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ASIET NetNews Number 44 - November 16-22, 1998
East TimorUI faculty members say Wiranto must resign Students march to Suharto's residence Students join farmers to demand rights Blood on their hands Seven students injured in clashes Students demand Wiranto's removal Students call for national strike
Political/economic crisisMajor military operations underway Portugal suspends talks on massacre report Exposed: The slaughter that Evans denied Dili deaths 'just the start' Xanana outlines independence plan
Human rights/lawMilitary involved in provoking clash Wiranto holds meetings with top ABRI brass Shades of Soeharto in Jakarta round-up Jakarta calm but security tight Pressure on Habibie, Wiranto to resign Habibie bows to mobs Populist Marines flare army tensions
News & issuesMobil Oil and human rights abuse in Aceh Two dead, five injured in Aceh
Environment/healthArmed bands found behind campus Tutut on the rack over misappropriation Commission to probe Suharto's wealth Revised list of November 12-13 killings Opposition leaders detained Five opposition figures arrested
Arms/armed forcesTransmigration: No end in sight
New threat to our Jakarta links
| Democratic struggle |
Jakarta -- Members of the University of Indonesia faculty, in a moving eulogy to their students slain last Friday in a clash with security personnel at Atma Jaya University, blamed the tragedy on Armed Forces Commander Gen. Wiranto and demanded that he resign.
A group of 47 respected professors -- including anthropologists Koentjaraningrat and T.O. Ihromi, economist Moh. Sadli, philosopher Toety Herati Noerhadi and psychologist Saparinah Sadli -- expressed their outrage in the statement made available to the media on Wednesday. "We demand that Gen. Wiranto ... be held responsible. We demand his resignation and that he be brought to trial."
They declared their support and assistance for the students campaigning for political reform. "We have been with them since May 1998 when their efforts led to the resignation of president Soeharto after 32 years in power. "We are their teachers and also their friends. We stand by them."
On Nov. 13, the last day of the Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), "the shocking news arrived. Some of our students had died, others were seriously injured -- their blood staining the streets of Jakarta.
"We saw and heard the police and other members of the Armed Forces beating and shooting the students as if they were nothing ... It is hard to believe that this government, which proclaims itself as a true arm of reform in Indonesia, would dare to attack and kill the students who are the inspiration and the executors of this process.
"We ... demand an end to this wanton killing of our nation's youth, taking place under the present government." said the statement whose signatories also included Budisantoso, Mari Pangestu, Sjahrir and Kartini Sjahrir, Meutia Swasono, Sri Mulyani and Riga Adiwoso.
Meanwhile, the Armed Forces took out advertisements in many editions of Wednesday's newspapers expressing its condolences for the deaths of at least 15 people during last week's clashes. "With deepest sincerity, we express our condolences for the deaths of students, members of the public and security apparatus during the Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly," the advertisement read.
Student-led demonstrations against the Assembly and the slow pace of democratic reform ended in bloodshed on Friday when security forces opened fire on protesters. Most of the victims were shot dead. National Police Chief Lt. Gen. Roesmanhadi said Wednesday one security force member was among the dead.
Riots broke out in several parts of Jakarta on Saturday in the worst violence to hit the capital since the bloody May riots. An estimated 1,200 people died in the unrest which upped the pressure for Soeharto's ouster. Numerous groups have demanded that Wiranto, who is also the defense minister resign to take responsibility for the shootings. This call was voiced on Wednesday during student demonstrations in various cities.
In the East Java capital of Surabaya, hundreds of students rallied at Heroes Monument over two demands: Wiranto's resignation and an investigation into Soeharto's wealth.
The students had originally planned to hold a dialog with Governor Imam Utomo, but canceled at the last minute because they could not agree among themselves on the meeting. They continued with their free speech forum at the monument and promised to hold the rally every day until their demands were met.
In Yogyakarta, thousands of students from Sanata Dharma University and STIE economic college staged a demonstration calling for Wiranto's resignation. About 3,000 people -- professors and students alike -- rallied at the Sanata Dharma campus on Jl. Gegayan, expressing sadness over the death of "reform heroes".
Several speakers condemned the military's sociopolitical role, and called on students and the general public to unite in fighting "militarism and Armed Forces (ABRI) dual function."
At the STIE campus, about 700 students held a similar rally. "General Wiranto must be responsible for the bloody Semanggi incident and must resign immediately from his position as the minister of defense/Armed Forces commander," the students said in a statement.
In Ujungpandang, the capital of South Sulawesi, students from a number of universities gathered and marched down several major streets. They damaged a military vehicle they encountered during the march. Some of the student members of the Moslem Students Association (HMI) visited the headquarters of Wirabuana Regional Military and met with Commander Maj. Gen. Suaidi Marasabessy to air their demand that those responsible for the killings be held responsible.
In Jakarta, the Committee for Indonesian Workers Action Front (KAPPI) issued a statement demanding Wiranto's resignation because "he had failed in his duty".
The association also called for the establishment of a provisional legislature to replace the current House of Representatives/People's Consultative Assembly which had "openly hurt people's feelings, failed to help the people and were part of Soeharto's regime".
Jakarta -- Some 3,000 students Thursday began to march in central Jakarta in the second attempt this week to protest outside the posh residence of fallen Indonesian president Suharto.
The students, wearing their distinctive university jackets and carrying national flags and university banners, marched in a group with those on the outside forming a human chain to prevent non-students from infiltrating their ranks.
Scores of marines walked with them, an AFP reporter said . More than 150 soldiers from various units, including shield and stick carrying soldiers from the Jakarta command, were on standby at a park on the demonstrators's route. Several students were also waiting at the park for their comrades to arrive.
Scores of soldiers in knots of 20 guarded major intersections leading to Suharto's residence in the smart residential area of Menteng in central Jakarta as a helicopter circled the sky above.
A first attempt by a smaller group of some 40 students on Monday was scuttled after heavy security blocked their advance halfway. The students blame Suharto for the country's current troubles and are demanding that he be brought to trial. They have also charged that the 77-year-old former leader continues to pull strings behind the scenes, and was behind efforts to foil the country's reform drive.
Another group of at least 300 students gathered in front of the Atma Jaya Catholic University where the bloody clashes that claimed 14 lives on Friday took place, another AFP reporter said.
Armed members of the marines were also milling among the crowd of students, while soldiers from the Jakarta command and police watched from from a nearby overpass. The students appeared also to be planning to join the crowd at central Jakarta, the witness said.
The protests in the weeks immediately surrounding the fall of Suharto were largely mounted by urban-based students, workers and professional groups. Land reform -- if mentioned -- came at the end of lists of demands for the removal of the president, moves against corruption and reduced food prices. Since then, local communities have taken action into their own hands.
Massive demonstrations of farmers, students and activists took place in several major cities to mark Agrarian Day -- 24th September. In Jakarta students from the University of Indonesia and the University of North Sumatra joined farmers from various parts of the country for a day of action in the capital. Demonstrators made speeches outside the Indonesian Parliament, demanding that Indonesia's land laws are completely withdrawn and replaced with new legislation based on ordinary people's needs. Security forces allowed a small group to present their case to MPs inside.
In Bogor some 500 farmers from West Java plus students belonging to the Indonesian Farmers' Solidarity group (STI) marched through the town carrying banners and posters shouting "Give us back our land". The demonstrators, guarded by several hundred military, went to the Deputy Governor's office to call for justice in cases where their land had been taken for real estate, golf courses and the former president's cattle ranch at Tapos.
The biggest demonstration was in Medan, North Sumatra, where farmers demanded the return of land illegally taken from them by the Suharto government. Many were directly involved in a case where 100,000 hectares of agricultural land was appropriated for a state-owned plantation company, PTPN II. Here too the military presence was obvious. At least one truck full of supporters was prevented from reaching the demonstration and the local military commander publicly warned demonstrators that he knew the names of all the organisers of this and previous protests. However, the protestors were not intimidated and brandished banners with the words "Stop military brutality!"
Action by farmers
28th Aug: Farmers ousted by a state-owned plantation near Malang, East Java, openly defy security forces by uprooting cocoa bushes and planting maize on 100 hectares.
9th Sept: Local people clear 11 hectares of forest managed by the state forestry company near Banyuwangi in East Java and hold a demonstration with banners saying: "This is our land, not Perhutani's". 18th Sept: A thousand people from 12 villages reclaim forest in South Lampung after government officials ignore their complaints about a timber company which defied regulations.
19th Sept: Officials in Lampung give the local community the rights to farm 1,500 hectares allocated to PT Dharma Hutan Lestari for an industrial tree plantation. The farmers had held a five-day protest at local government offices after occupying the land and planting some of it with cassava.
8th Oct: Farmers dispossessed by a Taiwanese-Indonesian plantation company in Lampung pull up pineapples and stake out all 4,667 hectares as small-holdings. Tris Delta Agrindo uses transmigrant labour to grow pineapples for export.
[Sources: Jawa Pos 24/8/98; Surya 5/9/98; AFP 7/10/98, 8/10/98; Wawasan 13/9/98; Republika 10/9/98, 18/9/98; Singapore Business Times 23/9/98]
After being trapped in a culture of violence for decades, the people of Indonesia have exploded, with devastating consequences, reports Louise Williams in Jakarta.
The history student had already been beaten to the floor in the lobby of a Jakarta bank, where the protesters and bystanders had tried to seek shelter from the barrage of tear gas and rubber bullets outside.
He raised his hands instinctively over his head to deflect the blows of the riot troops and willed himself to fight against the pain.
When he looked up, he saw one of the soldiers was aiming his gun, then he felt the tearing pain of a rubber bullet deliberately shot into his chest at close range. "I was still conscious, but I felt like I couldn't breathe. It was chaos and no-one else had the courage to help me," Ferkin Susanto says of the brutal assault on Friday night last week on tens of thousands of student protesters by the Indonesian police and military, which left at least 14 people dead and 448 injured.
"I tried to get up, but the soldiers kicked me again and I knew I had to run, even if I couldn't breathe, so I ran into the street behind just shouting out: 'Help me, help me.'
"There were so many people running, and they were really scared, but when I collapsed they picked me up and carried me. They asked me if I was a Muslim and started to pray over my body," he says, his eyes smarting with tears.
Susanto, a 23-year-old student of letters from the prestigious University of Indonesia, slowly lowers himself from his hospital bed. "Can I show you?" he asks, bringing his T-shirt out from the cupboard beside his bed. It has a large hole where the bullet entered his chest and the blood is dried and crusting. Clutching his shirt, he crouches down on the floor, his hands above his head, cowering. "I was already on the ground, like this, when they shot me."
The preliminary findings of an investigation by the Indonesian Human Rights Commission into the two-hour battle outside the Atma Jaya Catholic University indicates the use of some live bullets against civilian protesters, in breach of military regulations, and the use of excessive force, including the deliberate shooting of unarmed students with rubber bullets, which can kill at close range. The bank building where Susanto was shot was hundreds of metres from the protest site, behind a fence and parking area. But security forces went beyond clearing the crowd and deliberately pursued protesters and bystanders. One witness said 39 people were shot in the lobby.
A staff member of a human rights organisation was deliberately shot at close range after showing troops his ID card; the parents of a student who was shot in the head are still to decide whether doctors should turn off the life-support system; two young women were severely beaten by riot troops who shouted: "Students are dogs, students are bastards"; a 14-year-old boy who joined in the stone-throwing against military lines was shot with live ammunition.
The commission is also studying equally horrifying evidence of excessive violence on the part of civilian mobs, who beat to death several members of the paramilitary forces, hired by the military and trucked into Jakarta from poor rural villages to fight the protesters during the recent "special session" of the People's Consultative Assembly.
The lynchings began when the mobs chased one of the men into a vacant lot off the toll road. They stoned the cornered victim, then teenagers picked up heavy pieces of wood, which they used to pound his chest once he had fallen to the ground.
An eyewitness says a father brought his children over to watch and a grandmother cheered as the mob took turns with rocks and planks until someone struck the fatal blow. Then the mob dragged his body onto the toll road and called for petrol to set the corpse on fire. But there was no petrol, so they stuck sticks in his eyes and mouth. Soldiers made no attempt to stop the mob.
Four members of the pro-Government paramilitary squads were lynched by rioters in broad daylight in Jakarta between November 12 and 14. These lynchings followed scores of similar mob murders in Java over the past two months. A source at the Human Rights Commission says two of the victims were decapitated. At least one police officer was killed and several more were seriously injured by crowds angered over decades of heavy-handed security operations in Indonesia. Predictably, the Habibie Government has ordered yet another investigation.
However, the bigger picture is not just about the growing list of bloody political confrontations but about the brutalisation of society and the inability of Indonesia's political elite to reach compromises that can prevent further bloodshed.
"The people of Indonesia have been trapped in a culture of violence for decades. Nearly all problems in society are solved using violence," says Munir, the head of the Commission for the Disappeared and the Victims of Violence. "The violence begins with the armed forces, but then there were lynchings in Jakarta because the people were very, very angry about the violence against students and the hiring of these thugs [vigilantes].
"So now it is not just the students, it is the ordinary people clashing with the Government. This wouldn't happen if there was a pattern to accommodate the people's needs." The Deputy Human Rights Commissioner, Marzuki Darusman says: "There is a heightened level of violence. This is a process of accumulated frustration that has made the public more prone to taking the law into their own hands. There are many issues the public feel very strongly about, and they aren't seeing any progress."
The fall of former President Soeharto six months ago unleashed a wave of anger over serious human rights abuses during his 32 years in power and raised expectations for a new, accountable system that could deliver justice to ordinary people. It also opened up a political power struggle over the pace of democratic reform and who could control it.
The rise of Soeharto in the mid-1960s was marked by one of the worst massacres of modern history. About 500,000 Communist Party (PKI) members and suspected sympathisers were massacred, many by their own neighbours, in a military- backed communist purge.
Human rights investigations which opened in the reformist spirit of the post-Soeharto era uncovered grisly mass graves in the province of Aceh, evidence of military snipers being used against student demonstrators and the disappearances and torture of pro-democracy activists. Perhaps most seriously, a Government-sponsored fact-finding team recently concluded that members of the armed forces were involved in provoking May's devastating riots and failing to protect civilians in the three days of unrest that cost more than 1,200 lives.
It was a humiliating fall from grace for a "people's army", once feted for its role in liberating Indonesia from Dutch colonial rule and accustomed to enjoying political and economic power under Soeharto. Soeharto's son-in-law and former special forces commander, Prabowo Subianto, was discharged, but has not been court-martialled over the disappearances of pro-democracy activitists.
It is not surprising that there is little faith left in an investigation into the Atma Jaya killings and injuries. The killings of students at Trisakti University six months ago, which sparked the protests and riots that forced Soeharto to step down, have not yet been resolved. No Government minister even showed up to accept the riots report.
The people of Aceh have received an apology, but the military commander in charge at the time of the worst atrocities still occupies a senior position in Habibie's Cabinet. A public relations stunt was organised to convince the rest of the world that combat troops were being withdrawn from East Timor, but more were secretly brought in to replace them.
Much has been said about the accountability of Soeharto and an investigation into his wealth, but no member of his family has been brought to trial.
What angered the students most was a decision by the People's Consultative Assembly to allow the military to retain its appointed seats in Parliament, a breach of the democratic principles set out in the Constitution left over from the Soeharto era. The pragmatic rationale, according to Indonesia's political elite, is that power cannot just be abruptly snatched away from the powerful armed forces or the country will be exposed to the risk of a coup d'itat.
This week President Habibie threw in his lot with the military, ordering a crackdown which included a round-up of opposition figures for questioning on suspicion of inciting rebellion. He warned of national disintegration if the protests continued and the nation refused to follow the Government's reform timetable.
This week the students kept up the pressure, draping the campuses with slogans: "We have no guns, but if we are faced by bullet we are not scared." But, said 20-year-old Novianti, from her hospital bed: "I was so afraid, I panicked, I fell off my motorbike and the suddenly all the military grabbed and beat us."
Her skull was fractured and her fingers broken in the first serious clash of last week, as she was leaving the protest. Tuti, in the bed beside her, had her head split open, her face beaten and her hands smashed in the same attack, which pitted at least 20 riot troops in full battle dress, against two slightly built girls. Both their mothers are by their side. "If they want to go back and protest, I won't stop them. This is the students' time now," said Tuti's mother.
[In a separate report on the same day, the Herald said a total of 14 were killed and 448 wounded in the clashes. Mr Asmara Nababan, a member of the National Human Rights Commission, told the Herald: "The provisional findings suggest that there was the use of live bullets and excessive violence. We are still investigating what triggered this use of excessive violence and who gave the command. "But, whether or not the chain of command was operating, the Government should be held accountable." - James Balowski.]
Jakarta, -- Seven students were seriously injured and rushed to the hospital after clashes with soldiers in eastern Indonesia, reports here said Wednesday The students, from Pattimura University in Ambon, the main city in Maluku province, were among hundreds demonstrating against the violence used to quell protests in Jakarta that left 14 dead and more than 400 injured, the Antara news agency said.
The clash took place late on Monday as the students attempted to hand over a protest petition to the local provincial military officials. Security personnel, including soldiers and police, charged into the demonstraters with clubs, seriously injuring seven who were taken to hospital in police cars. Another 10 received minor injuries, Antara said, and 10 were detained.
The demonstrators had earlier Monday briefly occupied the local studios of state Radio Republik Indonesia and forced it to broadcast their demands. The rallies were followed by civilian supports of the students throwing rocks at several shops and government offices in Ambon, Antara added. The agency said the students were planning to hold a fresh protest rally Wednesday, after Tuesday's Moslem holiday which saw most cities quiet.
Large rallies were also reported Monday in at least 10 other Indonesian cities, including Jakarta, as students aired various demands including the resignation of armed forces chief General Wiranto, the Kompas daily said. In Jakarta at least four small groups of students and youths held marches across town but no incidents were reported.
The largest demonstrations took place in Semarang and Yogyakarta, in central Java. Thousands of students rallied at a major traffic intersection in Semarang to protest the army's violence, burning effigies of soldiers. In Yogyakarta, 2,000 students held a peaceful protest rally in front of the local presidential summer palace.
Student protest were also held in Bandung and Tasikmalaya in West Java, Ujungpandang in South Sulawesi, Pontianak in West Kalimantan, Padang and Medan in Sumatra, and in Denpasar on the resort island of Bali.
Heavy clashes in Jakarta between armed soldiers and students on Friday and unrest that followed on the next day left 14 dead and more than 400 injured and caused more than 2.3 miliion dollars in damage, Antara said.
Jakarta -- An estimated 10,000 students returned to rally in the streets on Wednesday afternoon (18 Nov). They scattered flowers in memory of their slain fellows in the 12-13 November Tragedy at the Semanggi interchange. Students were divided into two large masses, the City Forum (FORKOT=Forum Kota) and the Students' Action Forum for Reform and Democracy (FAMRED).
FORKOT took to the streets in at least 15 buses and moved towards the Parliament Building to scatter flowers at the gates of the building. Meanwhile, FAMRED undertook a long march from the Hotel Indonesia circle to the Atmajaya University campus, scattering flowers along the way.
In their statements, both groups of students added another demand to their list: that General Wiranto be removed from his positioin as Minister of Defence and Security/Commander of the Armed Forces to mark his responsibility for the deaths of more than 10 students and ordinary citizens in the 12-13 November tragedy. "Wiranto must step down. Hang Wiranto!" the students shouted.
Several students said that Wiranto should step down from his post immediately, without waiting for orders, as the Semanggi Tragedy is holds the record for the worst case of Armed Forces mistreatment of civilians. "Where in the world have 10 civilians died of shots by soldiers in an area only 1 hectare in size?" asked a student. "It is only appropriate that Wiranto face an international military tribunal."
Security around the student rally was not as strict as in the previous days. Far fewer Armed Forces personnel were deployed. In Jalan Sudirman only around 20 Marines were standing guard and helped control traffic. However, security was still tight along Jalan Gatot Subroto, particularly in a radius of 200 metres from the Parliament building.
The FORKOT masses which came from the direction of Cawang were halted at the Senayan Amusement Park bridge. But, after negotiations, students were allowed to pass to scatter flowers. Not long after they had finished scattering flowers, the mass of students were pushed back through the gates and gathered by the Manggala Wanabhakti bulding around 100 metres from the Parliament gates to give speeches.
With the calls to evening prayers, the Forkot masses returned to their buses to continue their journey to the Atmajaya University, Jakarta (UAJ) at the Semanggi interchange. At this campus they joined with FAMRED and other masses for common prayers for the victims of Armed Forces violence.
As this report goes to press (19:00 local time), the joint prayers continue in a solemn atmosphere.
Louise Williams, Jakarta -- Student protesters have switched tactics and called a three-day general strike and a period of national mourning after President B.J. Habibie ordered his armed forces chief to use any means to crush demonstrations and restore order in the riot-torn Indonesian capital.
The Governor of Jakarta, Sutiyoso, appealed to the city's 11 million people not to leave their homes after 10pm over the next few days, but denied an official curfew was in place. The Australian Embassy advised about 10,000 Australian nationals in Jakarta to "only undertake essential travel" around the city.
Tens of thousands of students withdrew from the front of the Parliament building late on Saturday night after a day of rioting and attacks on police posts and military vehicles. The bloody assault on students at Atma Jaya University in the city centre late on Friday left at least 12 dead and 150 injured.
The key opposition figure Amien Rais and scores of prominent citizens called for the immediate resignation of the Armed Forces Commander, General Wiranto, but the President announced he had handed General Wiranto a mandate to crack down on anti-government protests, signalling his support for the use of force against civilian protesters.
"I have given him instructions to take firm actions in line with existing laws," Dr Habibie said in a nationwide televised address, describing protests as "acts of rebellion" intended to bring down his government.
The students' Forum Bersama [United Forum] called on Indonesians to fly flags at half-mast as a sign of mourning and announced a general strike from today. They rejected the results of the "special session" of the People's Consultative Assembly which ended late on Friday and said they would continue their campaign to replace President Habibie with a transitional government of pro-reform leaders from the opposition.
The Assembly has rejected the students' demands for an end to the military's participation in politics. The Parliament is due to begin sitting today to work out the details of Indonesia's new political framework, which will continue to include appointed military officers to sit alongside elected MPs. There was no immediate reaction from labour groups to the strike call, and the success of the students' campaign now appears to depend on the next move by opposition figures, such as the Muslim leader, Mr Abdurrahman Wahid, and the pro-democracy figurehead, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri.
Mr Wahid has already pledged the support of his 40-million strong Nahdlatul Ulama organisation to the students' political reform campaign but is unlikely to call the public out onto the streets to face the military, fearing further bloodshed. Jakarta was quiet yesterday, after a day of violence and rioting in several city locations.
In Chinatown, at least three streets of shops were set on fire as mobs targeted the ethnic Chinese business minority, the usual scapegoats at times of political crisis. However, other large groups vented their rage on symbols of the military, burning military vehicles and police posts, and attempting to burn down two major police headquarters. The chaos was reminiscent of riots across Jakarta in May this year, which forced the resignation of President Soeharto.
However, the high expectations for political reforms following his removal have not been fulfilled, and much of the same political elite remains in power.
Marines were deployed across the city because of their popularity with the people, after army and police units were taunted and attacked with rocks and sticks. "The armed force are too arrogant. They don't care about the students' lives or the ordinary people. They just do whatever they want for political purposes," said one ethnic Chinese businessman as he watched a mob loot a burning car showroom.
"The tensions are rising since the killing of the students and the people are angry with the military, but they are scared of the army so they show their emotions by attacking the Chinese. Of course, we are worried."
Another mob, milling around in the smoke from a pile of burning motorbikes, was shouting for Dr Habibie to quit. "We support the students from behind. Habibie has failed to solve the economic crisis, many of use don't have jobs and our life is very difficult. Habibie is just a puppet of Soeharto," said one young man.
| East Timor |
We have been informed by Solidamor in Jakarta that major military operations are underway in sub-district Alas, district of Manufahi. The Indonesian military have launched these operations in retaliation for the capture of two of their men who are being held prisoner by FALINTIL, following an attack on the local military command, Koramil, in Alas. They are also retaliating because FALINTIL guerrillas succeeded in seizing 36 weapons and ammunition from the Koramil post.
Alas is on the south coast of East Timor in the central sector. It is covered by thick forest, an area suitable for guerrilla operations and highly suspect by the forces of occupation.
During the current operations, a number of local people have been captured, particularly young men with long hair who are deemed to have spent time with the guerrillas in the bush. Solidamor has not yet been able to confirm reports of killings.
A Dutch newspaper, Algemeene Dagsblad, reported today that 70 to 100 people had been killed in Alas but later reports suggested that the death toll is probably much lower. Information is difficult to acquire because the area has been sealed off.
These same sources say that major reinforcements have been brought into the area by sea by the Indonesian army, including men from battalions 744 and 745, from Brimob, the elite police corps, as well as Garuda troops (probably Kostrad), and other police units.
Lisbon -- Portugal Friday suspended a New York meeting with the United Nations and Indonesia over East Timor, following intelligence reports of a massacre in the disputed territory, officials said Friday.
Foreign Minister Jaime Gama told Portuguese negotiators to suspend a meeting scheduled for Friday between the UN, Portugal and Indonesia because of information received from East Timorese sources about an alleged massacre of civilians, Foreign Ministry spokesman Horacio Cesar said.
At the negotiating table was a UN proposal to grant a broad autonomy for the half-island territory 1,900 kilometers from the Indonesian capital Jakarta.
The number of casualties, the site and the exact date of this week's alleged massacre in the former Portuguese colony weren't immediately clear, Cesar said.
The UN Secretary-General's personal envoy to East Timor, Jamsheed Marker, was to meet the Portuguese and Indonesian negotiators Saturday in New York to brief them on the UN's attempt to verify the reports, he added. A UN spokesman in New York, Manuel de Almeida, said by phone, "There is a pause (in the talks), while the UN verifies this information."
Also Friday, Prime Minister Antonio Guterres sent Annan a message expressing Portugal's "apprehension and condemnation, should the reports of a new massacre of the East Timorese people be confirmed," the Portuguese news agency Lusa reported.
Hopes for a solution to the East Timor dispute were raised by the resignation of Indonesia's strongman President Suharto in May but have since been dampened by the failure of his successor, President B.J. Habibie, to fulfill promises to reduce Indonesian military presence.
Earlier Friday, military sources in the Indonesian capital Jakarta said the situation in the East Timor village of Alas was tense, following a clash Tuesday between Indonesian soldiers and rebels who are waging a low intensity guerrilla war in favor of independence.
An East Timor resistance spokesman in Lisbon, Roque Rodrigues, said his group was trying to contact sources in Dili to "assess the magnitude," of the latest alleged massacre.
Hamish Mcdonald -- Australia's ambassador in Jakarta was told by a key Indonesian army officer a few weeks after the massacre at Dili's Santa Cruz cemetery on November 12, 1991, that on the same day, Indonesian soldiers and intelligence agents had killed a further 20 to 25 Timorese around the city.
According to highly classified documents passed to the Herald, the ambassador was told that the Indonesian armed forces had initially lied to Parliament about the Santa Cruz death toll, had destroyed many bodies by burning and dynamiting, not included the follow-up killings in the death toll, and attributed blame along military faction lines.
The information was passed on privately to the ambassador, Mr Philip Flood, on December 24, 1991, by then Lieutenant-Colonel Prabowo Subianto, the controversial Special Forces officer and son-in-law of ex-president Soeharto, who was recently dismissed in connection with the violence in Jakarta in May this year when Soeharto fell. At the time, Mr Flood noted that the conversation had taken place on the basis its content would not be reported.
A later Australian ambassador, Mr Allan Taylor, retrieved the information from embassy files and with Mr Flood's concurrence, passed extracts on to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade on May 10, 1994. On May 20, the department circulated it to several offices in Canberra, including that of the then Labor foreign minister, Senator Gareth Evans.
Around that time, the London-based journalist John Pilger was releasing a TV documentary on Timor, in which he reported Timorese, including Bishop Carlos Belo, alleging a "second massacre" had occurred at a Dili hospital, and claimed that Senator Evans was covering up Australian knowledge in the interests of joint oil development in the Timor Gap.
Yet, two weeks after the information was sent to his office, with a covering note from ambassador Taylor noting its relevance to Mr Pilger's claims, Senator Evans wrote in The Age on June 6, 1994: "As to Pilger's claim, in 'Death of a Nation', that a second massacre occurred in November 1991, it continues to be the case that -- whether he likes it or not -- the balance of available evidence is against this.
"Our assessment here is based on multiple sources of information, including contacts made over a long period, not only with Indonesian Government ministers and officials, but with East Timorese opposed to integration; with independent organisations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross; with local and international human rights groups; and with senior churchmen."
The original record by Mr Flood reports Colonel Prabowo saying that he and another senior officer linked by marriage to the Soeharto family, Wismoyo Arismunandar, suspected something wrong when then Armed Forces Chief, General Try Sutrisno, said one day after the massacre that about 50 had died, and the following day that there had been only 19 deaths.
Wismoyo had gone to East Timor and spoken to junior officers, reporting back to President Soeharto on December 11, 1991 that the armed forces report to Parliament was false. "He [Wismoyo] had told the president his assessment was that 54 people were killed in the shooting at Santa Cruz cemetery and a further 20 to 25 were killed by soldiers and intelligence agents in subsequent killings in/around Dili the same day," Mr Flood's Note said.
"Of the bodies surplus to 19, some had been burnt and some dynamited. Given the physical effort involved in loading bodies onto trucks and destroying them, many officers knew about this and it had been a relatively easy matter for him to get the facts of the situation."
Prabowo said he and Wismoyo could not find out who was responsible for ordering the troops to shoot, but half an hour had elapsed between the provocation -- the stabbing of an Indonesian officer, Major Gerhan, by demonstrators marching to Santa Cruz -- and the dispatch of two platoons from the Dili district military command to the cemetery. The troops opened fire upon arrival.
Mr Taylor's letter and extracts from Mr Flood's record of conversation with Prabowo -- classified Secret Austeo (Australian Eyes Only) -- were sent on May 10, 1994, to DFAT's then First Assistant Secretary in charge of South and South-East Asia, Mr Miles Kupa, who initialled it on May 20 and marked it for circulation to other department officials, the office of Senator Evans, and the Office of National Assessments.
The Indonesian investigation by Judge Djaelani of the Supreme Court, previously a military lawyer with major-general rank, found the shootings were a "spontaneous reaction [by soldiers] to defend themselves, without command, resulting in excessive shooting".
Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- The former governor of East Timor has broken his silence on the 1991 Dili massacre, claiming dozens more people were executed and secretly buried at two sites in the month after the initial bloodshed at the Santa Cruz cemetery.
Mr Mario Carrascalao told The Age today he had evidence that soldiers executed a truckload of Timorese in December 1991, weeks after the cemetery massacre, and buried them near a rubbish tip 13 kilometres west of the town.
Mr Carrascalao, the Jakarta-appointed governor of East Timor at the time, also said that several days after the massacre, between 20 and 50 wounded demonstrators were taken to a river south of Dili where soldiers killed and buried them.
Speaking in Jakarta, where he now is an adviser to the Indonesian Government, Mr Carrascalao declared that a commission of inquiry that investigated the killings was a whitewash. He called for an immediate reopening of an official investigation. He said there would not be a peaceful settlement of the conflict until those responsible were punished. "There cannot be peace until people know what happened to their sons and daughters," he said.
He dismissed as a lie Government claims that 54 demonstrators had been killed in the massacre and subsequent military crackdown. A proper inquiry would establish that many more were executed. he said.
Mr Carrascalao said he had remained silent until now because he did not want to derail United Nations-sponsored peace talks between the territory's former ruler, Portugal, and Indonesia.
The revelations will put Indonesia's new President, Dr Jusuf Habibie, under pressure to appoint a new commission of inquiry. They come only days after The Age revealed that Indonesian troops went on an alleged killing spree on the remote Irian Jaya island of Biak in July, shooting scores of pro-independence demonstrators and drowning many others.
Mr Carrascalao revealed for the first time the testimony of a Timorese witness to the burial of the truckload of Timorese and produced a detailed map pinpointing the mass grave. He said the witness, who is known in Dili as Carlos, told him that he was on the army truck driven out of Dili that December, but was ordered off about a kilometre from the tip. The witness told him it was dark but that he walked to the tip and saw soldiers burying people who had been on the truck. Mr Carrascalao said he could not say if the victims were alive or dead when they were buried and declined to say how many people he thought were on the truck. "All I can say is that there were many."
Mr Carrascalao said he gave the commission of inquiry a tape of the interview with Mr Carlos and a map showing the grave, but its investigators dug in the wrong place. "I don't think they (the commission) were interested in finding out the truth. They just wanted to confuse the situation."
He said another witness told him that about 20 people wounded at the Santa Cruz cemetery on 12 November 1991 were taken several days later to the banks of the Bemos river south of Dili and executed. But, he said, another witness had told him that 50 people were killed at the site.
The Indonesian military has always denied claims that other killings took place after the cemetery bloodbath. Mr Carrascalao said he believed the military has been worried about him breaking his silence about the killings. Several years ago, he said, somebody broke into his Jakarta home and searched his personal papers.
Jakarta -- East Timorese rebel leader Xanana Gusmao has spelled out his blueprint for the territory's gradual independence from Indonesia, a process he said should take several years and possibly involve UN peace-keeping forces.
In an interview in his cell at Jakarta's Cipinang jail -- where he is serving a 20-year sentence for illegal possession of arms and subversion -- Gusmao repeated his insistence that an Indonesian offer of autonomy was meaningless without allowing for a referendum on self-determination.
Once that pledge was made, he told the Jakarta Post, the former Portuguese colony which was invaded by Indonesian troops in 1975 could follow a three-phase plan, with the first period of six to 18 months to "solve problems related to security". That period, he said, should see "an [Indonesian] troop withdrawal, disarmament of the paramilitary members, [as well as] guerilla withdrawal". In addition, a police force made up only of East Timorese should be formed "by the United Nations as part of a possible deployment of peace-keeping forces".
A second three-year period would be needed for "national reconciliation", including political education for the public, setting up an East Timorese administration and conducting a national census. This would also be "under the auspices of international bodies", he said. It would be during those three years that the thorny question of who wanted integration with Indonesia, who wanted autonomy and who a referendum, would be tackled. Strategies would also be laid down for a first five-year development plan, he added.
Indonesia, whose sovereignty over the territory of some 600,000 to 800,000 people is not recognised by the United Nations, this year offered East Timor broad autonomy, while keeping foreign affairs, finance and external defence in its own hands. The proposal is currently under debate between Lisbon and Jakarta, under the auspices of the UN, which has been sponsoring so-far futile peace talks between the two on the issue since 1983.
[Security forces in East Timor arrested four suspected rebels after an attack on a military post last week that left three soldiers dead and two abducted, the Kompas daily reported. The abducted men were believed to be still alive.]
| Political/economic crisis |
Jakarta -- An Indonesian rights group has accused the military of provoking clashes between security forces and students that left 16 dead last week, a report said Thursday.
"A number of hoodlums were recruited and paid," by the military to take part, the Independent Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence said.
Uniformed and plain-clothed intelligence officers from the military "directly and indirectly" provoked the Black Friday clashes on November 13, commission spokesman Munir was quoted by the Jakarta Post as saying. The commission's findings came from interviews with several unemployed people and members of the armed forces, he said without identifying anyone.
Thugs "were recruited from the streets by plainclothes personnel and paid to participate in the student protests," he said. "They were seen in the frontline of the student protest." Munir displayed a fake university jacket and badge which he said had been taken by students from a man "who threw stones at the security." One man injured while standing in the frontline of the student protesters was later found to be carrying a military identification card. Commission members said they would release the names of military personnel they knew were involved but did not say when.
Education Minister Yuwono Sudarsono on Monday said "radical groups" had been among the students and had provoked the violence on Friday. He said the group members were aged around 30 and were not students but he gave no further details.
National police chief Lieutenant General Rusmanhadi was quoted by the Jakarta Post as saying the clashes were also provoked by "agent provocateurs" who had thrown stones, dirt and fuel bombs at soldiers while the students were negotiating with the security forces. Their actions sparked armed soldiers to fired rubber bullets, teargas and water cannon, he said.
Rusmanhadi blamed the clashes on a group of opposition figures who last week issued a document calling for an alternative government. The document, he said, had incited the students to protest. Police are currently investigating at least 11 people, mostly signatories of the document on suspicion of trying to topple the government.
Critics, including lawyers, have however said that the investigation was an attempt to divert public attention from the problems faced by the government, including the violent clashes on Friday and ensuing riots on Saturday.
Jakarta -- Minister of Defense and Security/Armed Forces (ABRI) Chief Gen. Wiranto on Friday held a meeting with a number of retired generals, including those known to be critical of the military.
The meeting was closed to the press and held at the Armed Forces Merdeka Barat headquarters in Central Jakarta. Among the attendants were former vice president Gen. (ret) Try Sutrisno, former minister of defense Gen. (ret) Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani, former minister of home affairs Gen. (ret) Rudini and former national police chief Gen. (ret) Awaloeddin Djamin.
Also attending were former navy chief of staff Adm. (ret) Tanto Kuswanto, former envoy to the United States Lt. Gen. Hasnan Habib, former chief of the state intelligence coordinating body Lt. Gen. (ret) Moetojib, former chief of the Udayana regional military command Maj. Gen. (ret) Theo Syafei, former chiefs of ABRI intelligence agency Maj. Gen. (ret) Syamsir Siregar and Lt. Gen. (ret) Arie Sudewo, and former governor of the National Resilience Institute Lt. Gen. (ret) Sayidiman Suryohadiprojo. Meanwhile, Wiranto was accompanied by Army Chief of Staff Gen. Subagyo Hadisiswoyo, Navy Chief of Staff Vice Adm. Widodo A.S., National Police Chief Lt. Gen. Roesmanhadi Governor of the National Resilience Institute Lt. Gen. Agum Gumelar, National Military Police Chief Maj. Gen. Djasrie Marin, ABRI Spokesman Maj. Gen. Syamsul Ma'arif and former Jakarta military commander Maj. Gen. Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin.
Earlier on Thursday evening President B.J. Habibie separately met Try Sutrisno and former minister of defense and security Gen. (ret) Edi Sudradjat. They reportedly discussed efforts to calm the situation down after last week's incident which killed 15 people and injured hundreds of others mainly at the Semanggi cloverleaf in South Jakarta.
After the two-hour meeting, Try Sutrisno said the agenda had included efforts to maintain good relations between Armed Forces headquarters and the Armed Forces Big Family. "We hope that ABRI and the Armed Forces Big Family will always be able to communicate with ABRI leaders and provide as many inputs as possible so that ABRI officers can perform their duties well," he said. Try said the meeting concluded that ABRI would remain committed to the continuing existence of the Republic of Indonesia.
He, however, declined to comment on whether the meeting also discussed the treason charges against signatories of a joint communique by several government critics, including National Front opposition group leader Lt. Gen. (ret) Achmad Kemal Idris and National Reform Movement leading figure Maj. Gen. (ret) Hariadi Dharmawan. Edi Sudradjat is also a Front member. Also on Friday, some 20 women grouped under the Indonesian Women's Action Front, led by rights activist Yeni Rosa Damayanti, protested against ABRI's dual function in front of the defense ministry office and marched to the Hotel Indonesia roundabout. Dressed in black, the women sang modified versions of lullabies and asked women along the street to join them. "The termination of ABRI Dwifungsi (dual political-military role) cannot be bargained anymore," Yeni said. Their posters among others read "Stop Military Violence" and "Iron Fist is not Democracy."
Separately, United States assistant secretary of state Harold Koh said here on Friday that Washington would like to see the Indonesian military weaning itself away from its controversial role in the country's political life. "Efforts to move towards an end of Dwifungsi have to be supported and applauded," Koh, who is assistant secretary of state for democracy and human rights told a media conference here, AFP said.
Indonesian students want an immediate termination of the military's political role, while several opposition politicians and the legislatures have suggested a more gradual phase out. "We are moving into a new era where this role had to be reduced," said Koh, who added that he had discussed the issue in talks here Thursday and Friday with representatives of the Indonesian Armed Forces. "This reform is now necessary to bring a new era of democracy," he said.
Koh also said he w as encouraged by enquiries now under way into past human rights abuses, and compared them to the Truth and Justice Commission in South Africa, a process which he said generally contributed to confidence. "ABRI is committed to such investigations... I hope the commitment will be carried out," he added.
Koh, who took his oath of office only last week, said it was his first visit to Indonesia, and that his main mission here had been to get acquainted with the country. He said he had met representatives of human rights groups, labor unions and some high military officials.
Louise Williams and Lindsay Murdoch, Jakarta -- Claims that opposition figures were guilty of inciting rebellion meant the Habibie Government was now "panicking" and had lost all its remaining legitimacy, a former environment minister, Mr Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, said yesterday.
Ten opposition figures were detained yesterday over a communique last week in which they called for President B.J. Habibie to be replaced by a caretaker "presidium" until elections next year.
The daughter of Indonesia's founding President Soekarno, Ms Sukmawati Sukarnoputri, three retired generals and six other opposition figures were detained by police for questioning under summonses issued over the weekend. The summonses appeared to target the opposition Barisan National (National Front), which issued the communique and is being blamed for provoking the student demonstrations last week.
However, student leaders have denied they are being manipulated by the front and say their protests were independent.
A National Front spokesman, retired Lieutenant-General Bambang Triantoro, said the opposition figures were detained on suspicion of committing subversive acts, the same legal weapon former President Soeharto used against political dissidents. "Subversion is an act to change the basic law using armed rebellion. We don't use guns, what we support is a movement to enact the Constitution and democracy in Indonesia."
Mr Sarwono, in an interview with the Jakarta Post, said: "It is a folly on the part of the Government. It has cornered itself with the use of violence and by pitting civilians against civilians.
"Now they are trying to lay the blame on the National Front ... the Government has lost all of its remaining legitimacy."
Ms Sukmawati, the sister of popular pro-democracy figurehead, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri, was one of the petition's signatories and was detained following the questioning late on Sunday night of the deputy treasurer of Megawati's Parti Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI), Mr Meilono Soewondo.
Former Jakarta Governor and prominent Soeharto critic, retired Lieutenant- General Ali Sadikin, and the former chief of the Army Strategic Reserve, retired Lieutenant-General Kemal Idris were also questioned. General Kemal is the leader of the National Front, which is dominated by retired military officers.
Another former political prisoner and opposition politician, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, was summonsed on Sunday night under sections of the Criminal Code which deal with "inciting rebellion against the legitimate Government".
As students met yesterday to plan their next strategies a Government Minister, Mr Juwono Sudarsono, warned that unnamed groups were working to pit trouble-makers against students. Mr Sudarsono, the Minister for Education and Culture, urged the academic community to consolidate and abide by the law when staging demonstrations which are expected to resume this week.
A student leader at Jakarta's Trisakti University, Mr Alwi Assegaff, 22, said he believed the trouble-makers had been recruited by elements of the Government which wanted to create chaos and give the military an excuse to crack down on anti- Government groups demanding political reforms.
Yesterday students distributed leaflets repeating demands for former President Soeharto to be put on trial for corruption, Defence Minister and head of the armed forces, General Wiranto, to be brought to account for excessive force used by soldiers last Friday and Saturday and for the military's role in civilian affairs to be reduced.
Jakarta -- Tight security remained in force in Central Jakarta Tuesday despite a semblance of calm as flags were flown at half- mast in memory of the 14 killed in violent weekend clashes between students and security forces.
Indonesian President B.J. Habibie left as scheduled for the two- day Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Kuala Lumpur, but would return later Tuesday if fresh violence erupted, palace sources said. Since the fall of Suharto in May, Indonesia has had no vice president.
Heavy security was in place around Independence square in the centre of the city, lined with government buildings including the state Merdeka presidential palace. But elsewhere in the capital, Indonesians relaxed on this Islamic public holiday.
Joggers ran on the main avenues which were largely deserted of traffic, shops and food vendors reopened for business after being closed during the violence and soldiers on the roadside relaxed in the shade of trees and buildings.
About 4,000 people crowded a sports stadium near the overpass which was the scene of pitched battles between the students and armed soldiers on Friday, to attend a gathering by the new Islamic Star and Cresent Party.
Despite the calm, several embassies advised their citizens to exercise caution. A New Zealand consular notice said that although the security situation was now relatively calm, "this could change quickly." The Australian embassy also said the potential remained for the situation to quickly change and recommended Australians take sensible precautions and keep themselves informed of developments by monitoring news reports. Some embassies advised people not to go outdoors unless necessary.
The thousands of students, who had led the protests on the weekend, were nowhere to be seen early Tuesday with some campuses declared closed for the first two days of the week.
The violence had erupted as students marched on parliament to demonstrate against the People's Consultative Assembly, the nation's highest legislative body, which met last week to map out Indonesia's political future.
The students claimed the assembly was an appendage of the regime of former president Suharto, who stepped down amid mounting public pressure and widespread rioting in May, and would ignore demands for reforms. On Monday, students had returned to the streets but in smaller groups, including 40 who attempted to approach Suharto's home. But there were no serious incidents.
Police have questioned 11 opposition figures on suspicion of subversion that led to the clashes. Lawyers for the 11 were Tuesday quoted by the Antara news agency as saying the investigation was a government ploy to divert public attention away from the bloody incidents.
Habibie, addressing the nation in a speech televised nationwide late on Monday, repeated his accusation that groups of people were guilty of subversive actions that had lead to the violence.
Bhimanto Suwastoyo, Jakarta -- Opposition leaders and human rights groups pressured Indonesian President B.J. Habibie and military chief General Wiranto Saturday to account for the killing of unarmed demonstrators, with many calling on Wiranto to resign.
Popular reform leader Amien Rais, without naming Wiranto, called on the head of the Indonesian armed forces (ABRI) to step down after the soldiers opened fire on students here Friday -- killing 11 and wounding over 200. "Allow me to express our opinion that the head of the ABRI who holds the highest responsibility for the deaths should resign," Rais, who is chief of the newly- established People's Mandate Party (PAN), told reporters. "It is the best way for democracy and for upholding reforms," Rais added.
As others repeated the call, Habibie went on air to announce that he had ordered Wiranto to crack down on the unrest, citing "subversive activities" that were against the constitution and the state.
A group of 22 academics, editors, lawyers, and human rights activists gathered under the "Concerned Group for Peaceful Actions" also issued a statement called for Wiranto to resign.
"The security policy implemented by defence minister/armed forces commander General Wiranto cannot be acceptable. This policy can endanger the life of the nation in the future and shift ABRI away from the people," the group said. "Therefore, we call on ... General Wiranto to immediately resign," their statement said.
The executive chairman of the Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI), Hendardi, called in a separate statement for both Habibie and Wiranto to resign over the bloodshed. "PBHI demands that President Habibie and ... General Wiranto assume legal responsibility over the bloody tragedy by resigning from their posts," Hendardi said.
The Islamic Association of University Students (HMI), released a statement saying: "The government, c.q. the leader of ABRI, is fully responsible for this bloody incident. "We will seek the accountability of the government of Habibie, especially armed forces chief Wiranto and former preisdent Suharto for the various forms of violence that have been going on in this country and in East Timor," said a statement by the Women's Solidarity for Human Rights.
A demonstration by hundreds of students of the state Bogor Agriculture Institute in Bogor, some 60 kilometres (40 miles) south of here, also called on Wiranto to resign over the shooting, as did students in the central Javanese city of Yogyakarta.
In Jakarta activist Ratna Sarumpaet from the National Coalition also called on the general to quit, saying that he was responsible for the "random" violence of his forces.
Wiranto, according to military spokesman Major General Syamsu Ma'arif, has ordered an investigation into the shooting. "The situation and incident last night was outside our (normal) procedure and we will follow up this case with more extensive investigations," National Police Chief General Rusmanhadi (eds: one name) said on television. "There is no shoot-on-the-spot order, the firing order issued was only for teargas, preceeded by warning shots," Rusmanhadi said.
Ma'arif said that Wiranto had tasked Rusmanhadi and the head of the military police with probing the shooting. "To all soldiers, especially members of the police, I ask you to be capable of restraint and not to fall prey to your emotions following yesterday's incident," Rusmanhadi said.
At least 11 people died, including six students, while over 200 were injured after soldiers fired rubber bullets and tear gas on student protestors who were trying to march on parliament.
Don Greenlees, Jakarta -- Indonesian President B. J. Habibie has conceded for the first time that he may have to speed up presidential elections after mobs angry over the killing of university students by security forces went on a weekend rampage of looting and burning in Jakarta.
Under instructions from the Government, police yesterday began to round up a dozen members of a political group accused of inciting the bloody student demonstrations. Among the members of the Barisan Nasional (National Front) organisation are retired generals and prominent academics.
Government advisers said those detained would be questioned over their role in orchestrating student demonstrations aimed at disrupting last week's special session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), called to clear the way for mid-1999 elections. Charges may be laid over attempts to "topple the Government".
As the toll from wild student demonstrations in Jakarta's central business district on Friday night rose to 12 dead and as many as 200 wounded, Dr Habibie extended an olive branch to his opponents by signalling an earlier leadership transition and promising a dialogue with student leaders.
The concession came after the worst violence and riots in the capital since former president Suharto was ousted in May. Dozens of shops and offices were looted and burned by mobs of poor youths roaming through streets in commercial districts of central and north Jakarta on Saturday.
After emergency meetings of Cabinet ministers and armed forces commanders, Dr Habibie gave a televised address appealing for calm and warning of a harsh security crackdown to restore law and order. The armed forces and the Jakarta administration advised people to stay off the streets after 10pm.
He also backtracked on an earlier electoral timetable of mid-year elections followed by a session of the MPR six months later to choose a new president and vice-president. This scenario would have left Dr Habibie in office at least until January 1, 2000, and drag out the period of uncertainty over the country's leadership.
In an interview with CNN, he conceded: "After the elections in May or June -- even one week after that -- if they want to make a people's assembly ... and make a choice of the next president, they can have my chair."
Although order appeared to have returned to Jakarta yesterday, there was little traffic on the roads and a heavy military presence was evident around the city. Armoured vehicles continued to be stationed around the National Monument, close to the presidential palace.
Throughout large areas of North Jakarta, shopfronts lay smashed open and newly blackened and gutted buildings could be seen alongside those burned out in the May riots. Despite widespread damage on Saturday, no serious casualties were reported.
In bloody clashes on Friday night, security forces had fired tear gas and rubber bullets on students and bystanders near Atma Jaya Catholic University in a downtown area, only a few hundred metres from the stock exchange.
During the subsequent riots, gangs threw stones at and beat some police and troops. Jakarta residents expressed disgust at the actions of the armed forces and joined a widespread call from popular leaders, including presidential hopeful Amien Rais, for armed forces commander General Wiranto to be sacked or resign.
Hours after rioting started, tens of thousands of students and supporters descended on the MPR building to protest over the deaths and echo demands for General Wiranto's removal.
In an effort to calm the tense situation in Jakarta and other major cities where anti-government demonstrations have broken out, Dr Habibie has sought the support of religious leaders. He also meet Mr Rais, a leading opposition figure regarded as popular with students, into the early hours of yesterday morning.
Greg Earl, Jakarta -- As a line of Marines suddenly broke formation on the main road to Indonesia's Parliament about 3pm on Saturday, the students pushing down the tollway erupted into cheers of joy.
But it was the look of trepidation on the faces of the regular soldiers about 100 metres down the road that hinted at the way tensions within the military are again at the heart of the country's latest unrest.
For a country where the army has again turned its guns on its citizens with a ferocity that has stunned foreign observers, the arrival of the maroon-bereted Marines at troublespots around Jakarta is a discordant sight. "Long live the Marines," the crowds shout as the embarrassed-looking young soldiers grin and punch their fists in the air with a tentative revolutionary flourish.
They usually arrive without riot control gear, automatic rifles slung nonchalantly behind their backs, and walk casually into crowds that only minutes before had been raging at other wings of military. The Marines took control of the march on the Parliament on Saturday and kept the students separated from the more unpredictable masses. In other parts of the city they sometimes managed to calm looters before they burnt buildings.
But with one Marine wounded by gunfire in the centre of Jakarta on Saturday morning, there are concerns that tensions are emerging over their populist role -- or that darker forces are trying to stir up trouble within the military.
Security guards in the Senen shopping district told a group of foreign journalists of a second unconfirmed incident where other troops accidentally wounded a Marine later on Saturday. One security guard said about 100 soldiers from the Jakarta command had then hidden in the shopping centre to avoid a raging crowd while Marines eventually restored calm.
The Marines have had a populist reputation since they stuck with former President Soekarno in 1965 for longer than the army mainstream and are considered to live closer to the ordinary people. They have since emerged as cool heads during recent unrest and a large group of ex-Marines recently joined the Indonesian Democracy Party headed by Soekarno's daughter, Megawati.
The contempt the general public now has for the army mainstream was underlined on Friday as several trucks of Marines arrived after the first deadly clash outside Atmajaya University in the central business district. "Long live the Marines. Kostrad (the elite Strategic Reserve) are PKI (communist)," crowds screamed in a new twist on the military's assertion that all political dissidents are communists.
| Human rights/law |
Mobil Oil Indonesia, the country's biggest producer of natural gas, has been linked to serious human rights violations in the war-torn north Sumatran region of Aceh.
Mobil Oil Indonesia is a joint venture between US-based oil giant Mobil and Indonesia's state-owned Pertamina. Its main area of operations are the rich oil and gas fields in Aceh and just offshore. The company also holds shares in the Arun liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant which processes the gas for export.
Aceh, scene of atrocities by the Indonesian military in its attempt to crush the independence movement, has been all but ignored by the international community and the media. Despite detailed reports from Indonesian human rights groups and international organisations like Tapol, Asia Watch and Amnesty International, the plight of the Acehnese has not gained the sympathy of western governments. The oil and gas industry, which reaps rich rewards for its foreign investors, may well be a factor in that silence. It was attacks on the Mobil Oil installations that prompted Jakarta to place the region under military occupation in 1980, since when tens of thousands of people have been killed or 'disappeared' by the military.
It is only since the fall of Suharto, however, that the scale of the abuses in Aceh is being exposed. In August President Habibie and Armed Forces Commander Wiranto apologised for abuses and began the withdrawal of 1,000 troops. Investigations by the government's own Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) have started bearing fruit. At least nine mass graves have been exhumed, which may contain as many as 5,000 bodies. In September, after riots broke out, troops were ordered back to Aceh and hundreds of soldiers were posted at a gas refinery and other industrial sites in the town of Lhokseumawe, near Mobil's operations.
Mobil Oil has been a heavy burden on the Acehnese community for many years. Incidents of pollution and unfair land-acquisition have made it an unwelcome presence. The community is aware that all earnings benefit the company, a small local urban elite and the state coffers in Jakarta, and not the majority of Acehnese people. Aceh provided an estimated 30% of Indonesia's oil and gas exports or 11% of the country's total exports by the late 1980s, but the government's own data showed 40% of Acehnese villages could be classified as "poor".
The list of abuses is a long one, including explosions which have spilled mud onto farmland and destroyed villagers' homes, as well as water and noise pollution. On one occasion in 1992, villagers from Pu'uk, whose fields were flooded by liquid waste from a Mobil operation, filed a lawsuit against the company. They lost.
But a list of community grievances published in October goes much further than the pollution and land-grabbing incidents, a common feature of resource extraction projects in Indonesia. It highlights the cosy relations between the company and its protectors in the Indonesian military, whose reputation for brutal oppression of dissidents has been well-documented in West Papua, East Timor as well as in Aceh itself.
Two military posts were set up with company assistance, one near one of Mobil's operations, called Post 13, the other near the Arun plant, called Camp Rancong. According to a press statement issued by Sumatran NGOs and national environmental NGO WALHI, the buildings and facilities for Post 13 were provided by Mobil Oil. The post was used for interrogating people before they were sent to other posts. The statement says that the company's excavators were used to dig mass graves for military victims in the Sentang and Tengkorak hills and says that its roads were used to bring victims to the mass graves. In Bukit Sentang, where an estimated 150 bodies were found, Komnas Ham Secretary General Baharuddin Lopa said: "This proves that Aceh has been a killing field." One male body dug up was blindfolded, dressed only in underwear, with his arms bound behind his back by an army belt.
Mobil Oil is also accused of failing to act on cases of its own workers being abducted by the military.
Arun, says the NGO statement, built Camp Rancong, which was used by the notorious Kopassus elite military unit to torture and murder victims of human rights violations in Aceh.
The statement includes the following demands by the NGOs:
Sources:They urge the government of the United States to take stern action against Mobil Oil to uphold human rights; They demand that Mobil and Arun must take responsibility by apologising to the international community and the Indonesian people, especially the people of Aceh. They must pay compensation and rehabilitate the victims of human rights abuses carried out by the military with the support of Mobil Oil and Arun; They urge Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to carry out an investigation into Mobil Oil finances, especially funding for military operations; They also urge countries which consume oil and gas to boycott products from these two companies if Mobil and Arun evade their responsibilities.
Drillbits & Tailings, September 4/9/98;
Mobil Oil and PT Arun must take responsibility
for human rights violations in Aceh, Walhi and Sumatran NGOs, 10/10/98;
World Socialist Website 28/8/98.
G. Aditjondro After Ogoniland, will it
be the turn of Aceh? 1997.
See also Tapol Bulletin 148 for more detailed
background on the situation in Aceh.
Jakarta -- Two people were shot dead and five others injured during a five-hour stand off between police and a rebel group in Indonesia's troubled province of Aceh, sources and press reports said Monday.
Second Sargeant Horas Sialagan and Idris, a member of the rebel group, were killed in the raid Sunday in which police failed to capture 47-year-old rebel leader Ahmad Kandang, a resident source told AFP. Kandang reportedly managed to flee his residence in North Aceh's Muara Dua district as scores of local residents flocked in and blocked the police from seizing him.
"Kandang was in the house with his wife, another family member and three loyalists, Idris who was shot dead, and two others who were captured," the source said, adding that police arrested a total of 43 people following the incident during which five people were also injured. Second Sargeant Imran Yusuf and four local residents, including a woman, were also shot and injured during the shootout.
Kompas daily reported that shots were fired from the house when police started to approach it, and that later the supporters of the rebel leader had arrived. During the shootout, which ended some five hours later, angry residents also burned the state-run radio station across the street.
| News & issues |
Jakarta -- A number of "mysterious" people armed with a type of UZI-type handguns were discovered by Team of Volunteers for Humanity and KONTRAS activists during and after the Bloody Semanggi Tragedy, 13 November l998. These mysterious men were discovered in the vicinity of the Jakarta Hospital and a street behind the Atmajaya University. The eyewitness reports by activists were gathered by SiaR on Wednesday, 18 November.
Two KONTRAS activists and three members of the medical team who were trying to reach the Atmajaya campus from behind, along the through-street around the Semanggi-Greater Jakarta Police Headquarters were forced to back-up their van when they met the group of mysterious armed men. The armed men raised their weapons in the direction of the activists' car.
The activists observed that the mysterious men were short, below 160 centimetres, sported shoulder-length hair, and wore wearing jeans, black t-shirts and canvas shoes. They carried UZI-type handguns. These men were also discovered around the Jakarta Hospital when the chaotic situation had reached its climax, around 8:00 p.m.
Joyo, a member of the Volunteer Team/medic, and Atmajaya student was beside Wawan, a student who died when his chest was pierced by a bullet fired by security forces, stated that live ammunition was used by the security forces, in addition to the rubber-tipped bullets, to fire at students and the masses of people.
Jojo is convinced that the military and police involved in the clash with students and the people since 16:00 on Jenderal Sudirman street in front of the Atmajaya University used rubber- tipped bullets apart from tear gas bombs, water cannon and batons.
His convinction is based on the fact that several students and other people who were shot fell to the ground for a few moments. However, they would stand up again, be it shakily. This shows also that they were shot around their legs, and very possibly with rubber bullets.
"Could it be that the live ammunition was shot by the snipers and the mysterious troops of short men in civilian clothing? This is not a conclusion but only a conjecture. It is quite possible that some of the military forces also loaded their weapons with live ammunition," said Jojo. As was reported by the reporter of an FM radio station followed by the public, many eyewitnesses saw a helicopter hovering over the Bank Rakyat Indonesia I and II buildings, dropping off troops who took positions on the roofs of the buildings. Small flashes of red light rays were seen coming from these troops.
Meanwhile, Minister of Education and Culture, Prof. Dr. Juwono Sudarsono indicated the presence of radical groups who provoked the peaceful rally of the students. According to Juwono, these groups hid in buildings near the Greater Jakarta Metropolitan and laid their plans and strategies.
"They planned to be in the front lines to create anarchy. When clashes and chaos occured, the radical groups were to step aside so that the students behind them would fall victim to security forces' violence," said Juwono.
This clarification by Juwono was rejected by the students, who took it as an attempt to create divisions within student ranks. Students believe that security forces in civilian dress had infiltrated student ranks to create the chaos, as happened at the Dr. Moestopo Religious University.
Regarding the possibility of the involvement of provocators, as many as three military men in civilian clothes were caught red- handed during the rally at the Dr. Moestopo Religious University, 12-13 November l998. The three men were captured by the students as they infiltrated student ranks when the long march was about to begin. Students became suspicious because the three men, who had claimed to be students, began to throw stones left and right, hurling insults at the troops using aggresive, obscene language. After they were apprehended, the three men were found to be carrying cards identifying them as military men from the South Jakarta and local military commands.
Jakarta -- The Indonesian government has found evidence of misappropriation of state funds by companies building a tollroad owned by the eldest daughter of former president Suharto, a senior official said Friday.
Finance and Development Supervision Board head Sudarjono said the board had discovered the alleged discrepancies in an audit of commercial papers issued by state-owned companies, including construction firm PT Hutama Karya. "One of the sets of commercial papers was issued by Hutama Karya ... but was not booked in the balance sheet of Hutama Karya," Sudarjono told journalists on the sidelines of a seminar here.
Instead of being booked in the balance sheet, the money was used by a private consortium "to finance several tollroads and we think there's a conspiracy in there," he said.
Asked whether the projects were related to the Suharto family, Sudarjono said: "All I know is the tollroad belongs to Tutut," refering to Suharto's daughter Siti "Tutut" Hardiyanti Rukmana." He did not provide the value of the commerical papers.
Different government departments have been slowly chipping away at the business empires of the six Suharto children, mostly through audits and through the re-examination of contracts awared without proper bid processes.
The most concerted investigation so far has been by the state oil and gas company Pertamina, which is in the process of examining 159 contracts for evidence of wrong-doing. Pertamina had also given foreign oil companies the green light to drop contracts they were forced into by pressure from the family during Suharto's 32 years in power.
Jakarta -- Indonesian President B.J. Habibie is to set up a special commission to probe former strongman Suharto's wealth in line with a decree issued last week by the country's highest legislature, state secretary Akbar Tanjung said Saturday.
"The president has prepared steps on the decree which explicitly mentioned Suharto's name," Tanjung said after Habibie met with several ministers, the attorney general and armed forces chief General Wiranto at the presidential palace.
The decree, approved by the People's Consultative Assembly, named Suharto, whose fortune has been estimated at four billion dollars by Forbes magazine, as one of the targets for investigation as part of the country's drive against corruption.
"To examine the personal belongings of former president Suharto, the president has thought of forming some kind of a commission," he said, adding that its members would be people with "high integrity and credibility." Asked whether the commission will be independent, Tanjung said "it hasn't been decided yet whether the government will be in it or not."
Students this week tried three times to march on Suharto's house in central Jakarta to demand that the veteran leader be put on trial for abuse of power and corruption. They however were blocked by hundreds of security personnel only one kilometre from Suharto's home.
Tanjung said the government had not considered slapping a travel ban on Suharto. Last week Tanjung revealed the government had unearthed 2.6 million dollars in 72 local banks across the country belonging to Suharto. Several days later 15.5 million dollars of real estate owned by Suharto and his family in Jambi province was uncovered.
This preliminary data was obtained from a number journalists and checked against data from Kontras (Committee of the Disappeared and Victims of Violence).
Additional notes:Lukman Firdaus, SMU 3 student Tangerang, severe head injuries and broken arm; Bharada Suprayitno, police officer, fell from truck; Rinanto, 23 years old, security guard at the Hero Cinere Supermarket, Depok, shot (in the stomach, severe head injuries); Sigit Prasetyo, student from the Civil Technical Facility at the YAI University, shot by live rounds; Teddy Mardani Kusuma, student at the Indonesian Machine Technician Institute of Technology, shot; BR Nourma Irwan (Wawan), student at the Faculty of Economics at the Atmajaya University, shot (by live rounds in the chest resulting in extensive lung damage); Yanto, student at the Faculty of Law at the Brawijaya University, cause of death still unconfirmed; Abdullah, University of Indonesia, shot; Muzamil Joko Prasetyo, University of Indonesia, shot; Heru Sudibyo, STIE Rawamangun, shot (in the head by a rubber bullet which penetrated the skull); Agus Setiana, 27 years old, resident of Jl. KH Mas Mansyur, shot (in the stomach and chest). Agus had gone to the Atmajaya university to assist [the wounded] students; Kristian Nikuluyuw, member of PAM Swakarsa [Civil Security, paid thugs - JB], killed in Semanggi, died of severe head injuries (killed by the masses supporting the students); Wahidin Maumalete, PAM Swakarsa member, beaten to death in Cawang (killed by the masses supporting the students); Sulaiman Lestaluhu, PAM Swakarsa member, beaten to death in Cawang (killed by the masses supporting the students); Budi, PAM Swakarsa member, PAM Swakarsa member, beaten to death in Cawang (killed by the masses supporting the students);
Adi, a security guard at the Bandung Institute of Technology has been reported to have been shot and died on November 12 although at this time the accuracy of information cannot be confirmed. Ina, who is believed to be a student at the Faculty of Economics at the University of Indonesia who was included in the first list [of those killed], but is not included in this list.
The PAM Swakarsa members who died in Cawang were attacked by crowds because they had wounded a number of local people. One was stabbed in the face with a sharp bamboo stick and local people stick 20 thousand Rupiah notes on [their bodies] as a symbol that they were paid vigilantes.
A SiaR reporter was only two metres from Heru Sudibyo (who was in front of the Plaza Central main gates) and Engkus (a student) who at this time is still in a coma after both of them were struck by bullets.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Jakarta -- A former Jakarta governor was picked up by police here Sunday for questioning, the fifth opposition figure netted in a subversion probe launched in the wake of mass anti-government protests.
Government critics called the round-up a sign of panic by the government, rattled by protests, riots and looting not seen in Jakarta since the days before former president Suharto's downfall in May.
The former governor, retired marine general Ali Sadikin, was picked up from his home by police Sunday night in connection with the government-launched probe, his friends and family members said. "He was taken from the house about half an hour ago (around 8:10pm), his lawyer was with him," said a source.
Sadikin was the fifth opposition figure to be taken in by police in the past two days. Earlier Sunday retired army general Kemal Idris and former political prisoner and political party leader Sri Bintang Pamungkas were taken in for questioning at police headquarters.
The first two to be taken in Saturday were the head of the University Indonesia Alumni Association, Hariadi Dharmawan, and Roh Basuki Mangunprojo of the National Reform Movement group. They were released early Sunday after being interrogated for hours, also on suspicion of subversion.
Saturday's arrests were slammed by a legal rights group here as an attempt by the government and military to find scapegoats for the bloody riots of the past week. Late Sunday the Movement for Justice and National Unity said the arrests were "an act of panic" by the government. "The questioning of figures such as retired Lieutenant General Kemal Idris and retired Major General Hariadi Dharmawan and others is an act of panic that will only further lower the dignity of the government, and worsen the situation," it said.
The statement was signed by former environment minister Sarwono Kusumaatmaja, a brother of former foreign minister Mochtar Kusumaatmaja. "They picked (Idris) up at around five o'clock and he was accompanied by a lawyer," another source told AFP. Idris and Sadikin are both members of the Barisan National, a group made up mostly of retired generals who describe themselves as a moral force for reform.
Pamungkas, head of the Indonesian Uni-Democratic Party (PUDI), was jailed for insulting Suharto before being included in a release of political prisoners by the fallen president's successor, B.J. Habibie. Pamungkas' wife Ernalia told AFP that her husband's summons cited his involvement in "mobilizing the masses" Saturday when 10,000 students marched on parliament to protest a session of a national assembly they deem undemocratic and a remnant of the discredited Suharto regime.
A close friend of Hariadi said police had detained him for questioning after he and scores of key opposition figures signed and issued a 14-point declaration, on the eve of the clashes that left at least 12 dead and hundreds injured. The declaration, the police said, allegedly contained subversive ideas. "Particularly point number four which suggested for a reform parliament to form a presidium that could act as a temporary government. This was interpreted by the current government as a subversive plot," the friend said.
The UI alumni group chaired by Hariadi, a retired inspector general in the forestry ministry who has become a stern government critic, was the first to launch an anti-government protest at a campus here on February 26. The protests later snowballed into a widespread student movement that led to the resignation of Suharto in May. Several other prominent opposition figures have said they have learned their names are on an "arrest list."
Habibie in a nationally televised broadcast Saturday cited proof of subversion in ordering a crackdown by armed forces chief General Wiranto.
The Indonesian Legal Aid Institute shot back with a press conference late Saturday in which it charged that if anyone was guilty of subversion it was the members of the People's Consulative Asssembly -- for failing to meet popular demands for democracy.
Jakarta -- A number of well know figures including retired high ranking military officers have been "secured" by the police following the riots in Jakarta on Friday and Saturday last week, which resulted in the death of scores of people.
Up until yesterday afternoon five people have been arrested. On Saturday afternoon the police arrested Hariadi Darmawan (the chairperson of Iluni) and Roch Basuki (Gerakan Reformasi Nasional, National Reform Movement). Yesterday three more were arrested, Kemal Idris (Barisan Nasional, National Front), Sri Bintang Pamungkas (PUDI, Indonesian United Democratic Party), and Ali Sadikin (National Front).
They are among 17 people who signed the "Joint National Declaration" on November 12. The joint communique called for the formation of a provisional government.
Based on information compiled by Media Indonesia, the police have issued 18 arrest warrants. Aside from the signatories of the Joint National Declaration the police will also arrest a number of other well known figures who are suspected of being involved in directing the masses during the riots on November 13-14.
The suspects are to be charged under Article 110 in relation to Article 107 of the Criminal Code pertaining to planning a conspiracy to overthrow the government and change the government structure. The maximum penalty for this is 15 years jail.
One of the signatories of the National Declaration however, Sri- Edi Swasono denied that the meeting and declaration were intended to attack the government. "The meeting and communique were open. Nothing was done secretly", said Swasono.
The arrested were taken from their respective homes to police headquarters under tight guard. They were not allowed to speak with journalists who had been waiting since the afternoon. The security at the building where they are being questioned was even tighter. Usually journalists are free to enter the building but last night it was guarded by four security personnel. Anyone leaving or entering the building was carefully checked.
The arrested were accompanied by a team of lawyers from the Legal Aid Institute. The spokesperson for the lawyers, Adnan Buyung Nasution, told the press that the arrests were excessive. He was of the opinion that the police need not have issued the arrest warrant and that it would have been enough just to have summoned them in for questioning. "I am convinced they [the accused] would have come", said Buyung.
He said that the arrest warrants had been issued by police on November 15 based on a police report on November 13. "The charge of attacking the government has no basis whatsoever because there must be clear and concrete evidence of actions to overthrow the government. This was only just an idea. If a person has an idea in their mind, a desire for a new government which is more representative or to form members of a cabinet that is not a crime", he said adding that a persons thoughts cannot be tried.
Meanwhile Sri Bintang Pamungkas arrived at police headquarters for questioning at 7.52pm. He only commented briefly saying "Ya, its the [same] old way".
[Slightly abridged translation by James Balowski]
| Environment/health |
A World Bank report on the government's project to convert a million hectares of peat swamp forests into rice-lands reveals how appalling the situation on the ground is.
What comes out of the report is the project's total lack of planning and failure to anticipate the economic, social and environmental costs. The main activities so far -- logging and burning to clear the land and digging drainage canals -- are turning the project into a disaster area. Unless the government takes heed of the warnings and halts the project immediately the disaster will grow much, much worse.
The report, written by a senior water resources engineer at the Bank, Theodore Herman, was the result of a two-day field visit to the project area in May at the request of the Public Works Minister, Rachmadi. The findings, sent to the Minister include several important recommendations which, if followed, would mean vastly reducing the scope of the project, stopping further expansion and starting again from scratch with planning, impact assessment and project costing.
The Central Kalimantan mega-project was launched by President Suharto in 1995 as a means of securing Indonesia's self- sufficiency in rice. The project aimed to settle as many as 316,000 transmigrant families to cultivate the rice and other crops. From the outset, critics warned that the project was impossible from an ecological point of view as peatlands are unsuitable for growing rice. At the same time the traditional, successful livelihoods of indigenous Dayak villagers were being bulldozed out of existence. But Suharto had decreed that his pet project would succeed and so nobody was allowed to contradict him.
Canals
A major point of concern in Herman's report is the fact that almost all the primary canals are aligned over deep peat conservation areas and/or medium peat soils. He warns that subsidence of the deep peat will occur rapidly near the canals, compromising their drainage functions, while becoming increasingly prone to fire. He advises:
"...the whole water supply system needs to be redesigned and made compatible with soil and topographic constraints. It is not unlikely that -- to reverse the damage done -- the major canals will have to be filled in..."
Among the environmental impacts, the report identifies the need to quantify the effect on rivers and estuaries of large quantities of acidic water, agrochemicals and nutrients draining from the project area in the dry season when the dilution effect of river flows is reduced. Herman notes that "contrary to recommendation, there are reports that Gramoxone (paraquat) has been distributed to farmers on a trial basis."
* Also, an insecticide, banned for use on rice has been made available to farmers.
The report warns of the impact of logging and the soil erosion it causes on the functioning of the canals and flood control systems. It states that no information was available about the damage to wildlife habitat caused by the project and recommends that this should be assessed so that endangered species can be relocated to other areas. Likewise, there was no information on the impact on indigenous people. The report states:
"It is not clear whether the 1-3 km Greenbelt river corridor of the project plan is adequate to accommodate their customary (adat) land use rights for rattan gardening and the like. This should be ascertained and appropriate and equitable provisions made to forestall future friction."
The argument that may persuade the government to call a halt to the project more than any other is the economic one. Here the report is forthright:
"At least Rp 1.5 trillion has been spent on the project to dateRedesign of the project means an even greater expenditure than ever foreseen. At the same time the agricultural area will be reduced to below 500,000 ha while rice yields and agricultural economics are uncertain. No benefit-cost engineering-economic and sensitivity analysis has been undertaken to date, especially one that includes settlement and environmental mitigation costs as well as other irreversible losses. GOI [Government of Indonesia] owes itself such an analysis in order to determine the desirability of further major expenditure on this project."
The report makes four main recommendations: cease further expansion and re-evaluate the project; improve public relations and communication; conduct revised environmental assessment; and intensify research and recruit international technical expertise. (Source: Million Hectare Swampland Project Field Visit Observations and Recommendations, Theodore Herman, World Bank 31/5/98)
While some of these recommendations are more useful than others, the main point is that the government should be persuaded to stop further destruction in Central Kalimantan and concentrate on repairing the damage caused so far.
There is much repair work to be done: apart from environmental rehabilitation, the needs of the 13,500 transmigrants already placed on the project must be addressed and the lands and livelihoods of indigenous villagers restored to them.
* This pesticide is produced by Zeneca, the UK-based agro- chemicals and pharmaceuticals multinational. Down to Earth has written to Zeneca to enquire about its involvement in the mega- project. The company replied that it has no direct involvement in the project, but confirmed that it owns almost all of Zeneca Indonesia (which very definitely is involved in the project).
Villagers stage protest in Palangkaraya
Communities whose lives have been wrecked by the mega-project staged an occupation of local government offices in the provincial capital Palangkaraya in August. Over a hundred and twenty people from 12 villages arrived on August 26th to present five demands to the government. The government has made little response to the demands and states that the central government, not the local authority is responsible for the mega-project.
Supported by students and NGOs, the villagers refused to leave the offices for over a week. Their demands are: the project must be stopped; the land must be returned to its rightful owners in the community; all damage caused by the project must be repaired; due compensation must be paid to the local community; individuals who have demanded illegal payments from prospective local settlers must be investigated.
The students, NGOs and community organisations have formed a Solidarity Alliance for the Victims of the Swamp Forest Rice Mega-Project and have set up a community post to distribute aid to the protesters. The Alliance has appealed for contributions to fund their work to support the mega-project victims.
The government's solution: oil palm
While ministers ponder how best to extricate the government from the mega-mess in Kalimantan at the minimum cost to balance sheet and dignity, one solution that has been put forward is oil palm. Speaking in September, transmigration minister Hendropriyono said the project would no longer be directed at food production, but at oil palm plantations. He hoped that foreign investors would be attracted so that foreign exchange would be brought into the country fast, but said only one investor -- from Japan -- had shown interest so far. (Suara Pembaruan 17/9/98)
Oil palm, which fetches high prices on international markets at the moment is being promoted as a relatively fast means of earning dollars and so rescuing Indonesia's economy. Unlike other crops, it does also grow in some areas of peat. It is already being developed over large areas in other parts of Kalimantan as well as other islands.
Stop press: damage limitation?
As we went to press, reports from Indonesian NGO sources suggested that the project is indeed to be drastically reduced in scale. Around 50,000 hectares of land already cleared plus the transmigration areas are still to be "developed". Further opening of the project area is to be stopped, although it is not yet clear what will happen to the drainage canals already dug across the peat.
The government has produced a new document on transmigration which describes the "achievements" of the past twenty five years and outlines the priorities for the future programme.
For almost fifty years, the transmigration programme has meant the violation of rights of indigenous communities whose lands are taken for resettlement sites. Their forests and other resources have been forcibly appropriated and cleared for the millions of hectares of housing sites, rice-fields, plantations, timber estates and other projects which have become part of the programme. At the same time local communities have been expected voluntarily to join the schemes, adopt Javanese farming techniques and abandon traditional, successful forms of agriculture. In many cases, badly planned sites have failed and left families from Java as well as their indigenous neighbours in abject poverty. This has put further pressure on forest resources and has led to greater social disintegration as transmigrants turn to logging, mining, prostitution and other illegal activities to make a living.
What is immediately apparent from the document, Transmigration in Indonesia, is that there is no end in sight to this treatment of indigenous peoples. During the forest fires of last year, both forestry and environment ministers (now both out of the cabinet) stated publicly for the first time that indigenous communities were not to blame as their farming techniques were not a major cause of forest destruction (see DTE 35, supplement). But other departments in the government, including the transmigration ministry, have failed to change their attitude toward indigenous peoples. Indigenous peoples remain targets for resettlement. In the official English translation the terms "forest squatters" and "ever-moving farmers" do not make clear the distinction between indigenous forest-dwellers and landless newcomers trying to feed their families by clearing forest for farm land.
Similarly, there is no mention of the traditional (adat) land rights of indigenous peoples in forest areas. The 1997 Transmigration Act states baldly that "the Government supplies land for the implementation of transmigration." This hides one of the fundamental problems with transmigration: that it transfers the problem of landlessness from Java to other islands. Indeed the continuation of the programme with its target-orientated structures and ethos of national unity and "full acculturization between the transmigrants and the surrounding community" admits no problems at all.
A selection of the figures
The government document gives figures on many aspects of transmigration covering the first twenty-five year long term economic plan (PJP I: 1969/70 to 1993/94). It also includes data for the current five year plan, Pelita VI (1994/95 to 1998/1999).
The area opened for transmigration during PJP I totals 1,739,998 hectares, of which most (1,014,987 ha) was forest, 276,672 ha was classified as waste land and other neglected areas 221,086 ha. About 58,135.40 km of roads and 92,227.99 m or bridges were built along with 962,740 houses.
The total number of families settled is 1,652,683 consisting of 785,556 "sponsored" settlers and 867,127 "spontaneous" (see below for definitions).
Assuming an average of five in a family, this means well over 8 million people have been moved under the programme. 2,445 settlement units or sites were established to accommodate them.
By region the breakdown is as follows: Sumatra 873,071 families (52.8% of the total); Kalimantan 348,653 (21.1%); Sulawesi 163,726 (9.9%); Nusa Tenggara and East Timor 9,054 families (0.5%); Maluku and Irian Jaya (West Papua) 81,401 (4.9%).
The current five year plan targets eastern areas over more popular areas in Sumatra. The target of 600,00 families is divided as follows: Sumatra 278,131; Kalimantan 164,533 (the highest target is for West Kalimantan, scene of serious ethnic violence early in 1997); Sulawesi: 69,646; Nusa Tenggara and East Timor: 20,480 and Maluku and West Papua 67,210. A rough projection for the next five year plan, starting in the year 1999/2000 puts the total target at 450,000 families with a higher proportion going to eastern areas. The figures show an unwavering commitment to continue with the transmigration programme, despite all the problems it is creating. What they do not show is the result of decades of forest destruction, social dislocation and poverty -- for transmigrants as well as local communities.
These have led to environmental costs far in excess of any gains. How far the programme will be affected by the current economic crisis and whether this will become the main impetus for reform remains to be seen.
The new Act: little new to say
The document contains an English translation of the 1997 Act No. 15 on Transmigration, which replaced the original 1972 Act. This was designed to bring the programme into line with the government's regional development policies and provide a better match of transmigrants with resources.
According to the new Act, the purpose of transmigration is to "raise the transmigrants' welfare and the surrounding community, increase and distribute evenly the regional development and strengthen the national unity and integrity." It is also aimed at "arranging a harmonious population distribution and in balance with the natural and facilitating capacity of the environment, increasing the quality of human resources and creating integrity of the community." The new Act has dropped any specific reference to the objective, present in the 1972 Act, of strengthening national security. (see DTE 32 for more on this).
Transmigration is divided into three types: 1) sponsored -- carried out by the government; 2) assisted-spontaneous -- carried out by the government and a commercial enterprise and 3) self- supporting spontaneous, carried out by the people concerned, who may or may not be in co-operation with a commercial enterprise, assisted by the government. Assisted spontaneous transmigrants are directed to plantation, forestry, fisheries, livestock, industrial and services projects, while sponsored transmigrants are sent to food crop production sites. Self-supporting transmigrants may go to either type of scheme.
Two types of settlement are also identified: those called Transmigration Development Areas, which pioneer settlement in an area determined by the government to set up a new regional growth centre; and Transmigration Settlement Locations, which are designed to support the regional growth centres already existing or under development.
The new Act does make one or two references to the environment and local communities, but these do not amount to an effective change of policy.
For example the Act states that it is the responsibility of the transmigrant to "take care of the preservation of the environment" and "maintain good relations with the local community and pay respect to their customs." These conditions are difficult to fulfil in an area of cleared forest where the environment has already been destroyed, and where local community customs -- indeed their whole way of life -- have been destroyed to make way for the settlers.
| Arms/armed forces |
Paul Daley -- Australia's relationship with Indonesia will be further strained by new revelations that the Indonesian Army has bolstered its forces in Aceh, contrary to its claim of having scaled-down its military presence in the strife-torn province.
The revelations coincide with a planned meeting in the next fortnight between the Defence Minister, Mr John Moore, and his Indonesian counterpart, General Wiranto, where the resumption of joint Australian-Indonesian military special forces exercises is likely to be discussed.
Sources told The Age Australian military intelligence had confirmed that since the public withdrawal of troops from Aceh at the end of August, the Indonesian military -- including members of the special forces, Kopassus -- had gradually bolstered its presence in Aceh.
They said there have since been reliable reports of murders, rapes and beatings in the province. "The view is that Aceh is exactly the same as East Timor -- there was a staged withdrawal of special forces and then they were sent in again through the back door," a diplomat said.
Sources said Australia's anticipation of "a steady flow of horror stories" about the Indonesian military's actions in Aceh, East Timor and Irian Jaya made a "mockery" of the Federal Government's public explanation that joint military exercises were postponed by mutual agreement because of Indonesia's economic crisis.
"You can describe these decisions in the most diplomatic of terms," a source said, "but Australia knew there were going to be very difficult times ahead in relation to this issue, that we should cease the tie and that it will be impossible for the joint exercises to go ahead again."
Last month, leaked Indonesian military documents showed Indonesia had not, as stated, lowered the number of troops in East Timor. Sources said further "embarrassment" to the Indonesian Armed Forces is expected to stem from the imminent findings of the Indonesian Commission on Human Rights, which is investigating reports of mass graves in Aceh.
On 7 August, General Wiranto announced the withdrawal of troops from Aceh and later that month about 1000 Army personnel were reported to have left the province. But sources said riots and looting, possibly sparked by Indonesian agents provocateur, accompanied the withdrawal and justified, in the eyes of the Indonesian military, the decision to reinforce forces within days.
"At the very best it was a rotation. At worst, (Indonesian Army) numbers have been bolstered. We believe the worst," a source said. Yesterday sources confirmed signals intelligence and ground reports had left Australia in "little doubt" about up-to-date troop movements in Aceh, East Timor and Irian Jaya.
Mr Moore's office did not respond to inquiries from this newspaper yesterday. But last week, the minister told The Age he anticipated the resumption of joint military exercises would be discussed during his meeting with General Wiranto. "I have no doubt that there will be further (joint Australian-Indonesian military) exercises," Mr Moore said."It's just a question of time and the mutual interest of both sides."