice-presidential
slot for a Megawati- Akbar ticket as well as some Cabinet posts in the
new government.
But no negotiations had begun
yet. "It is important for Ibu Mega and Akbar to be comfortable with each
other first, to find a fit," the source said.
But Indonesia's future lies
not just with the largest two parties, the military reckons. All the parties
have to find their fit in the new political constellation too. And perhaps
then, the military will find its niche too.
Political/economic
crisis |
Clashes
claim at least 217 lives in Maluku
Jakarta Post - September
29, 1999
Ambon -- A total of 217 fatalities
were recorded in communal clashes across the province between July and
September, police said on Tuesday.
Maluku Police chief Col.
Bugis Saman told a media conference that the number of casualties was likely
to be higher due to unconfirmed reports by people of missing relatives.
"We have registered only
identified casualties. There are many reports of missing people or victims
who remain unknown after being buried."
Apart from the dead, which
included a member of the security personnel, 422 people sustained severe
injuries and over 200 others suffered minor wounds during the three-month
period, the second phase of religious conflicts that have devastated the
archipelagic province.
More than 1,500 houses, 13
churches, seven mosques, five government buildings and four school buildings
were attacked, as well as 21 cars, eight motorbikes and 57 three-wheeled
motorized vehicles.
About 350 people were killed
in the first wave of clashes which hit the province between January and
March this year. Violence initially broke out in the provincial capital
Ambon and spread to neighboring islands. It resumed in July in remote islands
and extended to Ambon.
Bugis, who has retained his
post amid the turbulence in the famed Spice Islands, said 86 people were
arrested in connection with the violence. He said 30 of them would be charged
with illegal possession of weapons. Police seized 50 homemade rifles and
bazookas, 708 arrows, 16 spears, 18 machetes, 157 swords and homemade bombs
plus dozens of bullets.
More than 31,000 people have
fled their homes across the province and are now sheltered in government
offices, seaports, mosques, churches and military installations.
Bugis' report came hours
after seven people were wounded from gunshots and a homemade bomb explosion
in Ambon.
Witnesses said the clash
occurred at 6am local time when a group of people attacked residents in
Hatiwe Kecil subdistrict, about five kilometers from downtown. Many residents
were still asleep when the attack took place.
They said a number of security
personnel opened fire on the groups. A Hatiwe Kecil resident, Jefry Nahumuri,
said he was taken by surprise and could not avoid being shot in the left
calf. "I only saw that the man was wearing a military beret," Jefry said.
Jefry and three of his neighbors were admitted to the private Dr. Haulussy
Hospital.
Chief of the local police
Lt. Col. Ghufron could not be reached for comment, but one of his staff,
Sgt. Lodar, confirmed the clash and said all the victims were treated at
Haulussy hospital. Business, government and educational activities continued
in several areas despite the clash.
Irian
Jaya clashes leave 14 dead
Agence France Presse - October
1, 1999
Jakarta -- A second day of
clashes between local tribesmen and migrants in the mining town of Timika
in Indonesia's remote Irian Jaya province killed four people, raising the
death toll in two days to 14, reports and a tribal activist said Friday.
Irian Jaya Police Spokesman
Lieutenant Colonel Danier Suripatty said in Jayapura, the capital of Irian
Jaya, that four people were killed and 10 others seriously injured in Timika
on Friday.
Suripatty was quoted by the
Antara news agency as saying the clashes flared again on Friday after the
discovery of a the body of a loal tribesman in the Kwamki Lama neighbourhood.
Local tribesmen paraded the
body towards Timika but the convoy was pelted with rocks on the way and
clashes ensued, he said. Several houses and shops were also stoned and
a vehicle torched, he added.
On Thursday 10 people were
killed in clashes between tribesmen and migrants, activists said. Press
reports had put Thursday's toll at five. "Reports we have received say
that 10 people have been killed from both sides in yesterday's [Thursday's]
clashes," an activist of the Amungme Tribal Consultative Institute (Lemasa)
told AFP by telephone from Timika.
The first two victims Thursday
were Irianese who were stabbed to death by men from the Bugis migrant community
from South Sulawesi during a dispute in downtown Timika after dusk Thursday.
Reports of the incident quickly
spread, prompting anger from the local tribesmen who attacked the Buginese,
who later rallied with other migrants and fought back, the activist, who
identified himself only as George, said. "Some of the victims fell after
the Indonesian military intervened," he said.
A district police sergeant,
Agus, earlier Firday had declined comment other than to say the city was
still tense and most officers remained on site to restore order.
The Jakarta Post quoted a
sergeant of the Timika sub-district police as saying five people, all migrants,
were killed by tribesman late on Thursday. The two Irianese stabbed in
the initial incident were merely wounded, he said.
The sergeant said a public
market and a bus terminal were torched during the clashes. "Timika is tense
and deserted today [Friday]. There are no shops open and no public transportation,"
George said.
Timika is one of the main
cities in the area of the huge Freeport gold and copper mine.
Activists
calls for UN inquiry into Aceh
Agence France Presse - September
29, 1999
Jakarta -- A human rights
lobbyist on Wednesday called on the United Nations to conduct the same
sort of inquiry it is making into alleged atrocities in East Timor in Indonesia's
troubled Aceh province.
"If the UN has decided to
investigate human rights abuses in East Timor, the same thing must also
be done in Aceh," Hasballah Saad, the secretary general of the Solidarity
for Human Rights in Aceh, told AFP.
"The degree of human rights
abuses in Aceh is almost equal to those committed in East Timor," said
Saad, who is also an MP from the National Mandate Party.
He said that local rights
groups would cooperate with the UN body to provide data on rights abuses
in the province if an investigation was conducted.
An emergency session of the
UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva on Monday voted for an international
inquiry into alleged atrocities in East Timor, a former Portuguese colony
invaded by Jakarta in 1975.
Aceh has been rocked by violence
between soldiers and members and supporters of the Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh
Movement) which has been fighting for an Islamic state since the 1970s.
Resentment and discontent
in Aceh against the central government has spiralled following Jakarta's
failure to punish human rights violators during a decade of military anti-rebel
operations which ended last year.
When the operations ended,
rights groups unearthed mass graves and brought forward scores of victims
of rape and torture which shocked Indonesia.
Military violence continued
even after the operations were halted. The bitterness against the government
was further fuelled by dissatisfaction over the exploitation of Aceh's
natural resources, including natural gas, with little of the profit funneled
back to the province.
The discontent has led to
mounting calls for a referendum on self-determination for Aceh, which the
government has staunchly ruled out.
Call
for civil service strike in Aceh
Agence France Presse - September
25, 1999
Jakarta -- Leaflets are circulating
in the troubled Indonesian province of Aceh calling on all Acehnese civil
servants to go on strike from October 1, a report said Saturday.
The leaflets, allegedly issued
by the separatist Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh) movement, called on the civil
servants to halt work from the first minute of October 1, the Aceh-based
Serambi daily said.
But the leaflets also said
workers at schools, health and education facilities, the press and several
basic infrastructure services, could ignore the call.
"Besides these, which we
will permit to continue, all others should halt," the leaflets said. They
urged people to follow the call and ended with: "Free the homeland of Aceh-Sumatra."
"We are being serious, all
this is done for the sake of the people and a sovereign Aceh," Aceh Merdeka
spokesman Abu Rozak told Serambi.
"This leaflet only concerns
government officials and offices... while buses and public transport and
shops will remain open as usual." Neither the leaflets nor Rozak mentioned
the sanctions for ignoring the call.
Moore
rules out independent crimes probe
Agence France Presse - October
3, 1999
Sydney -- Australia would
not sanction its own investigation into war crimes in East Timor, Defence
Minister John Moore said Sunday.
Australian lawyers are planning
to head to East Timor as part of an International Committee of Jurists
investigation into alleged atrocities.
The move has angered Jakarta
and prompted Indonesia's Justice Miniser Muladi to threaten a complete
break in ties between the two countries.
Moore said Sunday any investigation
of war crimes should be left to the United Nations. "I don't see any reason
why we should do anything but act in accordance with the United Nations,"
he told the Channel Nine television. "And if they [UN] do that [hold an
investigation] well then I don't see any reason why it should cause concern."
UN
gets tough on probe into rights abuses
South China Morning Post
- September 30, 1999
The UN Human Rights Commission
will go ahead with an inquiry into alleged human rights atrocities in East
Timor with or without co-operation from Indonesia, a spokesman said yesterday.
"We would hope for co-operation
from Indonesia, but if they fail to give their co-operation, it will not
deter us from going forward," UN spokesman Fred Eckhard said.
Jakarta yesterday rejected
plans for a UN fact-finding mission into reported atrocities, saying foreign
experts can instead join its own human rights probe. The Philippines defended
its decision to vote against the war crimes investigation, while Thailand
said having Thai troops in East Timor would make it easier for Jakarta
to swallow "the bitter pill" of international forces.
The United Nations' main
human rights body overrode Indonesian objections to an investigation and
voted on Monday for an international inquiry -- a possible first step towards
establishing a war crimes tribunal for East Timor.
Jakarta has been adamant
that it should be allowed to investigate the reports that its army and
militias, which the army supported, were involved in widespread killings
and pillaging.
"Indonesia rejects the UN
fact-finding inquiry on human rights violations in East Timor and also
the UN resolution issued on September 27 in New York about the situation
in East Timor and conditions following the ballot in August," Justice Minister
Muladi said.
He said President Bacharuddin
Habibie would issue a government decree explaining the rejection. "However,
the Government welcomes foreign human rights experts to join the National
Human Rights Commission on East Timor," Mr Muladi said. "The commission
is expected to expedite its inquiry."
The Philippines said its
opposition to a war crimes investigation was "part of larger diplomatic
initiatives" to help restore peace in East Timor.
President Joseph Estrada
said the no vote at the UN Human Rights Commission on Monday was in line
with the non-interference policy of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations.
The Philippines, along with
China and other Asian countries, voted against the proposal. Japan and
South Korea abstained. Thailand's Acting Foreign Minister said yesterday
the deployment of troops from Thailand to East Timor should make it easier
for Indonesia to accept the multinational force.
"To send the international
force to East Timor is a bitter pill for Indonesia to accept," Sukhumbhand
Paribatra said. "Thailand sending its troops there will make this pill
easier to swallow."
Injured
protesters flee from hospital in fear
Jakarta Post - September
27, 1999
Jakarta -- Fearing being
visited and taken away by security authorities, at least four patients
suffering injuries sustained in a violent rally in Semanggi cloverleaf
on Thursday and Friday have fled Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital, hospital
employees said on Sunday.
F. Ali, head of Irna A ward
of the hospital, said three wounded patients under his supervision -- identified
only as Asep, Priyo and Firdaus -- left the hospital on Saturday night.
"They were afraid they'd
be taken to the [Sukanto] Police Hospital in Kramatjati [East Jakarta],"
Ali said.
A nurse in Irna B ward of
the hospital said her patient, identified as Sukamto, who suffered a head
injury, left for the same reason.
Ali said rumors were circulating
around the hospital, claiming that patients wounded during the two-day
clashes between protesters and security personnel would be moved to the
police hospital.
According to Ali, the three
patients who suffered shot wounds in the abdomen said they had received
information that they would be moved to the police hospital and questioned.
He said Asep, a parking attendant,
sneaked out of the hospital, while Priyo and Firdaus, whose full identities
remain unknown, were forcibly taken from the hospital by relatives a few
hours later. "We could not force them to stay. They should have remained
in hospital until next week," Ali said.
He said the patients had
not given their full addresses when registering at the hospital, but only
mentioned what area they lived in. "Actually, under such circumstances,
we never force patients to pay their hospital bills," Ali said.
According to the nurse, who
asked not to be named, her patient was taken away by friends. "They took
him out of this hospital last night [Saturday evening]," the nurse said.
As many as 30 patients of the Sept. 23 and Sept. 24 violence were admitted
to the general hospital from Thursday to Saturday.
As of Sunday, at least six
patients were still being treated at the hospital. Jamadi, a 14-year-old
street singer, is being treated in the intensive care unit for a shot wound
to the chest.
Jamadi, a member of the Union
of the Nation's Children (IGAB), was shot on Jl. Sudirman on Friday night,
IGAB's coordinator Sugeng said. "The victim's left lung should be surgically
removed because it has been damaged by a bullet," Sugeng said.
Jamadi's father, Basri, said
he would sue the government and ask for compensation. "At the time being,
I only pray for my son's recovery," he said. He said Jamadi's Rp 900,000
(US$112.50) hospital and medicine bill was paid by IGAB volunteers.
Another patient, Ikhsan,
who was also shot in the chest, is also considering suing the government
after he recovers. The employee of a restaurant was shot on Jl. Sudirman
on Friday night after helping students distribute meals to other protesters.
"I was just going home from my workplace when I saw students distributing
meals and so I joined them. I was shot after that," he said.
Other patients being treated
at the hospital are Suratman, a soft drink seller who suffered a head injury,
Mustofa and Tejo, who both suffered shot wounds.
Anti-Australian
protests hit Indonesian cities
Agence France Presse - September
29, 1999
Jakarta -- Australian flags
were burned Monday in at least two Indonesian cities, while anti-Australian
rallies took place in two other cities amid whipped-up resentment against
Canberra's role in East Timor, witnesses and reports said.
A group of protestors returned
to the Australian embassy here after a lull of two days and burned an Australian
flag, shouting angry slogans against their southeastern neighbour.
In the West Java province
town of Cirebon, student protestors forced the local mayor and house speaker
to burn Australian flags, the online service of the Kompas daily said.
"Scorched earth Australia"
and "Do not stain our country," read two of the banners held aloft by the
some 50 demonstrators in Jakarta, who described themselves as "the Red
and White Front," and waved small red and white national flags.
The group claimed to be East
Timorese, although an AFP reporter saw only two Timorese faces among them.
Some of the crowd said they had been paid.
The group sang the Indonesian
national anthem, as a cordon of some 100 police and police auxiliaries
stood by.
High-school students also
rallied at the governor's office in the East Java provincial capital of
Surabaya to condemn Australia's "arrogance and nosy attitude."
Australian embassy sources
told AFP the country's consulate in the North Sumatra province capital
of Medan was also besieged by protestors Monday, and that it had closed
for the day.
The protestors had set up
a tent outside the premises, indicating they planned to picket it round
the clock, instead of just during the day as they had since late last week,
the sources said.
Among the posters carried
by the protesters in Jakarta was one reading "Wipe out Australia," and
another proclaiming: "One year of Habibie's presidency, one island sold.
How many more do you want to sell?"
The "Red and White Front"
has never been heard of previously here. One of the protestors admitted
they had been picked up at a small mosque by a man who promised them lunch
and 20,000 rupiah (2.4 dollars) in cash.
Eddy Gerzon, who was wearing
the black T-shirt of the feared Mahidi militia of which he claimed he had
once belonged to, shouted: "Burn the embassy."
Another protestor, Batista
Sufa Kefi, who identified himself as a student, said no one had invited
Australian soldiers to East Timor.
"Who invited them? I never
invited them ... East Timorese were never involved in the May 5 agreement
and Habibie had never even lifted a weapon for this country. He is just
a transitional president any way," Kefi said, referring to the May 5 deal
for an independence ballot in East Timor.
After five of the representatives
met an embassy political officer, the demonstrators left to head for the
UN office here.
In Cirebon, some 500 students
from three local universities marched to the district parliament where
they forced House Speaker Suryana to set an Australian flag alight.
The protesters then went
to the city's mayoralty across the street and forced Mayor Lasmana Suriatmaja
to do the same, but only after the flag had been used to mop the floor
there.
In Surabaya, some 25 high-school
students staged a brief rally, displaying banners, and singing the national
anthem, the Antara news agency reported. "This is one of the many forms
to demonstrate our nationalistic feeling, so it's okay to skip class for
a while," said Andi, one of the students.
Many Indonesians blame President
B.J. Habibie for allowing the UN vote in East Timor on August 30 in which
an overwhelming majority voted for independence from Indonesia, which invaded
the territory in 1975.
The Australian embassy in
Jakarta has seen demonstrations almost daily since the results of the vote
were announced on September 4. Unidentified gunmen have twice fired at
the mission, most recently on Friday night. No casualties or significant
damage were reported in either incident.
The protests have forced
Canberra to temporarily close its consulates in the West Timorese city
of Kupang and in the city of Balikpapan in East Kalimantan on the island
of Borneo. Trade has been affected, with wheat importers announcing they
will seek other sources of supply.
Downer
on violence in Indonesia
ABC AM News - September 29,
1999 [abridged]
Compere: Well, finally returning
to East Timor. The crisis may have soured Australia's relationship with
Indonesia, but the Federal Government is making it very clear it's not
going to encourage independence elsewhere in our giant northern neighbour.
Yesterday AM reported on smuggled footage from Ambon showing demonstrators
being fired on by the military. But, Foreign Affairs Minister, Alexander
Downer, has told reporters in New York this morning that the issues at
stake are very different from those in East Timor. Michael Carey prepared
this report in New York.
Alexander Downer: We remain
committed to constructive and cooperative relations with Indonesia. I believe
that our ties can only grow stronger as the Indonesian people make their
long walk to democracy and freedom.
Michael Carey: And one way
of ensuring the relationship improves is ensuring that East Timor itself
is treated as a one- off case. As far as the Australian Government is concerned,
independence rumblings elsewhere in Indonesia are in a different category,
as Mr Downer explained in his response to the Ambon violence.
Alexander Downer: Well, we've
always said in relation to Ambon and Aceh and other incidents that we've
seen in Indonesia, that it's very important that both sides, that is the
demonstrators, community groups which are involved in these incidents as
well as the security forces, respond with, behave with and respond with
appropriate restraint.
Question: Why are independence
movements elsewhere in the archipelago different from East Timor?
Alexander Downer: Well, look,
I'm not going into all of this, but in the case of East Timor, to put it
as simply as this I suppose.
Back in 1975 Indonesia invaded
East Timor. The East Timorese people wanted their independence. The United
Nations had never acknowledged East Timor's incorporation into Indonesia.
Circumstances in other parts
of Indonesia are entirely different. They go back to the Dutch colonial
rule and the creation of modern Indonesia out of that.
Question: Do you think Aceh
and Ambon and other areas in Indonesia, do you think their claims for a
self-determination ballot are any less valid than East Timor's?
Alexander Downer: Yes, I
do think they're less valid than East Timor's.
Australian
minister praises Habibie
Reuters - September 28, 1999
Chris Michaud, New York --
Australian foreign minister Alexander Downer on Tuesday praised Indonesian
President B.J. Habibie's policies on the troubled East Timor region, saying
that without Habibie the saga may never have been resolved.
"The resolution of the tragic
East Timor saga was never going to be easy," Downer said of the region
whose independence vote last month unleashed a killing rampage by pro-Jakarta
militias and elements of the Indonesian military.
"Without President Habibie's
actions this year it is hard to believe it would have been resolved for
decades, if ever," Downer said in a speech at the Asia Society.
Downer called "the decision
of President Habibie to seek help from the United Nations to quell the
violence in East Timor" a "courageous step, made at some domestic political
cost, as was his initial decision to allow the East Timorese people a ballot
to decide their own fate."
He also praised East Timor
independence leader Xanana Gusmao, saying he had met him and been "very
impressed ... He has that (Nelson) Mandela-type approach of forgiveness,"
which Downer said was essential in order for East Timor to "start again."
Downer also reiterated Australia's
firm support for Indonesia, citing progress on several fronts such as Indonesia's
moves toward democracy and an independent East Timor, while conceding that
"the crisis ... has strained our ties."
"At the end of the day,"
he said, "in Indonesia there is a recognition among thinking people that
what happened in East Timor was wrong."
"We remain committed to constructive
and cooperative relations with Indonesia ... Our ties can only grow stronger
as the Indonesian people make their long walk to democracy and freedom."
Downer added that he expected those ties to strengthen "now that East Timor
... is removed from the equation."
Addressing criticism from
some quarters that the response from the international community to the
East Timor crisis was slow in coming, Downer said that "because we were
concerned that violence could erupt we had, months earlier, made what turned
out to be highly effective plans to deal with such a crisis."
"Once it became apparent
that the Indonesian forces ... either would not or could not prevent the
violence, concerted international action became imperative."
Downer said the peacekeeping
force authorized by the United Nations Security Council to restore order
in East Timor -- Interfet -- has now deployed throughout the entire territory"
and was providing humanitarian relief.
Australian
troops torture militias: Report
Indonesian Observer - September
28, 1999
[Please note that this
item was included to provide an example of the Indonesian media's anti-Australian
campaign and is not intended to be taken as a serious news report - James
Balowski.]
Jakarta -- Australian troops
have reportedly detained and tortured six anti-independence militiamen
and civilians in East Timor on their way to refugee camps in the neighboring
province of East Nusa Tenggara (NTT).
Antara reported yesterday
that among the six victims, three of them were civilians from the NTT town
of Atambua and the rest were members of the pro-autonomy group Aitarak.
They were the latest victims
of alleged brutality by Australian troops tasked by the United Nations
with restoring law and order in the violence-racked territory of East Timor.
Earlier last week, Australian
soldiers burned to death a militiaman and tortured several others in a
port in the province's capital of Dili.
The six victims of the latest
torture were identified as Jonny R Eden, Yani Ndoen, Luis Seru, Lorenso
Gomes, Caitano da Silva and Joao Ximenes. The six civilians were detained
on Wednesday as they loaded a car with goods, then were tortured in different
places in Dili.
Jonny, Luis and Lorenso were
released on Friday in Dili's Comoro Airport, but because they were afraid
of being killed by pro-independence supporters, Jonny and Lorenso decided
to stay in the airport. Luis, who decided to leave the place, is reported
missing.
The rest are still being
detained by Interfet troops. Both Jonny and Lorenso were then transported
by the Indonesian Defense Forces (TNI) to Atambua along with other refugees
from Ermera district.
Jonny was quoted as saying
the troops detained them after pro-independence supporters informed the
troops that the six civilians were members of the pro-autonomy militia
and had committed some killings.
The pro-independence supporters
in Dili took part in Interfet's patrol in Dili. "In every Interfet truck
or tank, there are some supporters of the pro-independence group in front
carrying guns. While in Farol beach, Falintil were also patrolling carrying
guns."
The Australia-led International
Force for East Timor (Interfet) arrived last week to restore order and
security in the rampaged
Jakarta
press accuses Australia of atrocities
Agence France Presse - September
28, 1999
Jakarta -- As the UN Human
Rights Commission approved a probe into allegations of abuse by Indonesian-backed
militias in East Timor, newspapers here were screaming about "atrocities"
committed by Australian troops in the territory. "Australian troops torture
militias," read a headline in the Indonesian Observer [article included
below - JB] Tuesday. Another front- page headline in the same newspaper
said "Interfet troop tears RI (Republic of Indonesia) flag."
Television stations, which
show endless clips of East Timorese being disarmed and tied up at gunpoint
by the Australian troops, interview militia leaders lamenting "atrocities"
by the International Force in East Timor (Interfet).
Although Major General Kiki
Syahnakri, the outgoing Indonesian martial law commander in East Timor,
has denied a report of Interfet burning a militiaman to death, the state
Antara news agency continues to treat it as fact. Australian ambassador
to Indonesia, John McCarthy, whose embassy has been shot at twice and is
the target of daily demonstrations in which the Australian flag is burned,
calls it a "misinformation campaign."
"There's clearly a misinformation
campaign which some elements in this country are engaging in which is meant
to discredit Australia and Australian membership of the multinational force,"
he said. McCarthy described the situation as "discomfort ... but it's not
acute peril."
Few analysts think the situation
is aimed at whipping up such nationalistic fervor that the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) will refuse to ratify the result of the East Timor August
30 vote for independence.
But most admit there is a
danger of it getting out of hand. "I think this reaction is common from
early times, when it is we against the foreigners," said senior Indonesian
journalist Firki Jufri.
"Even amongst some intellectuals,
they now feel that kind of anti-Australian, although it's still a minority,"
he said pointing to the few dozen who picket the Australian embassy compared
to the 10,000 who turned out on Jakarta's streets to protest the passage
of a law that would give the military sweeping powers.
Kastorius Sinaga, a political
analyst and secretary general of Gempita, an independent anti-corruption
watch called the situation a "typical case" of Indonesian overreaction.
"It is some sort of a game
played to cover up one's own mistake, and shift the burden of the mistakes
on somebody else," he said. "I personally do agree that Australia, as our
closest neighbour should be more sensitive to our different culture but
to go as far as our government and media have is a pure overeaction. We
should not fall into that trap. "Australia is there under the UN banner,
not as a government."
Antara meanwhile continued
to detail "the latest victims of alleged atrocities by Australian troops,"
saying six men had been "detained and tortured."
"A massive crackdown is underway
against anti-independence militias, a move which many Indonesian analysts
claim to be as brutal as the TNI (Indonesian army) did in East Timor,"
Antara said.
Analysts are reluctant to
say who they think is paying the demonstrators outside the Australian embassy,
some of whom have told journalists they receive 20,000 rupiah (2.50 dollars)
and lunch for a few hours of invective.
But those who do point the
finger suggest the Indonesian military. "If the anti-Australian sentiment
is being ignited by the government ... followed by individuals or groups
who have always been its supporters ... I wouldn't be too annoyed," said
Melbourne-based political analyst Arief Budiman.
"However, it turns out that
some of my friends ... activists and critical intellectuals ... have also
become anti-Australian. Didn't they see television viewings of savagery
beyond humanitarian limit in East Timor?"
"Didn't they also realize
that the anti-Australian sentiment was just an effort by the government
and the TNI to distract their political weaknesses into something else?"
"By using Australia [as a
scapegoat] is very beneficial for the Habibie's government and TNI," Budiman
was quoted by the Kompas daily as saying.
Drug
abuse, a catastrophe in the making
Agence France Presse - September
26, 1999
Jakarta -- Drug abuse has
become a major social ill in Indonesia, especially among the young, a report
said Sunday adding without urgent preventive action, "a new catastrophe"
was in the making.
Drug counsellors said peer
pressure, poor enforcement and lack of treatment facilities were among
the key factors contributing to the rise of the drug scourge.
The Jakarta Post newspaper
said drug use was no longer the domain of private parties and discotheques
but could now be found in schools.
Joyce Djaelani, a counselor
with a Yayasan Permata Hati Kita, a private rehabilitation center said
a growing concern now was a rising trend of children using drugs and outbreaks
of student brawls.
"What's more alarming is
the fact that children have started to use drugs," she said, adding "the
students take barbiturate pills before they fight."
Indonesia reportedly has
over 1.3 million drug abusers out of its populations of 210 million people.
Most drug users and addicts are young, aged between 15 and 35.
On Tuesday customs officials
at Jakarta's international airport apprehended an Indonesian girl and her
brother with 2.62 kilograms of heroin in their shoes.
The siblings in their early
20s, were passengers of Thai Airways from Bangkok and the estimated value
of the heroin was some 250,000 dollars.
Even elementary school students
have confessed to taking drugs. An 11-year-old student during a trial of
a suspected drug trafficker recently said he had used barbiturate pills
for six months.
While the young most often
use barbiturate pills or inhale intoxicating agents like glues or gasoline,
older addicts abuse ganja and heroine, the designer drug ecstasy, "shabu-shabu"
(crystal methamphetamine), "putauw (low grade heroin) and cocaine, the
Post said.
Joyce said the number of
drug users surged when ecstasy became common in Indonesia in 1996. She
called ecstasy the "gateway" to harder drugs like heroin, shabu-shabu and
cocaine.
The Post said although the
dangers of drugs were well-known, they had failed to stop drug experimentation,
adding a lack of enforcement along with experts and facilities to treat
drug addiction compounded the problem.
"The role of the police is
ironic, it is an open secret that weak and discriminative law enforcement
has worsened the drug problems," it said.
A 27-year-old former addict
told the Post he was introduced to drugs when he was a university student
by his friends.
The son of a businessman
in Bali, the former addict said: "I know of some places in Bali where pushers
openly sell drugs. In Kuta, for example, if you walk down certain alleys
you will bump into strangers who will offer you any drug you want." Joyce
also warned drug abuse may exert a much greater toll on society since there
was a high risk of transmission of the HIV/AIDS virus among the addicts.
"If health administrators
remin slow in dealing with the widespread drug problem, they may face a
new catastrophe on their hands," said the Post.
Blood
on their hands
Sydney Morning Herald - October
2, 1999
Indonesia's generals are
under scrutiny for human rights abuses in East Timor but have they covered
their tracks? David Jenkins, Mark Dodd, Bernard Lagan and Simon Mann investigate.
The Indonesian Army (TNI)
has made the people of East Timor pay a terrible price for daring to vote
for independence. Working with its militia proxies, the Army has behaved
with a ruthlessness that has shocked even long-term observers of the TNI,
laying waste to cities and villages, destroying vital infrastructure, kidnapping
and killing political opponents and church leaders, and carrying off as
much as it could plunder.
Now, the generals who organised
and directed that campaign find themselves confronted by an international
investigation into human rights abuses in East Timor.
At a meeting in Geneva on
Monday, the UN Commission on Human Rights adopted a resolution calling
on the UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, to launch an inquiry to determine
who was behind the violence that devastated East Timor before and after
the August 30 referendum.
In theory, that should be
of grave concern to senior officers in the Indonesian Army, along with
whole concourses of colonels, majors, captains and NCOs.
Previous UN commissions of
inquiry have led to the establishment of international war crimes tribunals
on the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. These tribunals are now prosecuting
suspects.
But the men who lead the
TNI do not seem to be quaking in their boots. On the contrary. Senior officers
believe they have covered their tracks in East Timor. They are confident,
sources in Jakarta say, that they have destroyed evidence that may implicate
them -- as distinct from their militia underlings -- in acts of murder,
mass deportation and wanton destruction.
There are even claims, chilling
in their implications, that the Army is methodically eliminating former
militia leaders who, having served their grisly purpose, may be tempted
by offers of money or sanctuary to discuss the complicity of their former
patrons.
"I don't think they are overly
concerned about [a war crimes tribunal], to tell you the truth," says a
source with high-level TNI contacts. "Most of the people who have evidence
or who can corroborate stuff are progressively disappearing. And there
are a lot of people who have got information who are probably scared of
the TNI at the moment."
The suggestion that the Indonesian
Army is now "terminating" key militia figures may overstate the case somewhat.
"I've heard that claim [that people are disappearing]", says an expert
on the Indonesian military. "But they are going to have to get rid of a
hell of a lot of people. And it's not until they get rid of [militia leaders]
like Joao Tavarres and Eurico Gutteres that you can say this has some credibility
to it."
The other side of that coin,
this source notes, is that it might make sense for war crimes investigators
to put out feelers to men such as Gutteres, however distasteful that may
seem.
"If I were prosecuting I'd
be going over there and offering them big money to spill the beans," this
source said. "People like Gutteres must have a fairly limited future. They
can't go back to East Timor. And once they are no longer useful to the
Indonesians they will be cut loose."
It is an open secret in Jakarta
military circles that the East Timorese militia groups were recruited,
trained, funded and directed by the Indonesian Army, with much of the operation
being carried out by elements of Kopassus, the special forces unit.
That view is widely accepted
by foreign diplomats stationed in Jakarta. It is widely accepted in UN
circles.
It is also true that the
UN vote was a major diplomatic reverse for Indonesia. "The war crimes decision
was a big defeat [for Indonesia]," said an expert on Indonesian politics.
"They tried as hard as they could to prevent it and failed. They didn't
even get universal Asian support."
Nor is there any doubt that
Mary Robinson, the High Commissioner for Human Rights, who will organise
the investigation, is confident she can build a case against militia members
who directed some of the worst violence after the referendum. But establishing
a watertight legal case against senior Indonesian army officers may not
be at all easy. A shortage of witnesses will only make the task even more
difficult.
"What you really need," said
one source, "is a piece of paper signed by a guy that says, 'Go and kill
them!' We realised that from the Nuremburg trials. So I don't think [the
senior TNI officers] are not overly concerned about it. In fact, some of
them are making jokes that they are going to get a little medal if they
get called before the tribunal. It will be like a badge of courage. And
believe me, there are going to be an awful lot of people wearing that badge."
One problem, of course, is
that some of the most damning evidence is likely to be not in East Timor
but in places such as Washington and Canberra -- material plucked from
the air waves by sophisticated US and Australian electronic intercept equipment.
And although the Foreign
Minister, Alexander Downer, has said that Australia will provide whatever
help it can, there are many in Canberra who would be anxious that we not
be too generous.
Partly because that would
compromise our intelligence gathering system. Partly, too, because it would
further sour relations with Indonesia, not least with our erstwhile friends
in the TNI, for whom we once professed such a close and abiding friendship.
Who, if anyone, should be
held responsible for the horrors visited on East Timor? In the opinion
of many, one man who can expect to face a lot of questions is General Wiranto,
the enigmatic Javanese who doubles as Minister of Defence and Commander
of the Indonesian military.
"It has to be Wiranto," said
one source. "So he'll come up in the tribunal, wherever it meets. There
will be an enormous body of evidence [on Indonesian atrocities in East
Timor]."
There are two problems with
that. First, the Indonesians seem to have changed their mind about co-operating
with the UN investigation. Second, it is unlikely that senior officers
left their fingerprints at the site of the crime, although stranger things
have happened.
As one source put it, "Wiranto
presumably wasn't silly enough to give any orders over the air. But even
if they were given, how would you prove that he personally authorised them?"
Wiranto, it is true, may not fully control his own army. But foreign analysts
-- and many retired Indonesian army officers -- say he must accept responsibility
for all that has happened in East Timor.
In the months after January,
when President Habibie agreed to a UN-supervised referendum, Wiranto had
no fewer than four two- star generals working in East Timor, a military
district command that had always been headed by a colonel.
The first of these officers
is Major-General Adam Damiri, who heads the Bali-based Udayana command,
which includes East Timor. According to well-placed sources, Damiri was
deeply involved in the campaign to arm and organise the pro-Indonesian
militias. "He was in the thick of things," said one analyst.
For the first five months
of this year, Damiri had operational control over units in East Timor.
He later worked closely, the sources say, with Major-General Zacky Anwar
Makarim, a former head of military intelligence who was the most senior
Indonesian Army officer in East Timor in the run-up to the referendum.
A member of the feared Kopassus
special forces unit, which frequently operated outside the law in East
Timor, torturing prisoners and sponsoring quasi-criminal gangs, Anwar served
ostensibly as the TNI liaison man with UNAMET, the UN Mission in East Timor.
But his main job, sources
say, was to organise the anti- independence militias in an attempt to disrupt
the referendum, which Habibie approved in the face of bitter Army opposition.
According to a number of
sources, Anwar, a member of a prominent Jakarta family, has participated
in a string of unsavoury operations, both in East Timor and Aceh, where
the Army has been accused of kidnap, torture and murder.
A veteran of the Indonesian
Army's East Timor campaign, he ran a parallel chain of command across the
territory drawing on a shadowy network of Kopassus officers and intelligence
agents operating as part of the Satgasintel (SGI), an Indonesian acronym
for "Intelligence Task Force".
On the eve of the referendum,
Anwar was joined in East Timor by Major-General Syafrie Syamsuddin, a special
forces officer who had been pushed aside as commander of the Jakarta military
region after the May 1998 riots, in which 1,200 people died.
Syafrie, like Anwar, is a
former close associate of the disgraced Lieutenant-General Prabowo Subianto,
the self-exiled son-in-law of former president Soeharto.
Prabowo had numerous tours
of duty in East Timor, where he was deeply involved in covert political
operation, arming and supporting paramilitary groups that were the forerunners
of the pro-Jakarta militias.
Until his transfer to East
Timor, Syafrie had been operating in an undisclosed capacity in Aceh, where,
analysts say, his name sent a chill down the spine of those opposed to
rule from Jakarta.
"Acehnese say he is the point
man in organising the bad things, the heavy-handed attacks [in the province],"
said a well-placed source at the time that Anwar was transferred to East
Timor. "The Acehnese think he is the one with blood on his hands. The Islamic
press has certainly targeted him as someone who has been playing this almost
Prabowo-like role."
Given this involvement, it
struck many as alarming that Syafrie was taken out of Aceh and sent, on
the eve of the referendum, to East Timor. That, said one source at the
time, was "precisely the wrong sort of signal to send".
The fourth of the two-star
officers associated with East Timor is Major-General Kiki Syahnakri, who
was serving as assistant for operations at army headquarters in Jakarta
when he was sent to East Timor a month ago as emergency commander.
Syahnakri, who has left East
Timor this week, knew the province well, having spent no less than 11 years
there, a remarkable period of time, even by Indonesian Army standards.
He had been very close to Prabowo and had been associated, one military
analyst noted, "with various unsavoury things that Prabowo's units used
to get up to, in Timor and elsewhere".
In the mid-1990s, Syahnakri
was removed as the East Timor Korem (military region) commander after only
eight months following an international outcry over a massacre of civilians
in Liquica.
Syahnakri was only in East
Timor for a few weeks this time, however. Some argue that while many horrendous
crimes were committed during this time, those actions may not necessarily
have occurred with his concurrence.
"I think there is a question
mark over him," said one military expert. But the others I've got no doubt
about."
Then there are the colonels
who ran East Timor or who had special assignments there. One is Colonel
Tono Suratman, who was the commander of East Timor in the period to August,
when many of the worst crimes were committed, including militia massacres
in Dili.
Another key officer is Suratman's
successor, Colonel Muhammad Noer Muis, a graduate of an Australian staff
college who served briefly as East Timor commander until the arrival of
Kiki Syahnakri.
According to one source,
Muis opposed the militia violence but was powerless to stop it. "I think
Noer was basically an honourable and decent man," said a senior UN official
who stayed with the Indonesian colonel at army headquarters in Dili at
the height of the post-ballot violence. "He was ordered not to intervene."
When the UN official advised
Muis to shoot dead leading militia rabble-rousers on the grounds that "it
would make them step back and pause", the colonel replied that it was not
possible, saying it would trigger civil war in the streets. Others are
less inclined to give Muis the benefit of the doubt. Muis, said one expert
on the Indonesian military, was as culpable as any of his predecessors,
having presided during his short tenure over the same sort of abuses, in
which the army-sponsored militia ran wild.
"Whether he liked it or not,"
said this source, "he was part of the system. If you're in the system,
that's your business." Yet another is Lieutenant-Colonel Nugroho, a special
forces officer who spent much of 1998 organising the pro-Indonesia groups
that were a forerunner of the militias.
"This guy [Nugroho] has been
setting it up," a source in Jakarta said earlier this year, not long after
Nugroho had been reassigned to Jakarta. "Zacky Anwar is the point man for
the whole thing."
The main militia leaders
include Eurico Gutteres, Manuel de Sousa and Cancio Lopes de Carvalho.
They ran the gangs of thugs known as Aitarak [Thorn), Besi Merah Putih
(Red and White Iron) and Mahidi (Life or Death for Integration).
Gutteres, a 27-year-old firebrand
who once supported independence, was recorded on April 17 as urging his
supporters gathered outside the governor's office in Dili to "go out and
kill the betrayers of integration. I Eurico Gutteres will be personally
responsible."
More than 50 people, mostly
pro-independence supporters were killed in the subsequent mayhem which
swept Dili. Observers in Dili say actions of that nature would not have
been possible had the militias not had high-level army backing.
Photographs found last week
in the deserted headquarters of Aitarak show Gutteres meeting the disgraced
Soeharto.
In the western districts
of East Timor there is no shortage of people who have been linked to militia
activity. The bupati, or mayor, of Maliana, Guilherme Dos Santos, violently
opposed the establishment of pro-independence offices in his district.
At one stage, Dos Santos
threatened to kill Australian UN personnel as part of a plan to force the
closure of the local UN office. Dos Santos enjoyed close contact with militia
leaders and praised pro-integration Indonesian army officers.
His predecessor, Joao Tavarres,
who until recently wore a watch stripped from one of the Western journalists
killed at Balibo in 1975, was commander-in-chief of all East Timor's pro-
integration militias. One of his lieutenants liked to boast that he had
400 assault rifles stored in his fortress-like villa in Maliana.
Tavarres, 69, served as the
Bupati of Maliana from 1976 until 1986. Real power in Maliana, however,
was vested in the hands of four Indonesian Army NCOs, three of them on
active service, the other retired. All four had been active in the district
since the mid-1970s.
"They regulated all militia
activity and training, including all the nasty stuff," said one Maliana-based
political officer. Numerous cases of violence, intimidation and murder
could be traced to the NCOs, he told the Herald. The June 29 attack on
the UN compound in Maliana by a mob of stone-throwing hooligans is said
to have been organised by Lieutenant Satrisno, a 44-year-old Javanese from
Surabaya who had served as military commander in nearby Cailaco from 1990
to 1994. When presented with evidence of complicity on the attack on the
UN office, he jokingly replied: "If I was involved, everyone would have
been killed."
The Dili-based Foundation
for Legal and Human Rights held full dossiers documenting human rights
abuses in Maliana, many of which involved soldiers attached to the local
district command.
Taulus Feireira, the leader
of the Dadurus (Typhoon) militia in Maliana, boasted in June that "if we
lose autonomy there will be an uprising. It will be like 1975 all over
again". He was not far wrong but how did he know?
Low-ranking army officers
or NCOs commonly wielded power in East Timor that was not reflected in
their rank. Sources in Dili say Warrant Officer Nicodemus is high up on
the UN's "wanted list" for human rights violations and intimidation against
civilians in Viqueque.
Other low-ranking army personnel
have been linked to terrorism and intimidation in Manatuto, a town that
was reduced to ruins during recent militia attacks.
Basilio Araujo, spokesman
for the hardline Forum for Unity, Democracy and Justice (FPDK), has been
accused of inciting violence against those supporting independence. Araujo
is widely believed to have been responsible for death threats made against
Australian diplomats and journalists.
As the pro-Indonesian militias
waged their war of terror and destruction, their activities were closely
monitored, by the UN officials, diplomats, journalists and non-government
groups. On one occasion, two Americans from the US-based Carter Centre
overheard, while in a Dili militia headquarters, radio conversations in
which the Indonesian Army directed militia activity.
Perhaps more telling is a
report, obtained by the Herald in Darwin this week, by a senior Irish police
officer, Commandant Mathew Murphy, who served as a UN military liaison
officer at Los Palos in the far east of East Timor.
In his report, Murphy said
that although he and his colleagues had what seemed a good working relationship
with local army officers, they had failed in their efforts to obtain information
about local militia groups.
They had also witnessed an
incident which led them to conclude that Zacky Anwar had close links with
local militia groups. Anwar had arrived in Los Palos by helicopter the
day after a UN vehicle caught fire in the local UN compound.
Commandant Murphy wrote of
the incident: "It was our impression of these events that the TNI was afraid
that the militia may have been acting on its own before the TNI was ready.
The General's visit was to ensure that the militia was not responsible
for the fire. I believe this information directly links the TNI with the
militia. I also believe that it further illustrates that General Zacky
Anwar was linked to the militia."
A week later the leader of
the East Timorese resistance movement in Los Palos, Ferismo Quintas, was
murdered in his house with a machete. Murphy said he had seen militiamen
set Quintas's house on fire and had then heard shots from the house.
He wrote in his report that
he believed the TNI had planned the whole operation. The police had established
a road block before the shooting began and a TNI soldier was on the scene
directing traffic. "There was no doubt in Los Palos that there was a link
between the militia and the TNI," Commandant Murphy wrote.
Patience is a virtue, and
perhaps a necessity, in war crimes investigations. Although Kofi Annan
yesterday asked investigators of atrocities in East Timor to report back
to him by the end of December, it may be several years before the perpetrators
are brought to justice -- if at all.
Best illustrating the time
lapse between investigation and conviction -- between the crime and the
retribution -- are the track records of the international tribunals dealing
with charges of genocide and human rights abuses in Rwanda and the former
Yugoslavia.
The Balkans experience points
to a long, hard road ahead. Four years after the worst of the massacres
in Bosnia, for example, investigators from the International Criminal Tribunal
for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) are still exhuming bodies.
There have been 26 public
indictments involving 90 war crimes suspects and a number of secret indictments
in which the ICTY conceals identity so as not to forewarn suspects.
So far, about 30 men, mostly
from Bosnia and Croatia, have been arrested. Of these, eight have been
convicted and one acquitted. The rest remain in a UN detention centre,
inside a Dutch prison, awaiting trial.
In Rwanda, the rate of prosecutions
is lower: 28 indictments against 48 individuals with 38 now in custody.
But just four convictions so far, two of which are being appealed.
What is certain is that the
international investigation in East Timor, which is being marshalled by
Mary Robinson, will collect ample evidence to justify the establishment
of yet another war crimes tribunal, although the procedure is more convoluted
than that which led to the Yugoslav and Rwandan trials.
Then, investigations were
ordered directly by the UN Security Council. This time, the UNHCHR is investigating
and will report to Annan who, in turn, will approach the Council if the
belief is that a tribunal is warranted.
The UNHCHR promises to work
closely with Indonesia's internal "fact-finding" mission along the way.
But Robinson, in New York, made it clear that Jakarta's investigations
"were no substitute for an international commission of inquiry".
The UN-backed probe would
cover all of 1999 and not simply the post-independence vote bloodshed as
proposed by the Indonesians.
Unlike Kosovo, where war
crimes investigators were on the ground before the start of NATO's bombing
campaign in March, the East Timor probe virtually starts afresh.
Already UN staff in Timor
are collecting evidence and witness statements in a bid to home in on the
killers and those responsible for human rights abuses. Robinson said UN
workers had already found and interviewed two eye-witnesses to the murder
of the Dutch journalist Sander Thoenes.
With reports that Indonesian
troops, in particular, and militiamen are systematically destroying evidence
as they depart the province, the accounts of witnesses take on ever-increasing
importance.
In fact, witness statements,
especially those that can be corroborated, are arguably the tribunal's
biggest single weapon and clearly the UN places great store in them.
It's been a similar story
in Kosovo and Rwanda where prosecutors have the ability to shield witnesses
from possible revenge attacks by guaranteeing anonymity in the witness
box and, sometimes, armed protection outside it.
Kosovo investigators also
took thousands of witness statements from refugees who, at the height of
the conflict, fled the province to camps in neighbouring Albania, Macedonia
and Montenegro.
Later, when back in Kosovo,
they sought to match testimonies with those of witnesses who remained in
Kosovo as well as painstakingly collecting forensic evidence from crime
scenes. The Kosovo database, already, is enormous and as investigators
sift through it they construct cases against the accused.
But the Australian lawyer
Graham Blewitt, the ICTY's deputy prosecutor, admits to a feeling of frustration
that some of the biggest named suspects are yet to be brought to book.
"I think at the grassroots
level -- whether it's beatings, burning houses, looting or raping -- you'll
find people acting under orders," he told the Herald. "You find some people
acting under orders and having no problems doing so. Others are doing it
for revenge or just because they're homicidal maniacs ... But higher up
the chain of command the motives are more political."
But distance does not provide
immunity, to wit the indictments of Radovan Karadzic, the former Bosnian
Serb president, and Ratko Mladic, his top general during the Bosnian war,
and the more recent indictments of Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic
and four of his deputies. They remain free but, as Blewitt points out,
there is no statute of limitations.
And while many believe that
the architects of the genocide, murder, torture and rape in East Timor
will remain free, the conviction last year of the former Rwandan prime
minister Jean Kambanda on six counts of genocide and other crimes is a
sou
rce of encouragement to
those who hope that those ultimately responsible for East Timor's bloodshed
will be punished.