| Home > South-East Asia >> Indonesia | |
ASIET Net News 29 – July 19-25, 1999
| East Timor |
Jakarta -- The World Bank said on Wednesday international donors to Indonesia would be closely watching the situation in disputed East Timor and could change their stance if a UN-supervised independence ballot was disrupted.
"I certainly understand from a number of donors that they share a strong interest in ensuring that the UN-process in Timor proceeds smoothly, and that there is a peaceful election in East Timor," Mark Baird, World Bank country director for Indonesia, told a news conference.
Donors in the Consultative Group for Indonesia are due to meet in Paris on July 27 and 28 to discuss loans for Indonesia. The World Bank said they were expected to pledge $5.5 billion to $6.0 billion to plug Indonesia's budget gap in the current fiscal year.
"I'm sure the situation could be different if there was a change in the situation in East Timor, and I'm sure donors will be watching that very closely," Baird said.
"But at this stage ... if they send a message it will be a positive message that they would like to see the process stay on track." Baird said donors were also keen to ensure that Indonesia's transition to a new government proceeded smoothly.
Indonesia has agreed with the United Nations to hold a independence referendum in East Timor in August. But the UN has yet to decide whether the ballot can go ahead, saying violence by pro-Jakarta militias supported by the Indonesian military has put the process at risk.
Dili -- The intimidation of voters is rampant in East Timor and there has been no significant improvement in security, the independent Carter Center poll monitoring organization said Tuesday.
"An atmosphere of violence, intimidation and insecurity continues to pervade most areas of East Timor," the center said in its first report on the East Timor situation.
Voter intimidation, internally displaced persons, active campaigning for autonomy by the Indonesian government and military, and the need for the Indonesian military in the territory to be redeployed were the four main issues of concern.
The team from the center, set up by former US president Jimmy Carter, said pro-autonomy militias were carrying out most of the intimidation.
"These groups are subjecting potential voters to an intense and systematic campaign of intimidation in an attempt to influence the outcome of the consultation," it said.
Numerous interviews had told of "widespread harrassment and intimidation" with militia members visiting homes at night and threatening violent retribution after the polls if autonomy is rejected, the centre said.
"Unfortunately there is little evidence that the Indonesian police have been succesful in improving the situation," the Carter Center said.
These problems "must be addressed to ensure that conditions established by the May 5 New York agreement for the popular consultation are met."
Under the accord, Indonesia and Portugal agreed to the deployment of UN personnel in East Timor to conduct a poll in the former Portuguese colony on its future.
Jakarta has said it may let go of the territory it invaded in 1975 and annexed in 1976, if most people reject an offer of broad-based autonomy under Indonesia.
The Carter Center has deployed two observers in East Timor since July 4 and is expecting another eight to arrive next week.
The spokesman of the UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET), David Wimhurst said Tuesday two voter registration centres shut briefly on Monday due to pro-Indonesia militias but all 200 centres were back in operation Tuesday.
"Generally, we are pleased it is going well [the registration] and it seems there is increasing confidence in the process," he added.
One registration centre in Lebos near Maliana in Bobonaro district was closed around midday after 200 militia members held a meeting nearby, Wimhurst said. "There was no threat to our registration centre but for security we closed early," he said.
Another post in Cassa near Suai closed briefly after two militia members protested the need to produce two identification documents rather than one to register. The post reopened later Monday after a team of civilian police went there to assess the situation.
"We encourage everyone to register as soon as possible," Wimhurst said, adding it would help avoid a backlog towards the end of the 20-day registration period.
The Carter Center said there were 30,000 internally displaced persons in East Timor, citing figures from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
A church charity group, Caritas, said last weekend it had registered more than 58,000 refugees throughout East Timor.
Most of the refugees, the Carter Center report said, "have been driven from their homes in the past six months by pro-integration militias as a direct results of their presumed political beliefs.
"It is essential that adequate security conditions exist for all of them to return to their homes immediately and to ensure that no others are driven from their homes by violence and intimidation."
To improve the climate of fear a timetable for the completion of the redeployment of the Indonesian military in East Timor should be established and implemented, it added.
The Indonesian military has gradually replaced more than 1,000 troops in the former Portuguese colony with police who are responsible for security in the territory under the New York agreement.
Dili -- A confidential Indonesian government report predicts social chaos in East Timor as Indonesians flee following an expected vote in favour of independence in August.
The report called for the immediate drawing up of a contingency plan to evacuate Indonesian public servants and migrants to a neighbouring province before the result of the United Nations- organised ballot was announced. It recommended that vital facilities should be destroyed as Indonesians quit East Timor.
East Timorese are due to vote on August 21 or 22 for either independence or limited self-rule under Jakarta. The leadup to the ballot has been marred by violence by anti-independence militia.
The confidential document leaked in Dili, dated July 3 and signed by a senior government internal affairs official, appeared to concede that East Timorese would reject autonomy under continued rule by Jakarta and vote for full independence.
It listed problems facing the pro-autonomy camp, blaming both pro-independence East Timorese staff employed by the UN and the slowness of Indonesia's response to the needs of poor Timorese as contributing to the expected rejection of "special autonomy".
"Our former enthusiastic optimism has turned to doubt," stated the report, signed by H.R. Ganardi, the special assistant to the Indonesian government's coordinating minister of internal political affairs. "It would not be wrong to predict the worst- case scenario -- that special autonomy will be rejected."
The report predicted a period of social chaos in East Timor as the economy was paralysed because Indonesian business people had fled to neighbouring West Timor.
Pro-independence supporters had already listed the assets they were going to seize when the Indonesians left but were "currently not yet capable of running a society or even keeping a hospital running", the five-page document said.
Australia, the UN Assistance Mission in East Timor (UNAMET), and the Catholic church would control East Timorese society after the flight of Indonesian public servants and business people.
"At the best, aspects of society will be controlled by the church, while UNAMET and Australia and their volunteers will control the rest," the report said.
Recommendations passed on to Indonesian Interior Minister Feisal Tanjung included that an immediate plan be made to evacuate all Indonesian public servants and migrants to West Timor before the announcement of the ballot result.
The report recommended Indonesian armed forces be put on alert and prepared for action near the evacuation areas, and that West Timor be made ready to receive huge numbers of refugees.
It also called for the planning and securing of evacuation routes and the destruction of facilities and other vital objects as the Indonesians pulled out.
The report claimed pro-independence forces have in the past month received airdrops of weapons which were not likely to be surrendered. It said the likelihood was high that pro- independence guerrillas would fight on after the ballot as they tried to secure their interests.
At the same time as planning a withdrawal from East Timor, the document recommended that full support of pro-Indonesian forces must continue. "The government's commitment must be confirmed through empowering the pro-integration forces," it stated.
It added that these elements placed great hope in an injection of strength from the Indonesian government to conduct an "Operation of Sympathy" -- a term most observers here interpret as a renewed campaign of the violence by pro-Jakarta militia that has plagued the colony since last November.
The UNAMET mission in East Timor is understood to be in possession of the leaked document and is currently analysing its contents.
Sydney -- Indonesia is preparing for a massive post-ballot slaughter in East Timor -- exacting retribution in blood on East Timorese for refusing to bow to the reign of terror and vote for the integration of their country into Indonesia.
The Head of CNRT (National Council for Timorese Resistance) in Australia, Joco Carrascalco, said today this is the real meaning of leaked Indonesian plans for the hurried evacuation of its public servants and "transmigrasi" from East Timor when East Timorese vote against integration in the UN-supervised ballot.
"We had news of this about two months ago. We distributed it at the time, but apart from the media in Portugal, the world took no notice.
"The important thing is that our people have seen both halves of the plan. The evacuation is the first half. The second half is that having cleared Indonesian civilians out of the way, the Indonesian army and its militia thugs plan to go on the rampage.
"They are planning a massacre of such magnitude that the killings of the past few months -- in which they have killed hundreds, perhaps thousands of East Timorese -- will look, like a mere beginning.
"We have warned before and will warn again now -- Indonesia has cached huge stocks of weapons within East Timor. Their reinforced army will be on full combat alert within minutes of the border.
They have put hundreds of Kopassus and army officers and men into East Timor posing as civilians and police. They have taken direct control of the militias on the ground. They are actively training their few supporters to kill and preparing them to bring out their hidden arms and start shooting immediately Indonesia gives the order after the ballot."
Mr Carrascalco said the Indonesian claim that they were concerned about East Timorese revenge against Indonesian nationals was "complete rubbish; the usual Indonesian disinformation".
"They massacre independence
supporters and try to blame the pro- independence groups for that. They
plan a massacre, so they point the finger at the peaceful East Timorese
again. It is the Indonesian way."
| Presidential succession |
Jakarta -- Abdurrahman Wahid came up on Wednesday with yet another surprising move when he praised President B.J. Habibie -- whom he had often criticized for his links to Golkar and the past regime -- as amenable to change and as less conservative than many people thought.
The chairman of the 30-million strong Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Muslim organization told the public not to see people and situations as "black and white".
"It's not absolutely true that Pak Habibie is pro-status quo," he said at his office on Jl. Kramat Raya, Central Jakarta. "He may even meet all the requirements to be called a reformist."
Abdurrahman, better known as Gus Dur, did not explain the requirements, but observers have defined reformists as those who are prepared to uproot corruption, and even cases of corruption allegedly committed by Habibie's predecessor and mentor Soeharto. Students and scholars alike have also defined reform activists as those who support the elimination of the military's political role and amendments to the 1945 Constitution.
Commenting on National Mandate Party (PAN) chairman Amien Rais' support for him as an alternative presidential candidate, Abdurrahman said he would be "passive".
He said the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) would decide the matter. The Assembly will meet in November to elect a president and vice president and establish the State Policy Guidelines.
Meanwhile, political scientist Daniel Lev said in New York the indirect presidential election would benefit incumbent Habibie in his presidential bid.
"In such a system, an incumbent could gain enough support to stay in power. Hence, it's likely that Habibie is elected," Lev told Antara on Tuesday.
Lev, a professor at Washington University, said the projected allocation of seats at the MPR supported his argument. He said Habibie would benefit from the votes of 200 appointees who represent provinces and interest groups, and also from a coalition of Muslim-based parties at the MPR.
"The Islamic faction will certainly support Habibie. Thanks to his link to ICMI (the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals)," Lev said.
He dismissed speculations that the Islamic faction, proposed by United Development Party (PPP) chairman Hamzah Haz, would take shape as a result of a shared interest to foil Megawati Soekarnoputri's path to power. Megawati leads the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan).
He asserted the faction could emerge because of mounting demands for Muslims to play a major role in national politics and the administration. "For 150 years, the predominantly Muslim country saw a minor role played by Muslims," Lev said.
However, Lev did not dismiss Megawati's chances, saying that she could receive pivotal support from the military. He said Megawati could further gain the upper hand if her PDI Perjuangan coalesced with PAN and the National Awakening Party (PKB).
But he emphasized that Indonesian politics held many surprises. He did not rule out the possibility that alternative candidates, specifically PAN chairman Amien Rais and Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen. Wiranto, could emerge as likely winners in the race for the presidency.
Lev said the US government would not favor one particular presidential candidate. He said the US would accept any candidate provided that he or she could lead Indonesia to become a stable and democratic country, which was open to American products and able to repay its foreign debts.
Separately, PPP deputy chairman A.M. Saefuddin said on Wednesday his party would back Habibie's bid for the presidency.
"Our support for Habibie is final, although we have yet to formally announce it. The announcement will be made at the right moment," Saefuddin said a meting with the rector of Padjadjaran University in Bandung.
Saefuddin, who is also state minister of food and horticulture, said Habibie remained the strongest candidate, despite Golkar's loss in the June 7 elections. Golkar has named Habibie its sole presidential candidate, although party chairman Akbar Tandjung has suggested this decision may be reviewed.
Political observer Cornelius Lay of Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, said a recent idea to establish an alternative MPR faction to support a candidate other than Habibie or Megawati, was not extraordinary, but should not hamper the democratic process in the Assembly.
"If this notion is really serious, the establishment of the alternative faction is an expression of disappointment or impatience toward Megawati's silence all this time," he said.
Political observer Kautsar Bailusy from Hasanuddin University in Ujungpandang said on Wednesday the proposed establishment of an alternative faction at the MPR would lead to Amien's presidential nomination.
"I can see that the alternative MPR faction will nominate Amien Rais if both Habibie and Megawati insist on being elected president," he told The Jakarta Post. "Promoting Gus Dur as its candidate is part of [Amien's] strategy to learn how people will respond to the alternative faction."
In a related development, thousands of PDI Perjuangan supporters, grouped under the Forum for People's Struggle, staged a street rally in Bogor, West Java, on Wednesday, blasting incumbent Habibie's nomination and reiterating support for Megawati's nomination.
In a written statement, copies of which were distributed to rally participants and passersby, the group pledged to mobilize millions of people to the House of Representatives and to the People's Consultative Assembly to air their aspirations.
The group also said they would call on supporters to rally on July 27 in Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta at the site where a bloody takeover of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters by the military and Megawati's rival took place on that day in 1996. In the riot that ensued, five people were killed.
Susan Sim, Jakarta -- Indonesia's top generals are laughing off a report in an international magazine which alleged that they had cut a deal to support opposition leader Megawati Soekarnoputri for the presidency.
Business Week, a New York-based magazine, had reported in its latest issue that at a "commanders call" early this month, military chief General Wiranto had obtained the support of certain top generals to put together a coalition government that would be led by Ms Megawati as President and himself as "the truly powerful Vice-President".
Of the incumbent's fate under this deal, the magazine said: "He's out at the end of his term. Wiranto, according to the sources, even secured the blessing of ex-President Suharto."
Asked about the report, TNI spokesman Brigadier-General Sudrajat told The Straits Times: "It is false ... misleading, baseless. We haven't discussed it internally, but at coffee this morning, everybody was just laughing at it."
The facts, he said, were wrong. The only "commanders call" -- which involves all regional commanders and chiefs of the various departments and units -- held recently was in early June, when Gen Wiranto reviewed security preparations for the election and issued reminders to his subordinates to remain politically neutral but stay alert to any sign of trouble.
The military chief, he said, did chair weekly routine meetings involving many of his generals, but the presidential contest had never been on the agenda.
"In fact, he's told us several times that if any of us were ever asked by whoever what his stand was regarding his nomination by certain groups to be President, we were to say that he was not paying any attention to it, but concentrating on his job of promoting peace and stability," he said, adding:
"That doesn't mean he has no interest in the presidency, only that he is not paying any attention to it now because the publicity will destroy his concentration on security matters."
Two sources in regular contact with Gen Wiranto said that whatever his inclinations, a key consideration would be President Habibie's reaction.
"He has to be very careful in dealing with Habibie, because Habibie can sack him," said one source. "If he has decided to back Megawati, you can be sure the Islamic groups would have heard of it by now and ... pressing for his removal."
Keith B. Richburg, Jakarta -- Some 38 days after Indonesians voted in the country's first free election in a generation, the final tabulation of the results was announced Thursday, and they confirmed what political analysts and others here long suspected -- the party of opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri finished first in the crowded field.
Mrs. Megawati's party got 33.7 percent of the vote, with the once-dominant Golkar party of President B.J. Habibie in a distant second place with 22.4 percent, election officials said.
The completion of the tabulation means Indonesia's evolving democracy now shifts to the next stage of this complex and drawn-out drama -- the complex process of forming a National Assembly and choosing Indonesia's next president.
Mrs. Megawati's People's Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, won about 35 million votes, with about 23 million votes for Golkar. About 14 percent of the 122 million votes cast were considered invalid.
The election was for 468 seats in a 500-member Parliament, the core of an expanded assembly whose main task is to choose Indonesia's next president. Final allocations of parliamentary seats still cannot be determined, but the seat count is likely to be closer than the election results because the system is weighted to give more seats to Indonesia's outer islands, where Golkar ran stronger.
While this was not a direct election for president, the two major competing parties -- PDI-P and Golkar -- were largely identified with their leaders, Mrs. Megawati and Mr. Habibie, with the first offering herself as a clean break from the corrupt and discredited past, and the latter relying on his advantages of incumbency and his links to Islamic organizations.
The results were compiled on Thursday night by the Indonesian National Elections Committee, but must still be validated by all 48 parties that contested the June 7 polls, and then confirmed by the General Elections Commission sometime next week.
While long-awaited, the final result did not appear to change the ongoing political dynamic, but was likely to add new momentum to the political bargaining that had until now been taking place largely behind the scenes.
With PDI-P firmly in the lead, Mrs. Megawati is considered in the best position to be elected president when the larger, 700-member Electoral College convenes later this year. Although her party's 34 percent showing leaves her far short of a majority -- and even that may get further diluted when the larger assembly, with its appointed members, is formed -- by coming in first in a democratic election Mrs. Megawati can claim popularity no one can match.
But she still needs to find other parties willing to support her presidential bid, and to stave off attempts by Golkar and other rivals to form an alternative coalition that could block her path.
Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- A reshuffle of top officers in Indonesia's armed forces has prompted speculation that General Wiranto, the Defence Minister and armed forces chief, sees himself as the country's new vice-president.
The President, Dr B.J. Habibie, at the weekend appointed the former navy chief of staff, Admiral Widodo, as deputy chief of the armed forces, a post unfilled for 12 years.
General Wiranto, who maintains close contact with the former president Mr Soeharto, said the appointment was made because "we are in an era of change, with possible unknown threats. That's why the commander needs a deputy to fill out the control function".
Brushing aside questions about his future, General Wiranto told journalists in Jakarta the appointment was in the best interests of the country.
"The sea has a significant role ... we have sea passages that offer positive things for our economy but they have a lot of access and can be easily infiltrated, General Wiranto said. It has nothing to do with politics. This is about professionalism."
The ruling Golkar party has already named General Wiranto as one of its preferred candidates for the vice-presidency when the 700-member People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) meets in November to elect a president and a vice-president to rule for five years.
But some informed speculation in Jakarta has General Wiranto abandoning Golkar, which came second at the elections, and joining the camp of Mrs Megawati Sukarnoputri, whose Indonesian Party of Struggle won the biggest bloc of votes.
Mrs Megawati, the 54-year-old daughter of Indonesia's founding president Sukarno, has remained largely silent as post-election political horse-trading hots up in Jakarta but was quoted yesterday as telling a Japanese newspaper she was ready to take the presidency from Dr Habibie.
"It is the desire of the majority of people that I become the next president," Mrs Megawati said. But her chances of going back to the presidential palace where she grew up remain in doubt because of Indonesia's complex electoral system.
Dr Habibie has the support of some Muslim parties and Golkar, which over three decades supported Mr Soeharto.
Mrs Megawati's bid for the presidency received a boost yesterday when the prominent Muslim leader, Mr Abdurrahman Wahid, declared that his organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama, did not oppose a woman becoming president.
"Those who said it was haram (forbidden by Islam) for a woman to become president actually do not understand fiqih (studies of law)," Mr Wahid said.
Mr Wahid, a close friend of Mrs Megawati, said last month he could not guarantee Islamic scholars in his organisation would accept her presidency, sparking an intense debate about the role of Islamic women in politics.
Amy Chew, Jakarta -- Indonesia's military will back presidential frontrunner Megawati Sukarnoputri if she picks armed forces chief General Wiranto as her vice presidential candidate, military sources said on Thursday.
The armed forces (ABRI), whose appointees will make up almost eight percent of the new parliament, have been negotiating with Megawati and key figures of former president Suharto's regime.
"One of the options presented to Megawati was for her to pick Wiranto as her vice-president in exchange for the military's support for her presidential bid," said one military source. "And the military is prepared to support her."
The sources said it was not yet clear what the military would do if Megawati chose another running mate.
Megawati's opposition Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI- P) holds a commanding polls lead as counting continues after the June 7 parliamentary election, with almost 36 percent of the vote. The ruling Golkar party is second on 19 percent. The General Election Commission (KPU) is due to announce a final result next Wednesday.
Tentative results from the poll are expected at 8pm on Thursday, if a flight carrying results from the last of the country's 27 provinces arrives in Jakarta as scheduled.
The parliament will join with 200 provincial and community appointees to sit as the People's Consultative Assembly in November to select a president and vice-president. Thirty-eight of parliament's 500 seats are reserved for ABRI appointees.
Megawati is the frontrunner for the presidential election but faces strong opposition from Moslem politicians and leaders who say a woman cannot lead the world's largest Moslem nation.
The other leading contender in the first open presidential contest is President B.J. Habibie, who has Golkar's support.
No party is likely to win an outright parliamentary majority, which means the military could hold the balance of power.
But senior PDI-P official and retired general Theo Syafei said the party has not considered Wiranto as a vice presidential candidate. "We are waiting for the final results from the vote count before making any decisions. Wiranto's name has not been discussed," he told Reuters.
In preparation for Wiranto's possible nomination, the military will create the position of deputy armed forces chief, said the military source.
"Admiral Widodo from the navy will be appointed as deputy armed forces chief, either this week or next week. This is to ensure that someone can take over from Wiranto if he is elected as vice president," the source said. Wiranto, who is also defence minister, currently has no deputy.
Military sources said Megawati's policies are in tune with ABRI's, especially her commitment to a unitary state and opposition to calls for the country to become a federation.
Army chief Wiranto has brokered a deal to end the impasse. It means Megawati's in, Habibie's out -- and Wiranto is in charge
He speaks softly but wields great power, a general whom Indonesia's soldiers follow and whom civilians respect -- and fear. He is central to Indonesia's political drama and its eventual economic recovery. Yet throughout the tumult of Indonesia's legislative elections in June and their aftermath, no one knew how Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief Wiranto would act. Would he stand aloof from the post-election jockeying for President? Or would he preserve the Army's traditional support of Golkar, the party that backed Suharto, and his successor, B.J. Habibie?
Well, the General has finally intervened. On July 7 and 8, Wiranto summoned his top generals to a "commanders call," according to army officers who attended and government officials briefed later. The meetings took place at Indonesia's Armed Forces Headquarters, a sprawl of barracks and bunkers on the leafy outskirts of Jakarta. Several provincial military commanders were invited, as well as five of Wiranto's top generals based in Jakarta. Excluded from the table were those generals who favor an Islamic state and back President Habibie. The agenda: to hammer out plans for Indonesia's next government.
Wiranto's muscular men in green uniforms deliberated for two days, then granted their commander full support to put together a coalition government -- and whatever role in it he chooses. The most likely lineup expected to be announced in the next few weeks: popular opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri as President, and Wiranto himself as the truly powerful Vice- President. And current President Habibie? He's out at the end of his term. Wiranto, according to the sources, even secured the blessing of ex-President Suharto. Wiranto and his aides are now trying to cement the details of the deal, which could still run into trouble if various fractious parties -- and Habibie himself -- don't fall into line. The final vote count is due on July 21. At this moment, Wiranto's plan has the edge.
It's not exactly democracy. It will surely disgust many voters. But with the military an always-omnipotent force in Indonesian politics, having the most powerful general in the country emerge at the helm could result in the most stable government Indonesia could hope for. After all, the economy has embarked on the first stages of a recovery that needs a stable environment to thrive. And since none of the five major parties was on the way to winning a clear mandate, a shaky coalition looked likely. Even the popular Megawati, whose Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle was leading all others with roughly 35% of the vote, has not garnered enough to form a solid majority. And a complicated electoral process threatened to cheat her of the presidency during elections in October. "If Megawati is not going to be President, there's going to be chaos in this country," says Jusuf Wanandi, director of the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), a Jakarta think tank. "Thirty million people on Java are willing to fight."
Students' O.K.?
That's why Wiranto stepped into the power vacuum, offering himself as compromise candidate and kingmaker. A key concern of the generals was whether Megawati would agree to the deal. Also at issue was whether Indonesians -- particularly students who want the military out of politics -- would support it. Wiranto did not stand for office himself, but the military has at least 38 seats in the legislature. Megawati knows no politician can be President without the military's backing. And even students hint they would accept the compromise if it resulted in a Megawati presidency. Says Pius Lustrilanang, who led a radical student group before running for office under Megawati: "I don't like it. But the power between pro-Habibie and pro-Megawati forces is quite balanced, so finally it rests on who the military wants."
So the generals decided, in a process they later called democratic, that the stability of Indonesia was best assured with their top man in a strong role. Wiranto should be either President or Vice-President, and he should ask Megawati -- as the biggest vote-getter in the election -- to assume the other role. Talks with Megawati about the arrangement were still under way as of July 14. The popular daughter of Indonesia's first President, Sukarno, she has been silent since polls closed on June 7. Moderate Islamic leader Abdurrahman Wahid, whose party was expected to come in third, has agreed to announce the new lineup once it is solidified.
Wiranto has also sought the blessing of his mentor, Suharto. Despite his ouster from power, Suharto still wields considerable influence among Indonesia's elite. A former general, Suharto's word is still heeded in the upper reaches of the military. And under Indonesia's age-old custom of patronage, Wiranto still seeks Suharto's advice before taking major decisions, according to his aides. "When you've held absolute power for 33 years, you don't lose it all in just one year," says a finance industry source also close to Suharto.
So at their meeting on July 8, Suharto gave Wiranto his blessing to proceed. In return, Wiranto gave Suharto a tacit assurance that he would be pardoned, and may not even stand trial, for the three decades of corruption under his rule. Wiranto and Suharto, with the studied calm and low voices characteristic of the Javanese elite, also reached an understanding that no vigorous attempts to uncover Suharto's billions would be made, according to an army officer familiar with the discussion. Wiranto then asked what should be done about Habibie. Suharto quietly indicated that Habibie should not stay on for a second term, according to the insiders. If Wiranto pulls off this arrangement, it's still unclear whether he will emerge as a strongman in the mold of Suharto or actually solidify Indonesia's fledgling democracy. Much depends on the acquiescence of Habibie, who has indicated he might not accept being left out of the coalition. Habibie, like Wiranto, has long had a close relationship with Suharto.
Not neutral
But it is Wiranto who is most like Suharto. Suharto recruited him as his aide-de-camp in 1989 and promoted him to armed forces commander-in-chief shortly before riots forced his resignation. "Wiranto feels Suharto brought him up to commander-in-chief," observes Harold Crouch, an Indonesia expert at Australian National University in Canberra. "This was not just a purely professional [relationship]. Wiranto knew the children and the wife. He was part of the extended family."
Those who know Wiranto describe him as a man who plays his cards close to his chest and often refuses to answer questions directly. Indeed, like Suharto at the beginning of his career, little is known about Wiranto. He was unavailable to be interviewed for this article. But he has said that the military would not remain neutral in the election, given the military's seats in the legislature. His aides say he backs a policy of gradually separating the military from its traditional "dual function" as a political and military force. "We want to share power. Wiranto strongly believes in that," says Lieutenant General Bambang Yudhoyono, a close associate.
Wiranto's "red and white" faction is one of two in the Indonesian army. Its nationalist vision sees Indonesia as a secular state with no official role for Islam. The other faction, associated with retired generals Hartono and Feisal Tandjung, is "green" and supports a greater role for Islam.
Wiranto harbors no illusions about the Indonesian military's poor human-rights record. But his aides say he does not believe in investigating abuses by the military, particularly in Aceh, East Timor, or at the Trisakti University campus where four students were shot by snipers in May, 1998. Wiranto says an investigation would only destabilize the military at a time when he's trying to hold it together. But critics say Wiranto is merely avoiding a Pandora's box that would implicate his loyal generals. "He doesn't want to let investigations get too far," says a Western diplomat.
Policy mystery
Yet Wiranto reportedly became outraged on at least two occasions in his office when troops opened fire in the street last year. "He exploded. He called in his generals and pounded his fists on the table and shouted, `How could this happen?"' says the diplomat, who was told about the incident by a Wiranto aide.
After consolidating power, Wiranto's expects to turn to economic matters next. General Bambang, who is tipped as Wiranto's successor as head of the military, says Wiranto would seek to appoint an economic council of civilian experts to "find a comprehensive solution for the Indonesian economy."
Indonesia's fragile recovery can only last if the country avoids the kind of unrest and violence that characterized the end of Suharto's rein. If Megawati, Habibie -- and the Indonesian public -- accept Wiranto as both kingmaker and compromiser, that could happen. A similar arrangement between Corazon Aquino and General Fidel Ramos calmed the Philippines after a tumultuous period in the 1980s.
"People are harking toward some political figure who shows proven stability and focus," says Education Minister Juwono Sudarsono, a respected political scientist. Wiranto just might be the man.
[By Michael Shari in Jakarta,
with Sheri Prasso in New York.]
| Aceh/West Papua |
Jakarta -- Minister of Justice/State Secretary Muladi ruled out on Thursday the possibility of holding a dialog with the separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM), saying it was not a legal organization.
Speaking to journalists after meeting with President B.J. Habibie at Merdeka Palace, the minister said the government would meet only with legal groups and Aceh community figures to help ease the escalating tension in the province.
"We will not [hold such a dialog] ... up to now we have no [plans] to hold talks with the Aceh rebels group," Muladi said.
When asked why the government agreed to talk with East Timorese rebels and not with Aceh rebels, the minister said the situation in East Timor was completely different from that in Aceh because the histories of the two provinces were not comparable. "It is totally different. Historically they are also different."
A number of human rights activists have urged the government to talk directly with Aceh rebels as it did with East Timorese independence fighters. However, the government insisted that Aceh has been a part of Indonesia since the country's independence in 1945, while the United Nations has never recognized Indonesia's sovereignty over East Timor.
Aceh Police chief Col. Bahrumsyah had proposed direct talks with Aceh rebel leader-in-exile Hasan Tiro to enable the government to get first-hand information about his plans to set up an independent Aceh state.
Muladi said the government would proceed with its plan to set up an independent team to seek a peaceful solution to the problems in Aceh. "The team is being established and it is expected to be successful in its mission to calm down the tension," he said.
Muladi's statements came as the National Commission on Human Rights proposed that its team, which has been working on the Aceh case and has visited the province five times, be entrusted with the task instead.
Commission members Bambang Soeharto and Clementino dos Reis Amaral made the suggestion in a media briefing on Thursday. Bambang expressed the hope that the commission's team would be accepted by the Acehnese and succeed in its mission.
Muladi hinted that he objected to the proposal. "The presidential decree on the establishment of the team will soon be issued, and the team will go to work immediately," he said.
The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) recently urged the military to pull out the riot troops (PPRM) from Aceh to help ease the tension and stop villagers fleeing from clashes between the separatists and the military.
Separately, Minister of Home Affairs Lt. Gen. Syarwan Hamid dismissed the mounting calls for withdrawal, saying the force's presence was needed to ease the tension.
"It is impossible, unless we want Aceh separated [from Indonesia], then we can withdraw the whole security apparatus from there," the minister said after attending a plenary session of the House of Representatives on Thursday.
Syarwan may well be among the most well-informed Cabinet ministers about Aceh, because, as a colonel, he was commander of the Lhokseumawe district command in North Aceh from 1991 to 1992, at the height of the nine-year military operation in Aceh started in 1989. "No country in the world wants disintegration," he said.
Aceh Governor Syamsuddin said it was possible for the Indonesian Military (TNI) to withdraw the PPRM personnel. He said he believed TNI would seriously consider the withdrawal if the situation in the province returned to normal.
Meanwhile, 100 Muslim students demonstrated in Surakarta, Central Java, demanding the government and the military handle the Aceh case immediately to prevent more civilians becoming victims in the province.
Nurhayadi, a demonstrator, said the government and the military should be blamed for the tension and for their failure to keep their promises to the Acehnese.
Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- Human rights and community groups are accusing the Indonesian military of provoking violence in Indonesia's northern Aceh province, where more than 80,000 people have fled their homes.
The violence is adding to worries in Jakarta that giving East Timorese the right to decide their own future at a United Nations-supervised ballot scheduled for next month will escalate conflict in Aceh, where more than 100 people have been killed in the past three months.
Mr Marzuki Darusman, the deputy chairman of the ruling Golkar party, who also heads Indonesia's human rights commission, said that if East Timor broke away "it will have an impact on the situation in Aceh, unless the Government starts to get its act together".
President Dr B.J. Habibie agreed in January to a ballot giving East Timorese a say in their future. But influential figures in Indonesia's armed forces have argued the move would fuel separatist sentiments in other parts of the country, especially Aceh and Irian Jaya.
In Aceh, the military has been accused of widespread atrocities over the past nine years. Violence has escalated there since the dispatch of a 1,200-strong force of anti-riot police and troops in May, boosting the number of armed forces to more than 9,000.
A leading human rights activist, Mr Munir, the co-ordinator of the Working Council for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence, this week urged the Government to have the courage to withdraw its armed forces from Aceh.
"The conflict in Aceh has all along mainly been between the local people and the military troops," he said. "So deployment of more troops will only worsen the problem."
But after clashes that left at least 10 people dead over several days this week the head of the armed forces, General Wiranto, defended the presence of the extra personnel, saying they were deployed to "restore order, not to engage in combat".
The Free Aceh Movement has been fighting for the establishment of a independent Islamic State since the 1970s, prompting a harsh military crackdown that Dr Habibie promised would stop in August last year, three months after he had replaced former president Soeharto.
Tensions eased late last year but resurfaced in recent months, particularly since soldiers shot dead 41 civilian protesters in Lhokseumawe on May 3.
In a campaign of renewed terror, hundreds of homes and other buildings have been torched, women raped and hundreds of people attacked. Some victims found recently had their throats cut.
Children are dying from malnutrition and lack of medicines and thousands of families are living in what aid agencies describe as shocking conditions in refugee centres.
Mr Abdullah Syafi'i, the head of the Free Aceh Movement in the district of Pidie, was quoted by the Kompas newspaper yesterday as declaring that Aceh would soon have its independence.
"The Republic of Indonesia will disintegrate like the Soviet union", he said. "That's because the republic never had any historical roots to begin with."
Asked about an offer from the military to withdraw from Aceh if the rebel movement gave up its weapons, Mr Syafi'i said: "That's a crazy proposal. How can we give up our weapons we badly need to protect our people. Anyway why would we make any agreement with liars."
Jakarta -- The Indonesian military, hit by rising losses in Aceh province, has dispatched a battalion of marines to reinforce units battling separatist rebels, the official Antara news agency said yesterday.
Quoting military sources, Antara said 600 marines arrived on Tuesday in Lhokseumawe, the capital of North Aceh, on board a navy ship. They were likely to be deployed in North Aceh, Pidie, and East Aceh, the three districts most affected by the violence of recent months.
The arrival of the reinforcements followed a vow on Monday by Lieutenant-General Sugiono, chief of the general staff, to take tough action against insurgents seeking to establish the region, 1,750 kilometres north-west of Jakarta, as an independent Islamic state.
General Sugiono had said that new troops would be needed to ensure security along Aceh's coastlines and crack down on smuggling.
On Tuesday, the Malaysian Foreign Minister, Syed Hamid Albar, denied an Indonesian newspaper report which accused Kuala Lumpur of backing the Free Aceh Movement.
Clashes between government troops and insurgents have risen sharply in recent weeks. At least eight soldiers have died so far this week, and 20 people were killed in a series of skirmishes last week. About 80,000 villagers have fled the fighting, human rights activists and medical workers say.
Meanwhile, the detained East Timor resistance leader Mr Xanana Gusmao says he fears the Indonesian Army will try to spread chaos and instability in East Timor if the bloodied territory chooses to break from Jakarta's rule.
Mr Gusmao promised to do his best to maintain stability and prevent revenge attacks against pro-Jakarta groups if East Timor opted for independence at the United Nations-supervised ballot scheduled for next month.
But the risk of post-ballot violence came not from independence supporters but from the Indonesian military, he said. "That is our fear. We are very, very afraid of the post-ballot time," Mr Gusmao said at the Jakarta bungalow where he is held under house arrest.
Jakarta -- More than 80,000 people have fled violence between soldiers and rebels in the troubled Indonesian province of Aceh, an official said Thursday.
The refugee numbers had been swelled by more than 6,000 people who left their villages in East Aceh to reach 80,020, the head of the Aceh social affairs office, Zaharir, said quoted by the Antara news agency.
"We have just received a report by telephone that says that 1,638 people have fled villages in Simpang Ulin subdistrict and about 5,000 people left their homes in Julok subdistrict," Zaharir said, speaking in the provincial capital Banda Aceh.
The refugees were sheltered in three Aceh districts -- Pidie, East and North Aceh -- with most of them being in Pidie district where 48,823 people have been registered in seven refugee centres.
In North Aceh, five refugee centres are housing 20,773 people while the rest have been sheltered in six centres in East Aceh since the refugee flood started on June 20, he said.
He declined to say why people had been leaving their villages, but human rights groups in Aceh have said people had fled in droves fearing violence between soldiers and rebels of the Aceh Merdeka movement.
The Aceh Merdeka movement has been fighting for an independent Islamic state since the 1970s.
Violence has resurged since soldiers shot dead 41 civilian protestors in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, on May 3 with subsequent clashes and ambushes leaving more than 100 people killed and hundreds of buildings torched.
Pidie, North and East Aceh bore the brunt of the violence during a decade of harsh anti-rebel military operations in Aceh which was only halted in August last year.
Resentment against the alleged widespread abuses and human rights violations by soldiers have sparked a rising call for a referendum on self determination in the staunchly Moslem province.
Jakarta -- A group of separatist rebels shot five anti-riot troop personnel dead and injured a score of others on Monday in a dawn ambush in Reng Krueng village in Pidie regency, 170 kilometers east of the provincial capital Banda Aceh.
The clash took place amid attempts to initiate a peace process, with a number of Acehnese figures, including separatist movement leaders in exile, planning a meeting in Bangkok on July 24 and July 25.
The chief of Lilawangsa Military Command overseeing North Aceh, East Aceh and Pidie regencies, Col. Syafnil Armen, told a news conference that a group of at least 10 rebels killed privates U. Pasaribu, Sugianto, Hasibuan and Agus during the shoot-out. The armed fight also left 10 soldiers severely wounded, while 10 others suffered minor injuries.
The troops, riding on a truck, were on their way back to their post in Sigli, the capital of Pidie, after aiding their friends whose truck overturned on a sharp bend late on Sunday. Two soldiers were injured in the accident.
Syafnil declined to identify those who were injured in the gunbattle, which lasted about 30 minutes. They are now being treated at a military hospital in Lhokseumawe and the Sigli state hospital.
The rebel group escaped into nearby forests after the ambush. Fatalities on their side are unknown, Syafnil said.
Speaking at a media conference here on Monday, Aceh Police chief Col. Bahrumsyah labeled the separatist rebels "criminals" and said the security authorities "would pursue justice for their unlawful deeds". He also alleged the group to have purchased weapons through selling marijuana.
An angry Indonesian Military Chief of General Affairs Lt. Gen. Sugiono called for tougher measures against the rebel groups, referring to their actions as "brutal acts which endanger the national unity".
Separately, Acehnese figure Hasballah M. Saad said the planned exclusive Bangkok meeting among Aceh natives was aimed at putting an end to violence in the province.
Hasballah told The Jakarta Post that Hasan Tiro, an Aceh resistance leader living in Sweden, and Carmel Budihardjo have confirmed their participation in the two-day meeting.
Aceh Governor Syamsudin Mahmud, Sidney Jones of the Human Rights Watch in Malaysia and Hasballah himself would also attend the meeting.
"The most important thing is that we will sit together and listen to one another in a bid to help calm down the tension and stop the continued killings in Aceh," Hasballah said. "The longer the tension continues the more the people will suffer," he said.
Hasbalah warned that despite the mounting tension, the Acehnese people would never give up to the use of violence exerted by the security authorities.
Several Aceh leaders have suggested the withdrawal of security personnel from troubled Aceh. But Indonesian Military Commander Gen. Wiranto insisted that the anti-riot troops would remain to restore order.
Also on Monday, Minister of Transportation Giri Suseno Hadihardjono announced that the government would fulfill some of the promises made to the people of Aceh during President B.J. Habibie's visit in March.
Giri said the government would start building 15 kilometers of a 486-kilometer railway linking Banda Aceh and Medan in North Sumatra. The government plans also to extend the runway of the Iskandar Muda airport in the provincial capital to enable haj pilgrims to fly directly to Jedda in Saudi Arabia in March.
Jakarta -- Separatist movements which have simmered in Aceh and Irian Jaya for years could force the government to declare martial law in the two provinces, a minister said on Monday. Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Feisal Tanjung, speaking for Minister of Defense and Security Gen. Wiranto, who is in Singapore to receive a medal, told a plenary session of the House of Representatives that martial law could be enacted in the two provinces if rebel groups intensified their activities in the areas.
"There have been a series of killings, abductions, shootings at security personnel and civilians and attacks on schools and government buildings committed by the Free Aceh Movement and the Free Papua Organization.
"A state under such a situation is unsafe and could even be endangered," Feisal told the House as he submitted bills on internal security and the paramilitary.
The internal security bill would allow the president to enforce martial law in parts of the country hit by rebellions and attempts to break away from the republic.
The natural-resource rich provinces of Aceh and Irian Jaya have seen a rise in violence over the past year. Aceh appears the more volatile of the two, with over 100 security personnel and civilians killed between May and early July.
Apart from the two provinces, Indonesia has battled separatist rebels and coup attempts across the nation since it declared independence in 1945.
The bill would also allow the president to declare a state of emergency in areas hit by communal clashes sparked by religious, racial or ethnic conflicts.
Ethnic and religious riots have rocked the country over the past two years, claiming more than 500 lives. Attempts to restore order following sporadic religious clashes in Maluku are still underway.
The internal security and paramilitary bills were submitted to the House to replace the 1959 state of emergency law and the 1960 government regulation on procedures for requesting military assistance, Feisal said.
According to the internal security bill, the president must consult the National Defense and Security Council and the newly established Council for the Enactment of Security and Law to declare a state of emergency. The president chairs both institutions.
In times of peace, the president can enact the internal security law if the National Police and other security forces are considered unable to cope with situations which cause local government, business and social institutions to malfunction, according to the bills.
The bill also states that if the country is at war, the government can declare martial law if faced with separatist movements which adversely affect public order and security. A state of war and siege will be declared during a war with a foreign nation in order to maintain the state's sovereignty and national unity.
Discussing the paramilitary bill, Feisal said the civilian militia had proven a reliable force in defending the republic's sovereignty and maintaining national security.
Article 30 of the 1945 Constitution says that each citizen has the right and responsibility to defend the state. Feisal said a trained civilian militia could serve as reinforcement for the Indonesian Military and National Police.
Only citizens between the
ages of 18 and 45 are eligible to join the militia. Recruitment of the
civilian militia would be conducted by the Ministry of Defense and Security
in cooperation with state institutions where the recruits are employed.
| Labour struggle |
Jakarta -- Around 2,000 workers staged a demonstration at the Manpower Ministry, demanding the government revoke its labor regulations deemed detrimental to them.
The protest was led Bomer Pasaribu, who heads the Federation of All-Indonesian Trade Unions (FSPSI), and attended by other members of the federation's central board. The demonstrators marched from the FSPSI's headquarters on Jalan Pasar Minggu to the Manpower Ministry on Jalan Gatot Subroto in South Jakarta, where they held a free speech forum during the protest.
Pasaribu said workers should no longer become victims of Indonesia's economic growth which has begun to resume follow-ing a devastating crisis.
"They must no longer be held an object of development, but must become a subject of it," he told a crowd of cheering protesters.
Workers have so far subsdidized the nation's development, but their fates and labor consitions have instead been worry-ing and detrimental, he added.
The federation leader urged Manpower Minister Fahmi Idris to revoke his 1998 ministerial decree number 5 that requires trade unions to register with the government. The government should also scrap a 1999 decree number 1 on minimum regional wages, Pasaribu said without further elaborating.
The demonstrators demanded that the Manpower Ministry move to investigate practices of corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN) involving its officials across the country and take firm actions against them.
Pasaribu suggested that May 8 be declared a National Workers' Human Rights Day to mark the 1993 murder of labor activist Marsinah in East Java. He demanded that military authorities complete a stalled investigation into the Marsinah case, which is still a mystery.
Marsinah's body was found In May 1994 in the countryside near Nganjuk, East Java nearly 200 kilometers away from where she worked near Surabaya. Her brutal murder drew reactions at home and abroad, which urged Indonesia to improve the national labor conditions.
In the weeks before her brutal murder, the 25-year-old Marsinah organized and led protests against her employer, PT Catur Putra Surya, a watch manufacturer, demanding a pay increase for the workers.
Her mutilated body was later discovered at a hut in Nganjuk. Many have linked her murder to her outspoken organizing activ-ities to improve conditions in the factory. An autopsy, conducted by a Surabaya hospital, indicated that Marsinah's death was caused by injuries sustained during torture.
Pasaribu also called for a probe into officials of the state- owned labor insurance firm PT Jamsostek for allegedly misusing workers' funds. "Try immediately in a tranparent manner all those involved in embezzlement case of Jamsostek funds and other forms of violations," he said.
During the peaceful protest, the demonstrating workers refused to be received by Manpower Ministry Secretary General Suwarto, saying they wanted only to meet with Minister Idris, who was not at his office.
Idris later arrived among the demonstrators after one hour of protest, prompting the workers to shoot: "Long Live FPSI.., Long Live FSPSI!"
"If there are still regulations
that no longer march with the current conditions, the Manpower Ministry
is open to their revisions or changes," the minister told the crowd.
| Human rights/law |
Jakarta -- An aunt of a man injured in the Semanggi incident, a relative of a missing person and a friend of a Trisakti University student who was shot dead have established a group for victims of state violence.
State Violence Victims Solidarity (SKKN), announced on Tuesday, groups relatives and friends from several cases.
They include the shooting of Trisakti students in May 1998, the beating and shooting of demonstrators near the Semanggi cloverleaf last November and the killing of civilians in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, in 1984.
People imprisoned for attempting to set up an Islamic state in Lampung and West Java and their relatives also are part of the group.
The independent Commission on Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) acts as the group's legal division. The establishment of Kontras also involved relatives of victims of violence.
Citing unrest in Kalimantan and Maluku and mysterious killings of alleged criminals the 1980s, Usman Hamid of the investigation team in the Trisakti case said the tragedies "can never be forgotten".
The group's statement added: "The tragedies must be revealed transparently, fairly and wisely." Also noted were violence in Aceh, East Timor and Irian Jaya, and the 1982 eviction of locals for the building of a dam in Kedung Ombo, Central Java. None of the cases have been settled. Several people remain in jail on charges of subversion.
"Demands toward the state or the government in settling all rights abuses through legal enforcement and justice is growing stronger," SKKN said.
Sukardi, a former prisoner in the Lampung case, heads the network division; Dimjati, a relative of missing businessman Deddy Hamdun is in charge of public relations and the treasurer is Cecilia Winanta.
Cecilia said her nephew, whose name she would not disclose, survived the Semanggi incident. His head was grazed by a bullet, according to the diagnosis by doctors at Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital, she said. "A bystander who rushed to help him was shot in the back," she added.
The group also is monitoring other cases and hopes other victims or their relatives and friends will join them. SKKN said it rejected the draft bill on human rights which limits investigation of rights abuses to the last five years. The draft was "an effort to wipe out political sins by state apparatus during the regime of Soeharto", the group said.
Separately, rights activists demanded that the deliberation of the draft bill on human rights and the bill on the commission on human rights be stopped and left to the new legislature to be sworn in later this year.
The statement was issued by the Institute of Community Studies and Advocacy (Elsam), Kontras, the National Commission on Human Rights and Violence Against Women and other organizations.
Fundamental issues, such
as the limit on state authority, cannot be defined in laws but should be
part of the Constitution, the activists said.
| News & issues |
Michael Shari, Jakarta -- Eko S. Budianto, deputy chairman of the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency (IBRA), thought there was something fishy about the small group of Western and Indonesian visitors from a foreign hedge fund who walked into his Jakarta office recently. He had never heard of the fund, which had an acronym for a name and was registered in a Caribbean tax haven.
Without even looking at the list of IBRA holdings, the visitors immediately offered to buy a hotel owned by one of the children of former President Suharto. IBRA -- the government agency charged with clearing dud loans off bank balance sheets -- had seized that hotel and was holding it as collateral against a bad loan from a Suharto family-run bank it had nationalized. The hedge fund representatives offered only 10% of the hotel's market value and said they planned to take it public. Budianto, suspicions raised by the way his visitors zoomed in on an asset they knew of already, declined to sell.
"I tell them: `This is not the right time to sell anything,"' says Budianto, referring to these and other would-be buyers with obscure connections. He adds, "You have to be very careful, you know. They're not going to say, `Hey, by the by, I'm representing the Suharto family."'
But Budianto thinks they are. Though he can't prove it, Budianto and a number of bankers in Jakarta who have dealt with them suspect such funds are acting as proxies. Wealthy Indonesians, including Suharto's six children, are believed to have spirited more than $100 billion out of the country following the ouster of Suharto in May, 1998. Through the attempted hotel purchase and others like it, they've been trying to bring that money back in, according to officials, banking executives, and investment bankers in Singapore and Jakarta.
These Indonesian notables are trying to buy back on the cheap many of the assets they once owned but which were seized after the tycoons' companies could not make good on their debts. If these schemes work, then the original owners will get their properties back and avoid paying off the bad loans that caused their assets to be seized in the first place. Explains Budianto: "Rather than settling the debt, [the debtor] says, `O.K., take my assets.' And then circling back, he uses a [front] company and says, `I'm thinking of paying 10 cents on the dollar."' This is all perfectly legal under Indonesian law. Like just about anywhere in the world, limited liability laws protect people whose companies go bust from having to lose their personal assets. If Suharto family members buy back their companies with personal funds, no laws are violated. Since IBRA is required to get the highest price possible for the $33 billion total assets it seized from the Suhartos and other wealthy Indonesians, it may end up selling them back to the original owners after all. IBRA plans to hold public auctions for the seized assets some time in the future, and it will sell them to "whomever is willing to pay the highest price," says Budianto, regardless of the bidders' history or affiliation.
Suharto and his six children have been questioned by investigators probing corruption, but so far none has been charged with any crime related to assets seized by IBRA. That leaves the legal path clear for them to buy back at auction at bargain-basement prices what was seized. Business Week sent letters to Suharto and five of his six children asking them to respond to their alleged connections to foreign investment vehicles. None responded.
At their economic apex, the six children are believed to have amassed a business empire valued at $4 billion -- even more, say other estimates. Their holdings included vast amounts of property and estates overseas and equity stakes in large Indonesian corporations. But since Suharto's ouster, the kids have lost the advantages that gave them lucrative licenses and franchises and made them joint-venture partners of choice for multinational corporations seeking entree into Indonesia. Now, many of their oil-and-gas, mining, shipping, logging, and other operations are technically bankrupt. Their earnings in devalued local currency cannot pay down huge debts denominated in dollars. "The family has virtually no performing assets left in Indonesia," says Wilson Nababan, director of CISI Raya Utama, an Indonesian credit agency.
The Suhartos have resigned from all their posts in the cabinet and legislature. Suharto's second son, Bambang Trihatmodjo, was forced to resign from his directorship of holding company Bimantara Citra. Finance industry sources say Bambang has proposed swapping his Grand Hyatt Jakarta in exchange for having his Bimantara debt forgiven. Suharto's third son Hutomo Mandala Putra, or Tommy, is on trial for allegedly defrauding the State Logistics Agency in a land-swap scandal.
Yet some Suharto business interests remain. Suharto's eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, known as Tutut, remains chairman of toll road management company Citra Marga Nusaphala Persada. The company collects $100,000 in tolls daily -- or $37 million a year -- but suffered a loss of $68 million last year on top of more than $200 million in debt.
Suharto children also earn millions every year from various taxes and duties that the World Bank has repeatedly criticized as extravagant. Remnants of the Finance Ministry's attempt to "privatize" tax collection, companies owned by Suharto children collect a stamp tax on beer cans and bottles, a toll on logs removed from forestry concession areas, and a commission from a multinational corporation on the distribution of concentrated kalamansi fruit juice. "Businesspeople are afraid that not enough has changed [in the government] to put your foot down, so they pay up," says the CEO of a foreign consumer-goods maker in Jakarta.
The Suharto children have used proxy companies before. For starters, it allows more anonymous investment, deterring questions on the original source of the funds. It also affords an extra degree of legal protection: the right to repatriate funds. "There's nothing like that for local investors," says a foreign attorney in Jakarta. Long before the crisis, Bambang and three nominee investors set up proxy companies in Hong Kong and used them to invest in Bambang's Chandra Asri petrochemical plant. As a result, the company was able to qualify as "100% foreign owned" and thereby circumvent restrictions against heavy borrowing by domestic investors in 1992. "Hong Kong is one of the biggest foreign investors in Indonesia, but not much of the money actually comes from Hong Kong," says the attorney.
The alleged front companies are small, no-name operators, registered primarily in tax havens such as the Cayman Islands, where laws make it easier for companies to hide their ownership. People claiming to represent the companies "don't have a record of doing business with the family," says a Jakarta investment banker. "They're people who owe Suharto a favor, like the lady who had a free kidney operation at one of his charity hospitals or the guy whose business was saved by a soft loan from one of the family banks."
Among the total of $13 billion in assets seized by IBRA are an estimated $200 million worth of Suharto-connected hotels and millions of dollars worth of equity stakes in various companies. They include a 60% stake in the Chandra Asri plant, as well as a 40% equity stake in Toyota Motor Corp. assembler Astra International, formerly owned by Nusamba Group, the investment company of several charities of which Suharto was chairman. The assets also include a 30% stake in Bank Central Asia, formerly held by Tutut and her younger brother Sigit Harjoyudanto. And there's the Jakarta office tower and West Java assembly plant of Timor Putra Nasional, Tommy's national car program.
Some of the estimated $100 billion of flight capital has been returning via less exotic routes than nominee companies in tax havens. In the past five months, the Singapore offices of Chase Manhattan Bank, American Express Bank, and J.P. Morgan have all been approached by wealthy Indonesians seeking advice on how legally to acquire assets in their native country, according to finance industry sources. Officials at those banks flatly refuse to confirm or deny whether any of them have represented the Suhartos. But one Singapore-based banker says: "You couldn't be dealing in Indonesia without in some way finding yourself in that situation."
Lately, the Suharto family has been showing a renewed sense of business confidence. This is most apparent at Bimantara Group, which used to be run by Bambang. It is now run by Chairman Rosano Barak, who in an interview with Business Week admitted he has been a close friend of Bambang's since boyhood and that he acts according to Bambang's wishes. According to investment bankers with inside knowledge of Bimantara's debt-restructuring talks, several deals have fallen apart because Bambang didn't like the pricing. In one example, Deutsche Telekom offered to bail out Bimantara's Satelindo cell-phone network, which has undisclosed debts, but was turned down.
Sources close to the family say the Suhartos are simply waiting for the Indonesian rupiah and stock market -- already up this year 20% and 75%, respectively -- to strengthen further before cutting some of these deals. Politically, the family also has reason to hope for a comeback. The year-long government corruption investigation is still continuing. But Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief General Wiranto and opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri -- both front-running candidates for the presidency -- have said they will go easy on Suharto and his family for the sake of national unity. Wiranto, once an aide-de-camp to Suharto, has vowed to guarantee the family's "security and dignity." Locally, the phrase is taken to mean that Suharto family members will not have to serve time in prison, even if they are eventually found guilty of corruption.
The irony is that a return of the Suharto millions, as well as those of other wealthy Indonesians, would be a boon for the economy. Foreign investors see the return of local capital as the sign of confidence they're looking for. "This is investment that the country needs," says a Hong Kong-based economist who tracks Indonesia. Even if it is tainted.
Chris McCall, Tual -- Nearly 40 people displaced by communal violence in Indonesia's remote Kai islands have died of malnutrition or disease in crude refugee camps that dot the once idyllic archipelago, local aid workers say.
Yayasan Nen Mas-Il, a voluntary body providing much of the minimal aid, says it knows of 38 deaths among the more than 14,000 refugees it is working with.
With tension simmering in the remote island group, many are afraid to leave their camps, however miserable the conditions. Many are corrugated-iron shanties without proper toilets, where these people have been living for up to four months.
The Kai islands are in the extreme east of Indonesia and their isolation has limited the flow of aid. What there is has mainly come from local volunteers, often at their own expense.
"On average someone dies every three days," said Fadilah Toatubun, a doctor working in the camps. Diarrhoea, measles and other easily treatable problems are common causes of death.
Many refugees are Moslem fishermen whose gear was burnt along with their villages. Their protein came from fish, Toatubun explains. Lack of clean water is another major problem.
When violence between Christians and Moslems flared in April in the Kais, 3,300 km east of Jakarta, up to one-third of the islands' 110,000 people were uprooted.
Although semi-official tallies put the number of dead in clashes at upwards of 150, locals say the true figure is almost certainly higher. Many bodies were chopped up, they say. Malnutrition, measles and malaria have since emerged as well.
Dozens of burnt-out communities along the coasts of the main islands of Kai Besar and Kai Kecil attest to the scale of the violence. The clashes, like elsewhere in the Moluccas, were mainly fought with bows, arrows, knives and other traditional weapons, which are still stored in many villages.
Jamhur Fakoubun, 30, says he fled his fishing village in Kai Besar four months ago with his family when a nearby Christian community attacked. Two members of his village were killed. "If we go back again maybe they will attack again -- maybe it will be worse," he said.
They have lost the tools of their trade and instead of the streams they used to have to wash in at any time, they now get water by truck twice a week. "They have to wash in the sea because there is no water for washing," says volunteer nurse Rus Dianto, adding that in their own villages these people had regular water from streams. But few refugees have returned to their villages, fearing further attacks.
In the capital, Tual, everything has been divided along religious lines, including aid operations. Moslems work with Moslems, Christians with Christians and they avoid unnecessary trips into the opposing camps' territory. Moslems do not trust Christian doctors and Christians feel the same way about Moslems.
There is a heavy military presence and the tension is obvious. Christian drivers think twice before crossing the bridge into the Moslem-dominated town centre and Moslem drivers think twice before going the other way.
With many people now looking for revenge, their future looks bleak. "We don't know for certain when we can leave here," said teacher Hadi Letsoin, 38.
Jakarta -- Speculation was rife on Tuesday over the health of former president Soeharto after he was rushed to the Pertamina Hospital in South Jakarta.
Hospital officials and his family were quick to play down the significance of the visit, stating that the 78-year-old was merely undergoing a routine medical check up.
Virtually all his children were present at the hospital as were some of his grandchildren, further fueling speculation that there was more to his condition than the family was willing to admit.
The former strongman, who ruled Indonesia with an iron fist for 32 years, was treated at the hospital's Super VVIP room on the sixth floor of the main building.
"It's merely a general check up. Bapak [Soeharto] is not sick," Pertamina Hospital spokesman Syahrir Mohammad told the horde of journalists that gathered there as soon as the news of Soeharto's visit to the hospital broke out. He said Soeharto was admitted at 11am and was undergoing a thorough examination of his health.
Juan Felix Tampubolon, the lawyer representing Soeharto and his children in several ongoing corruption investigations, said there was "no problem" with his client. Tampubolon said that because of his age, Soeharto would probably have to spend two to three days at the hospital.
Syahrir confirmed that the former president would spend the night at the hospital on Tuesday, but added that this was normal because patients might be exhausted after such a check up. Neurosurgeon Satyanagara, who is also a former head of the hospital, is one of doctors examining Soeharto, he said.
Family members refused to disclose the true nature of Soeharto's health, but unconfirmed reports attributed to sources close to the family suggested that he had slipped in the bathroom at his Jl. Cendana residence after a light stroke.
Soeharto was taken to Pertamina Hospital because the first family was displeased with the treatment given by Gatot Subroto Army Hospital in Central Jakarta to his wife, Ibu Tien, on the day she died in 1996.
A source close to the Soehartos said that on Tuesday morning the family had been discussing the collapse of a large tree outside the house of Gen. A.H. Nasution and the fact that many birds had died following the heavy rain in the early morning. Family members had said that according to Javanese beliefs, this was an omen, the source said.
Some of the family members were seen leaving the hospital early Tuesday evening, but some were expected to return. "He is in doctors' hands now," grandson Ari Sigit Harjojudanto said as he hurried to his brown Audi sedan.
Another grandson, Dandy Rukmana, refused to talk about Soeharto's condition. "Talk to my parents. I don't know much. All I know is that he's fine," said the son of Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, Soeharto's eldest daughter. The first visitors outside the family included former vice president Soedharmono, former minister of Justice Ismail Saleh, the education and cultures ministry's Director General of Culture Sri Edi Sedyawati, Golkar official Suhardiman and real estate businessman Enggartiasto Lukito.
Soedharmono said he had talked with Soeharto. "Don't worry, he still can talk ... like saying, 'hello, hello'," Soedharmono said when pressed for comment by reporters.
Former state secretary Moerdiono said: "His condition was stable. Mentally, he is strong. He was still walking around. But because of his age, doctors have to be extra cautious," Moerdiono said.
A source close to the Soehartos said President B.J. Habibie had also wanted to visit, but the family rejected the offer. Bouquets of flowers arrived rapidly for the former tyrant.
Tight security was imposed in and outside the hospital, and the building's main elevators were reserved for the former first family, causing inconvenience to other patients.
"Why the tight security for a former president?" Mukhtar, a resident from Kuningan, South Jakarta, grumbled as he struggled to bring his mother, who was suffering from bronchitis, for treatment on the sixth floor where Soeharto was being treated.
Soeharto became seriously ill from exhaustion in December 1997, and was forced to cancel two planned overseas trips. In July 1996, he underwent a three-day medical checkup at a cardiac hospital in the German spa town of Bad Oeynhausen. In August 1994, he underwent a number of medical tests at the Gatot Subroto Hospital, where it was discovered that he had kidney stones.
Each time, doctors pronounced the head of state healthy, but with the qualifying remark, "for his age".
On December 9, 1997, when news of his poor health broke out, the rupiah, at the time already under pressure because of the financial crisis, lost 11 percent in value. On Tuesday, the news hardly made a dent on the rupiah. Its value rose to Rp 6,710 from Rp 6,659 to the dollar.
[On July 21 it was reported that Suharto's condition had improved. Doctors admitted that he had suffered a mild stroke which has left his speech lightly slurred - James Balowski.]
Jakarta -- An Indonesian stringer for the US magazine Time on Friday answered a police summons in connection with a Time article which alleged the family of former Indonesian president Suharto was sitting on a 15-billion dollar fortune.
Zamira Loebis, an academic and Time stringer, appeared at the central Jakarta police station accompanied by Time's Indonesian lawyer, Todung Mulya Lubis, an AFP reporter there said.
Lawyers for the former head of state, currently hospitalized after suffering a mild stroke, filed a criminal complaint against Time last month over a story it published on May 24.
Suharto also filed a separate 27 billion dollar defamation suit against Time, charging it had damaged not only his name, but the name of the Indonesian nation.
But while police are following up the Suharto complaint, the Indonesian attorney general's office said Thursday it had suspended its own probe into Suharto's alleged fortune until he was "100 percent recovered." The probe would be dropped altogther if the 78-year-old former head of satte died, officials said.
Time in its May 24 edition said that of the 15 billion dollars allegedly held by the family, nine billion dollars had been removed from a Swiss bank and transfered to an Austrian bank.
The US weekly said the transfer had been made shortly after Suharto resigned in May last year amid massive rioting and calls for reform.
Jakarta -- The Independent Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) joined other observers on Thursday in denouncing the newly submitted bill on state security, which it said would kill democracy in the country.
"This bill will kill democracy and return the country to the rule of an authoritarian power ... The bill is even worse than the subversion law which was revoked by the People's Consultative Assembly last year," said Tommy Aryanto, coordinator of Kontras' monitoring department in a press conference here.
He said Kontras has studied the bill and found numerous "irrationalities" that ran counter to democratization. Tommy said the bill's submission was a setback for Indonesia's fledgling democracy. "We have to reject the bill (the way we rejected) the subversion law because it was against the spirit of the reform movement."
The bill seeks to position people as enemies of the state, and to put the interests of the state above everything else, he said. In addition, it negated the sovereignty of the people over their territory and the government.
The bill implies that public officials and the military are allowed to exercise violence, such as the bloody riots in May last year, clashes in East Timor and ongoing tension in Aceh, he said.
According to Kontras, the bill assumes that people are the main source of threat to the state's security, and disregard potential threats from the military or enemies outside of the country.
Observers grouped in Indonesian Parliament Watch (Parwi) on Wednesday criticized the bill as repressive and called on the House of Representatives to drop it.
Ori Rachman of Kontras' legal division, who also spoke at the press conference, said the bill could be abused and manipulated by the next government to further its own interests.
He said the bill could be also seen as the present government's excessive suspicion of people in certain regions such as Aceh, Irian Jaya and Riau, which have all clamored for separation from the country.
"This is one strange document as it positions the people as a threat to the state," he said. He insisted that demonstrations by workers, farmers and other justice seekers could not be considered a threat. He said Kontras was committed to campaigning to win public support to reject the bill.
The bill was actually conceived during the last years of Soeharto's New Order regime, but was abandoned until Monday, when the Ministry of Defense and Security submitted the document to the House for deliberation. The bill is meant as a replacement for the 1959 Law No. 23 on the State of Emergency. It is now being studied by the four House factions before deliberations commence. The military faction at the House plans to see the bill ratified by the end of August.
Meanwhile, the bill drew a mixed reaction from former generals. Lt. Gen. (ret) Hasnan Habib, former chief of the military's sociopolitical affairs, hailed the bill, saying that it was similar to those in other developed countries.
"Everywhere in the world, governments and armed forces have full authority to take action in any emergencies, including rebellions, chaos and disasters, and people in such situations will lose their individual rights," he told The Jakarta Post here on Thursday.
He said the United States, which is known for its liberal democracy, still has such a law to maintain state security. "For example, when the United States' military launched an operation to crush a rebellion in an island near Cuba several years ago, islanders lost their rights and the press was gagged and martial law was declared."
Former National Police chief Gen. (ret) Awaloeddin Djamin reminded the House to be extra cautious in its deliberation. "The bill should be made better than the 1959 law on state of emergency and the revoked subversion law," he said.
However, he criticized the bill for seeking to grant the president and the military commander the authority to declare war and state of emergency without having to consult the legislature.
He said that in handling unrest, separatism, natural disasters and rebellions, the government should consult the legislative body. The state of emergency should also be introduced in stages, from civilian emergency, military emergency to war emergency.
Lt. Gen. (ret) Kemal Idris, former chief of the Army's Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad), said the current House, which was considered by many to be illegitimate, should not deliberate the bill. It should leave it for the next House and government to discuss, he said.
"Everyone knows that the current House is a product of an unfair general election and hence is illegitimate. Therefore, the bill should be submitted to the new House that will be officiated next month," he said.
Jakarta -- Malnutrition? Intellectual confinement? None of these remotely describe the experiences of seven young political activists from the Democratic People's Party (PRD) who are incarcerated at Cipinang Prison, East Jakarta.
Budiman Sudjatmiko, Garda Sembiring, Ignatius Damianus Pranowo, Yakobus Eko Kurniawan, Suroso, Petrus Heriyanto and Ken Budha Kusumandaru are each serving prison terms ranging from four years to 13 years. They were convicted for instigating riots after the bloody takeover of the headquarters of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in Menteng, Central Jakarta, on July 27, 1996.
After three years in jail and rejecting one clemency offer from President B.J. Habibie, the daily life of the young political prisoners is far removed from the grim seclusion many people imagine. Especially following Soeharto's fall from power.
Serving time appears to have been an opportunity for the activists to broaden their political and educational horizons.
"I am now in my third semester of studying economics at Open University," Petrus said during visiting hour. He glanced around him, adding that three of his friends also enrolled in the program.
Petrus acknowledged that being in prison increased his motivation to study. "There is certainly more time, and I am not as busy with the daily distraction of being an activist in a movement of struggle."
Study modules arrive in the mail and the politicians-turned- prisoners-turned-students hold daily discussions on the material. An outside examiner tests them at the prison.
"There is actually a similar study system adopted by the officers of the armed forces," Petrus quipped. He added that the only difference was that the officers took their tests in a military complex while Petrus and his friends sat them in the prison complex.
There also is an increased flow of information, with the prison administration's leniency extending to newspaper subscriptions and television viewing. The group shares subscriptions to Kompas and Suara Pembaruan dailies, and watches the TV news every day. "We could've subscribed to more dailies, but decided only to have these two due to our financial constraints," said Budiman.
He said they gained more privileges after Soeharto resigned. "Before, visitors were not even allowed to bring us books," said Kurniawan.
Written materials had to pass inspection by the prison guards. A frequent visitor of the men said English-language books would definitely not pass censorship. "Maybe it was due to the guards' lack of English proficiency," she said.
With time on their hands and the restriction on reading lifted, Budiman and his friends spend most of the day reading, discussing the political situation and rehashing political thoughts.
During the general election campaign, Budiman and his friends held political forums inside the prison's visiting hall and conducted discussions with visiting party cadres.
The prisoners arranged the brown chairs and tables in a circle to hold their forum. Results of the discussion were conveyed to party cadres outside.
Visiting hours also provided activists with their food rations for the week. Although meals are distributed three times a day to prisoners, the seven activists choose to cook their own food. Visitors usually bring boxes of instant noodles and cake, and sometimes provide raw ingredients.
"It is common for us to gain a few kilos here and there. Our nutrition in here is somehow better," said Petrus. A more sedate routine also may be responsible for the weight-gain factor -- PRD activist Dita Indah Sari, recently released from Tangerang Women's Prison, reportedly gained three kilograms while imprisoned.
Prison, however comfortable it may seem, is still a place of confinement. The political activists live in Block III E, together with criminals sentenced for corruption and murder. One of their blockmates is Oki Harnoko Dewantono, the notorious murderer of three people, including his own brother.
Prisoners are locked in their cells from 7pm to 6am. All letters from prisoners to the outside are censored by guards and receive a stamp of approval.
They compared living in Cipinang to residing in any large community. Each person contributes; Kurniawan, for example, chaired the prison's soccer championship while Suroso organized the badminton competition.
Sport is the favorite pastime behind prison walls. Some of the prisoners are former professional athletes, but most are merely seeking exercise. "We always look forward to events, like Independence Day, because they provide opportunities to be involved in activities," said Petrus.
He warned of the danger of inactivity in prison. He said depression can lead to prisoners finding themselves "paralyzed" when they leave.
What is the main difference between life on the inside and out? "Here, we don't hold demonstrations. Anything else may be possible. But not that," said Petrus.
Yudha Kartohadiprodjo, Jakarta -- At a quick glance, Budiman Soedjatmiko, 29 years old, could be mistaken for a compliant yuppie waiting for the next business deal or a young university lecturer waiting to teach.
Bespectacled and usually dressed in a light colored, short- sleeved shirt, he displays a calm composure while warmly greeting friends. But compliant he is not.
Budiman, chairman of Democratic People's Party (PRD), refused to make a deal with the government. Mostly he talks on behalf of laborers and farmers.
Quick with answers, Budiman's tone is dominated by his idealistic spirit. Budiman quit Gadjah Mada University's School of Economics after his third semester and decided to dedicate his life to politics at time when the New Order was at its peak.
Back in 1994, he and PRD demanded the introduction of a multiparty system, the elimination of the military's dual function and amendments to the Constitution. The same demands were later echoed by many other reformists.
The ideology he believes in, social democracy, caused him and his friends to be branded communists at a time when an Army general claimed to be able to sniff a communist "from a rhyme sang across the wall".
The price they had to pay then, and are still paying, was being blamed for instigating riots on July 27, 1996 near the Indonesian Democratic Party's (PDI) headquarters in Menteng, Central Jakarta. He was arrested three weeks later. His friends were either kidnapped or went underground.
Currently Budiman being is detained with other six party leaders, serving sentences ranging from four to 13 years -- Budiman is serving the longest term. All of them have rejected an offer of clemency by President BJ Habibie, saying that all political prisoners in Indonesia must be released. Now, from the bare visiting hall behind the walls of Cipinang Prison, Budiman controls his party. Sitting on shabby brown benches, Budiman holds political forums with visiting party members during prison visiting hours.
Among visitors on the day this interview was Dita Indah Sari, a party cadre who was recently released from Tangerang Women's Prison.
Despite his militancy, softer sides of him were evident as he spoke about literature and music. His readings range from Bung Karno's Di Bawah Bendera Revolusi (Underneath the Flag of Revolution) to poems by Pablo Neruda.
If given the chance to change the education system, Budiman says he would introduce literature at elementary level so that "through such exposure, I wish to raise our humanistic senses". The following is an excerpt of his interview with The Jakarta Post:
Question: Being detained in prison, are you aware of the problems outside?
Answer: Well, I receive weekly reports from other party leaders and other activist friends, who visit me regularly. We hold discussions and forums here (indicating the prison's visiting hall). Being inside enables me to see issues in a bigger picture. In contrast, while I was outside I had to make decisions on the spot.
You rejected the offer of clemency from Habibie, stating that release is not everything without exoneration. What is the reason behind this?
In seeking justice, I am also demanding freedom for all political prisoners. For me this is also a humanistic struggle. A struggle to uphold human dignity, with freedom as a main component. I am not saying that being free is bad. Everybody needs freedom, yet freedom without justice is nothing
Do you surmise that politically your views are more likely to be heard while you are still imprisoned?
For me, the release of other political prisoner is also important. If we do not voice our demands now, and from outside, the demands will barely be heard. We place ourselves as people who are interested in being released as well as people who fight for others' release.
You have a party called Democratic People's Party. Yet it only gained 70,000 votes, less than some newly established parties. Where are your people?
Parties like Masyumi or PNI (Indonesian National Party) are based on existing political thoughts, while others relied on our culture that relies on polarized thinking. So, they already have a captive market. As a party, we are based on a new social paradigm. We have been consolidating our members since our declaration in 1994. In 1996 many of our bases were destroyed and many of our leaders were arrested. In short, when we were still building our foundation, the party was repressed by the New Order regime. Being able to survive repression, however, shows that we have a longer track record than others and have been tested by history.
And it seems the repression you've experienced has not stopped. How do you view the incident in front of the General Elections Committee's headquarters last week?
I suspect it was a panic reaction from the status quo that is still in power. We have demonstrated without any incidents lately, yet something suddenly happened when we strongly demanded that Golkar be disqualified.
You were among the first people to demand a multiparty system. Yet, the chaos outside the General Elections Committee's office somehow reflected how a misinterpretation of democracy led to protracted vote-counting.
Well the question is: what do these people want from being on the committee or by holding the election. Is it merely to get electoral seats or financial reward?
I think the PRD is beyond all this. We declared ourselves long before such a committee was possible and we have stayed consistent in our struggle. What we stress the need for is honesty and for the process of democracy, not merely to get a quick result. A dictatorial system might be efficient, yet it is undemocratic.
So what is next for your party?
First, we do not endorse those parties asking for "free" seats in the legislature. Although we want the allegations of electoral fraud to be followed up, we feel that asking for a seat without gaining enough votes is undemocratic. We will maintain our struggle as an extra-legislative force and carry on with our agenda. Meanwhile, we will continue to develop our organization through political and rights education and push for our participation in the next election in five years.
One of your criteria for a good leader is consistency. Do you see Megawati as having this trait?
Actually, Megawati is quite consistent. She carries on her struggle, although at times she seems to be quite unresponsive. A good party leader does not have to know every minute problem in society, yet he or she has to be aware that those problems exist.
Before the incident in 1996, why were you trying to disseminate your views through the press, even though you knew the press at the time was not as open as it is now?
The irony is that we learned that the government was coming down hard on us through the media. For three days prior to the incident Angkatan Bersenjata daily condemned our activities in its headlines, and at certain places the newspaper was distributed free. We were trying to anticipate a worst-case scenario, by broadcasting our real intention. Unfortunately, we were not fast enough.
What kind of society are you looking for and how can we attain it?
The change that we want focuses not on the formal sense, but in terms of society. What we want is a total transformation of how society conducts itself. A change in culture, not in institutions. To achieve this we ask for amendments to the Constitution, to the law and suggest increasing the level of education of the people. In short, the transformation should be a cultural movement.
What was an early experience that influenced you the most?
I lived with my grandparents during my adolescence in the small town of Cilacap, Central Java. All the kids I played with came from the lower class, from the son of a barber to the son of a farmer. From the interaction, I felt the social injustice and what life in the lower class is like, which touched my senses. On the other hand, my grandfather had a big influence on me. As an independence fighter and local politician he told me heroic tales and stories about politics. He had a room full of political books and at times I sneaked into this room and read some of them. I was more fortunate than my peers were, to have a grandfather who gave me political education. From him, I learned how to dedicate my life to other people's needs, for my surroundings.
Nevertheless, why through politics?
Because I learned from history, that politics is one of the most effective agents to make a change in a society. Most of our founding fathers were politicians. A non-governmental organization can be a place for struggle, but in the end, a struggle is more effective and optimal only through politics.
Then why did you choose Yogyakarta, not Jakarta to jump-start your political career?
There is a pun among young activists that Yogyakarta is the place for ideas while Bandung and Jakarta are for politicking. By the time I had to enroll in university, a solid network for a student movement in Yogyakarta already existed. I also applied to the University of Indonesia, yet upon visiting the campus I felt that it was somehow quite tame then. It would be a nearly impossible task for me to start a student movement from that campus alone. So I went back to Gadjah Mada and joined my friends there.
You talk about political education, yet you dealt with people with a low educational background. What is your approach?
I saw how powerful the grassroots movement could be. While I was still freshman, a friend took me to see the resistance movement in Kedung Ombo and I saw with my own eyes how strong, and yet simple, these people were. It would be hard if we did it through a cognitive approach; so it has to be done through be psychomotor approach, which eventually will increase people's awareness. Our goal is not merely to build their political vocabulary, but toward building political awareness among them, on the problems they face daily. A farmer should know what his daily problem is, what his rights are, as should a laborer. At the very least, I want them to be able to defend their rights so they will not become political objects again. What we are trying to do is to disseminate information on and popularize politics, to bring politics down to earth.
A struggle that is close to the struggle of the lower class, farmers and laborers, is at times branded as a rise of communism here. Can you explain the origin of social democracy?
Social democracy is an ideology that emerged as a resistance force against the expansion of capitalism in Europe during the Industrial Revolution. It is a significant thought that influenced all labor movements in the world. The revolution brings forward both the dominance of the bourgeoisie class and the exploitation of the working class through the control of capital. Social democracy is meant to defend the working class from this exploitation. The thought expanded throughout the world and it is actually a thought outside of communism but closer to socialism. Three of the strongest European countries: Germany, Great Britain and France, have been under the leadership of socialistic parties from time to time. However, we place ourselves as a social democratic party from the developing world. In a society that is still rather undeveloped, in terms of civilization, PRD sees itself not only as an electoral, political machine but also as a part of a social movement.
So what would be the distinctive characteristics for this thought in a less developed country?
First, it has to be patriotic. For example, to take a stand against multinational corporations. With the emergence of globalization, we are concerned for the fate of the working class. Second, a social democrat in the developing world is faced with a culture that is not fully industrialized. So there is still village conservatism, where the flavor of rural life still dominates. Because of that, we focus on resisting the return of the feudalism that is still reflected through polarization and communalistic life. The consolidation of our political base will focus more on the aspirations of farmers, and not only on laborers as in advance countries. At this time when democracy is threatened by an attempt to maintain the status quo, the two forces can be a strong fortifying force.
As capitalism reaches a more advance stage -- as in America -- does not the role of the workforce, represented by labor unions, diminish?
We have to remember that this is a social movement. As capitalism advances, problems in terms of labor, such as working hours and lay-offs, always emerge. In my view, Indonesia is still a long way from lessening the gap between owner and worker. We are still far from the phase where workers can become part owners through stock options. Why? Because in Indonesia workers are mostly unskilled, have a low education and are characterized by collectivism but not individualism. With this culture, we are still far from what you would call the aristocracy of labor.
You said that militancy and consistency are closely related. Why is that?
Consistency is how we hold on to our principles without losing flexibility on how to act, while militancy shows that we are really consistent with what we are doing. There are things that we can, and cannot, negotiate. For example, our stance against the military's dual function. The minimum requirement for good democracy is the supremacy of civilians. If we fail to achieve this, we fail to attain other democratic principles. This can not be compromised. On the other hand, with our militancy, we have been able to survive oppression by going underground. Not many political parties in Indonesia have experienced this.
What are you currently reading?
For Whom the Bell Tolls by Earnest Hemingway. Goenawan Muhammad gave it to me during my trial, but I have not been able to read it until now.
I learned that one of your early idols was Che Guavara. What did you learn from him?
Well, he was my idol when I was in high school. I had his poster and books all over my room. What I learned from him was his consistency. He was faithful to his struggle, yet not afraid to use force. Then there was also a human side to him. He was loving and caring toward children.
Maybe also because he died young before he had the chance to wither away. You are not planning to be like, are you?
Nope. Yet, through this struggle I've learned many things that cannot be explained rationally. For example about love. I didn't have a girlfriend before I went to jail, and now that I do have one I've learned it is hard to be apart for so long. It's the same with my longing for my family. I cannot explain these things rationally. (In the meantime, Budiman's girlfriend Catherine patiently waited for him to finish the interview)
How would you best describe yourself, or how would you like to be remembered?
I am a man who thinks through analysis, reflection and evaluation and therefore I have to act. I have to act because truth and justice happen only if we do something about them.