| Home > South-East Asia >> Indonesia | |
ASIET Net News 47 – December 8-14, 1997
South China Morning Post - December 12, 1997
Jenny Grant, Jakarta – More than 500 supporters of opposition
leader Megawati Sukarnoputri held a rowdy march yesterday after
losing a crucial court battle linked to riots in the capital last
year.
"There is no justice! Megawati for new president," the crowd
chanted, only a block from the presidential palace.
About 400 mobile police and soldiers armed with tear-gas, semi-
automatic rifles and riot shields tightly controlled the group as
it marched from the central Jakarta court.
Dozens of police on motorbikes followed the protesters as
onlookers cheered support. The march blocked five lanes of
traffic on one of Jakarta's busiest roads, Jalan Gadjah Mada.
Soldiers guarded banks and shopping centres in the busy
commercial district.
The protesters were reacting against the court's decision that it
could not rule in the case of 124 supporters of Ms Megawati.
The group were suing the leaders of a raid on the Indonesia
Democracy Party (PDI) headquarters in central Jakarta last year.
Riot police and supporters of rival PDI leader Suryadi led an
early morning raid on the party building on July 27 last year
which deteriorated into riots which left five dead.
The 124 were holed up in the building and many suffered injuries
in the violent raid. Sixteen people are still missing from the
riots.
The case named Mr Suryadi, five other PDI leaders and the chief
of the Central Jakarta police. The plaintiffs demanded
compensation of 100 million rupiah (HK$171,553) each.
Mr Suryadi ousted Ms Megawati as the leader of the PDI at a rebel
congress in June last year which was backed by the Government and
military.
Chief Judge Abas Soemantri said the attack on the PDI office was
led by Mr Suryadi's supporters, but because Mr Suryadi was not at
the crime scene, the court could not rule against him.
In a three-hour verdict Judge Soemantri said the plaintiffs
should have filed separate cases against the seven accused. He
said the court could only consider the case of Mr Suryadi.
Max Lamuda, the group's lawyer, said: "We will appeal to a high
court."
MateBEAN - December 9, 1997
Jakarta – Five members of the Indonesian People's Front (Front
Rakyat Indonesia, FRI) began a hunger strike on the grounds of
the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation in Jakarta last Monday
(8/12). They held the action as a protest against the Indonesian
military invasion of East Timor 12 years ago, on December 8,
1975.
The five PRI youths on the hunger strike are Fitria Adiarti
(UNPAR Bandung), Sambas (santri PERSIS Garut), Binbin (STIKOM
Bandung), Gugum (STM Bandung). They intend to continue the hunger
strike for three days although as this story goes to print,
Tuesdays afternoon (9/12), one of the hunger strikers, Gagum, is
already very weak.
"The plan tonight is for a medical team to examine him", said
Faisal, the spokesperson for the hunger strikers. On Monday night
a number of plain clothed security personnel were milling about
in the area. They tried to provoke the hunger strikers.
In its statement, FRI asked Suharto to give the people of East
Timor the freedom to [carry out an act of] self determination.
They also asked that Xanana Gusmao and all political prisoners
jailed by the Suharto government be freed.
Meanwhile, the National Committee for Democratic Struggle (Komite
Nasional Perjuangan Demokrasi, KNPD) released a statement. Signed
by the organisation's general secretary, Nur Hikmah, it call on
all the democratic forces to unite in opposing all military
actions by the New Order government.
KNPD also call on the people of East Timor to continue the
struggle and unite and struggle together with democratic groups
in Indonesia.
[Translated by James Balowski]
East Timor
Environment/land disputes
Human rights/law
Solidarity/campaigns
Economy and investment
Politics
Miscellaneous
Democratic struggle
500 in march after losing court battle
Hunger strike commemorating East Timor
Pro-democracy faction protests Indonesian invasion of East Timor
Agence France Presse - December 9, 1997
Jakarta – A small pro-democracy group on Tuesday began the second day of a hunger strike to protest at Indonesia's invasion of the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1975.
"We began our hunger strike at noon yesterday to condemn the New Order's invasion of the Maubere people (of East Timor) and we will strike as long as possible," said Fitria Adiarti, one of the activists.
The New Order refers to the government of President Suharto who became head of state in 1968.
The four men and one woman from the Front Rakyat Indonesia (the Indonesian People's Front) said the strike was being held to mark the 22nd anniversary of the invasion on December 7, 1975.
They were refraining from eating but drank and smoke. The hunger strike was held in the parking lot of the offices of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute, a leading human rights watchdog.
Pro-democracy activists said the invasion damaged the economic, political and humanitarian development of Indonesia as well as the troubled territory. They demanded that East Timor be allowed to become autonomous.
Indonesian unilaterally declared East Timor its 27th province in 1976 in a move never recognized by the United Nations, which still considers Portugal the official administrator of the territory.
Indonesian People's Front (FRI) - December 8, 1997
[The following is a translation of a report sent to ASIET by the National Committee for Democratic Struggle (Komite Nasional untuk Perjuangan Demokrasi, KNPD).]
Chronology of the hunger strike by FRI activist commemorating the invasion of East Timor and the Indonesian Legal Aid Offices (YLBHI), Jl. Diponegoro no. 74, Central Jakarta.
Participants in the action:\
Day One, Tuesday December 7, 1997
13.00: The hunger strike was begun with an oration followed by a free speech forum, singing the song "Indonesia Raya", reading of poetry by Wiji Thukul, a statement of support from the KNPD and a statement by H.J. Pricen from LPHAM.
14.30: A discussion was held with an East Timorese activists, Jill, on the theme of East Timor and democracy in Indonesia.
16.30: Activist from PIJAR, other pro-democracy groups and journalists visited.
18.50: Troops arrived and began gathering information [about the action] from those in the area.
21.45: A suspected intelligence agent began watching the participants of the hunger strike.
22.20: Three people from the Central Jakarta police (Tony Kustara, Andi Malao and one other who did not give their name) arrived and pressured/asked for information about the hunger strikes. They also noted down the writing on the banners.
23.55: The three police officer returned and gave the hunger strikes cigarettes and asked them to stop the action.
00.15: A military vehicle arrived and drove around and around the area where the hunger strike was being held.
02.00: The troops driving the vehicle began trying to provoke the strikes.
Jakarta, December 8, 2am.
A Luta Continua!
Eka Yuswardi
coordinator, FRI
[Translated by James Balowski]
PRD - December 7, 1997
[The following is a translation of a statement sent to ASIET (Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor) by the Central Leadership Committee of the People's Democratic Party (KPP-PRD) commemorating the invasion of East Timor, December 7, 1975 - ASIET.]
23 years ago, the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), acted despicably and shamefully. They invaded a neighboring country which had only just proclaimed its independence, the Democratic Republic of East Timor. A country which had only just freed itself from the jaws of the "Portuguese Tiger" – was soon swallowed by "Suharto's Tiger". As a consequence of the invasion, thousands of East Timorese people died along with thousands of Indonesian soldiers – who were only the tools of Suharto. Since then, more than 250,000 souls – one-third of the population of East Timor – have died because of the brutality of ABRI.
The harshness of the Suharto dictatorship has not just been applied against the East Timorese but also against its own nation. Since taking power through a military coup in 1965, Suharto has frequently carried out evil political [acts] in slaughtering his own people. The following are examples of the brutality of ABRI:
To maintain power the Suharto dictatorship uses other vile methods including terror, abductions, extra-judicial killings as happened to the Bernas journalist, Udin (3), along with jailing pro-democracy activists.
The ABRI invasion of East Timor is an act which clearly cannot be accepted by any nation, including Indonesia itself. This act means to destroy right of other sovereign nations and clearly contradicts the preamble to the 1945 Constitution. Because of this, the People's Democratic Party (PRD), since its declaration in July 1996, made a clear resolution to reject the invasion of East Timor and demand a referendum [under the auspices of] the United Nations for self-determination for the East Timorese people.
As a consequence of this view, the PRD chose to struggle alongside the East Timorese – to face the same enemy – Suharto's New Order. We are certain that the struggle for democracy in Indonesia cannot be separated from the struggle for self-determination in East Timor. The struggle to overthrow Suharto will be easier if the East Timorese continue their resistance. Conversely, the East Timorese struggle for self- determination will become easier after Suharto's overthrow and when ABRI is isolated from politics.
Because of this, the people of East Timor and Indonesia must have one joint agenda which must be shouldered together, the overthrow of the Suharto dictatorship. Suharto must be attacked from a number of fonts: from Indonesia, from East Timor and also from international forums. In this way Suharto's political space will become narrower, his supporters less and his power weaker.
The dictatorship is currently facing all kinds of criticism. Firstly there is a political crisis; everywhere the people are continuing to resist. Riots occur everywhere, one after the other, again and again. The military is obviously unable to handle the riots which are not organised, but a spontaneous act by the people. The power of arms cannot stem the people, many of whom have lost their fear because of the weight of their suffering. ABRI can only turn the issue to become an issue of SARA (4) so that it does not threaten the authorities directly.
At international forums Suharto is more and more isolated. The international community is increasingly aware of the Suharto regime's brutal acts in its colonisation of East Timor, oppression of the prodemocratic movement and its contempt for human rights. A number of times Suharto has been demonstrated against by the people of other countries such as in Dresden a number of years ago, the demonstration by the COSATU trade union in South Africa and several days ago in Vancouver, Canada, during the APEC Summit.
Suharto's isolation in international forums is also reflected in the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to two East Timorese figures, Jose Ramos Horta and Bishop Belo. This indicates the level the world community's sympathy toward the East Timorese. And this made the Suharto regime even less popular in the eyes of its own people and the international community.
As well as the political crisis, the dictatorship and other Asian nations are also facing an economic crisis. Although already getting assistance from the International Monetary Fund, this crisis will not improve. Instead it is getting worse: the value of the Rupiah has declined further, the value of shares continues to fall, we are facing the threat of hyper-inflation, the sacking of millions of workers and increased unemployment. There is no indication that the New Order is capable of dealing with this problem.
There is no hope that Suharto wishes to – or is capable of – reforming the political and economic sphere. At each stage of this terrible crisis, Suharto has maintained an attitude of conservatism. A number of paths to reform have already been tightly blocked by oppressive laws and the power of the military. The general elections which should be a tool to channel the aspirations of the people through constitutional change have been manipulated, are fraudulent and carried out under the guns of ABRI. The elections have become no more than a tool for Suharto to maintain his power. The members of parliament who will hold the MPR (5) session in March, 1998, are all loyal to Suharto.
There is no other way to changing the economic and political system except through Suharto's down fall. There is no way to overthrow Suharto except by a peoples' uprising. If there is no longer any democracy the people have the right to make a revolution! If the people no longer believe in the law they have the right to take up arms!
Now is the time to call for Suharto to step down! And this call will only come from the mouths of the millions of poor and oppressed people – not from the members of parliament who have been coopted by Suharto! Because of this, we must organise with the people to confront Suharto's power.
The PRD calls for:
Jakarta, 7 December 1997
Mirah Mahardika
Translators notes:
1. Bung Karno: Brother/Comrade Sukarno. An affectionate term still widely used by Indonesians to refer to the first president of Indonesia, Sukarno.
2. Pulau Baru: Literally "New Island", Baru Island is part of the Maluku islands group located in the western part of the archapeligo and is was used to intern "class B" political prisoners (prisoner who could not be tried for lack of evidence but were "known" to be guilty). According to Amnesty International, in 1969 it was estimated that 117,000 people were imprisoned there.
3. Udin: (Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin) was a journalist with the Yogyakarta based newspaper Bernas who was beaten to death in his home in August 1996. At the time he was investigating a corruption case involving the regent of Bantul (about 10 kilometers from Yogyakarta), Sri Rosa Sudarmo. Despite the fact that Sudarmo was implicated in the murder, he was never questioned by police. Instead Dwi Sumaji, an employee of an advertising company, was plied with drink, provided with a prostitute, and promised money by police in return for confessing to Udin's murder. Although eventually brought to trial, on November 27, 1997, the case was thrown out by the Bantul district court for lack of evidence.
4. Sara: Suku, agama, ras dan antar golongan, An acronym meaning ethnic, religious, racial and inter-group conflicts. A loosely defined term with negative connotations, it is frequently used by the regime to describe conflicts which are deemed to threaten "national unity" or "stability" and are at odds with the state ideology of Pancasila and the concept of "unity in diversity".
5. MPR: Mejalis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People's Consultative Assembly. The highest legislative body in the country with 1,000 members, 425 of whom are elected with the remainder being appointed by the president. It meets once every five years (usually around a year after the general elections) to hear an outgoing report from the president, enact the Broad Outlines of State Policy (Garis Besar Haluan Negara, GBHN) and to vote on nominations for the president and vice-president.
[Translated by James Balowski]
| East Timor |
MateBEAN - November 26, 1997 (posted by East Timor International Support Centre)
Dili – The credibility and capability of the National Commission of Human Rights (KOMNAS HAM) to find out ABRI's brutality in the University of East Timor late November 14, was in question. The uncertainty rose when Marzuki Darusman, the Commission's Vice- chairman acting as the Team Leader in a fact-finding mission, declared its findings. There was no death toll at all, the Report said. Anyway, the report rejected the armed forces accusation that there were rebels (GPK) sneaking into the university campus.
On Sunday 23 November, Marzuki Darusman met the press in Hotel Turismo Dili and confessed that the armed forces were still using force and violence in dealing with East Timor cases. "There are no development at all in the military side. They always use force," he said bitterly.
Many are in doubt to the accuracy of Komnasham's findings. They did not have enough resource persons who knew the case very well. The right people eligible for questioning were either afraid to testify or did not trust the agency because they are still doubting the objectivity of Komnasham
"Many of Komnasham's findings are the prove. Remember Komnasham's findings on the 27 July 1996 case? To cover their weakness, Komnasham used the word "disappeared" for the deaths. Another weakness is the way Komnasham works. They use a formal approach in contrary to undercover actions and not trained to make a human rights violation investigation. Sadly enough, Komnasham was also used by the government for human rights campaign in international forums," said an East Timor informal leader to MateBEAN.
Many of MateBEAN's resource persons regretted Marzuki's statement that the rumor of one student killed on the incident was made by certain foreign parties to discredit Indonesian Government. "As a member of a human rights fact-finding organization, Marzuki must only reveal facts without making political judgement. It seems now he is eligible for Ali Alatas's aide. It is a public secret that ABRI's best work is their ability to disguise the whereabouts of dead human bodies," said an UNTIM student sarcastically.
Accompanied by other team members, BN Marbun, Clementino dos Reis Amaral and Sugiri, Marzuki claimed that they had found human rights abuses in Untim Incident. Some students were wounded by rifle shots, hard objects hit other students. The Team also found students in bad condition; they found smashed or swollen faces with broken teeth, and wounded knees. Except the wounded students, another proof of human rights abuse was the bullet- ridden whiteboards, smashed glass windowpanes and bullet holes on the walls of Untim buildings.
Actually, The Team had made a strong and harsh statement against the way ABRI dealt with the students. They stressed a bitter fact in East Timor. "We can restore all material damages in a few days, but not the psychological impacts," the statement said. The hurt will linger in the hearts of East Timorese for a long time. It is also difficult to bring back the trust of people to the military and the local government. Many human rights abuses, mostly bloody, ignited a hate and grievance. It kept burning within the people's heart by other abuses. The trauma has made the students feel uncomfortable when they deal with the military.
"We can see political activities in campuses, but in dealing with this kind of activity in UNTIM, the military was always using force. Suspicion and alertness is always present among the students and the military. It will easily break into a chaotic situation. UNTIM Case is so insignificant but illogically the authorities mobilized heavy-equipped troops from many different security units. A forceful handling will always lead into human rights abuse. This is a trauma for the students and it creates hate. When the students retaliate, the military will accuse them as GPKs.
He went through with his statement by stressing the need to use historical backgrounds to judge the incident. UNTIM Incident exploded because there are a sphere of suspicion among ABRI soldiers and the students. "We must not forget the facts; former incidents where ABRI used violence against the people of East Timor made the students suspicious to the military and hated them so much."
"Not a single death was found, but near-dead victims, yes," said him. "No GPKs sneaking into the campus. They are only students. During the shootings, two non-student civilians run for cover in the UNTIM complex. And now, these two civilians had been released by the authorities," Darusman added. Marzuki also said that political mechanism in East Timor is not yet functioning normally. UNTIM Incident was simple so simple in nature but it went off into a big explosion within a short time.
Clementino dos Reis Amaral, the Commission's secretary for field monitoring commission suggested the authorities to Relocate University of East Timor's campus from the present site. He considered that the campus buildings are too near to the military barracks of the 744th Army Battalion. Suspicion among the students and the soldiers will grow bigger and it will hamper academic activities.
According to a source, up to this moment, sixteen students still in custody, three students reported missing and six others would be taken for trial.
Lusa - December 12, 1997
Dili – Two East Timorese human rights organisations said on Thursday that they had received during this year 339 complaints of human rights violations committed by the Indonesian security forces stationed in the territory.
Comissao Pastoral de Justica and Fundacao de Direitos, Justica e Liberdade released the figures, that includes youth arrested during a visit to East Timor in March by an United Nations special envoy and others detained following guerrilla attacks to military targets on 29 May.
A spokesman for the Comissao Pastoral de Justica said, "human rights violations in East Timor is something common", involving arbitrary arrests, torture, missing people or killings.
Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later in a move not recognised by the United Nations that still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.
MateBEAN - December 5, 1997
Dili – Lautem local government harassed the activity of the new East Timor Reconciliation Movement (GRPRTT). The movement itself was the initiative of ex-local parliament member, Manuel Carrascalao and Maria Quintao.
The Bupati (regent) of Lautem, Edmundo da Concecao E Silva collected condemnation statements from pro-integration factions. The bupati and local military authorities were also influenced pro-integration local youth organi- zations to resist GRPRTT. Among them is AMPI (Indonesian Young Generation of Development), FKKPI, (Armed Forces Daughters and Sons Forum) Pemuda Pancasila (Pancasila Youth), Pemuda Panca Marga (ex-criminal organization) and Kosgoro (Golkar's cooperative organization).
A local journalist told MateBEAN that the new organization had spread all over East Timor, especially among the youth. They raise a sensitive but valid question: Why Indonesia invaded and occupied East Timor.
A rivalry between Manuel Carrascalao and Abilio Jose Soares ended when Jakarta appointed the Armed Forces-backed Soares, as the Governor of East Timor. It leads into the forming of Group 7, formerly pro-integration acti- vists, and now became anti- integrationist. Then the Group 7 formed the GRPRTT and went popular among the East Timorese youngsters.
Manuel Carascalao is the elder brother of Mario Carrascalao, formerly the governor of East Timor and now Indonesian ambassador in Rumania. He showed his dissatisfaction after he saw gross human rights violations in East Timor since ABRI came to occupy. He became more disappointed after the authorities replaced his closest friends' position in the local government. They are all critical towards Indonesian policies in East Timor.
National Catholic Reporter - October 11, 1996
Jakarta – After enduring 21 years of brutal occupation at the hands of the Indonesian military, the East Timorese people deserve the long-suppressed right to decide their future for themselves, said Florentino Sarmento, one of the most prominent and respected leaders of the East Timorese Catholic community.
Sarmento, in addition to being the vice chairman of the Commission for Peace and Justice of the Dili diocese, is also president of the parish council of the Motael Church, and chairman of the ETADEP Foundation, a non-governmental organization that assists East Timorese with agricultural development, animal husbandry and the establishment of credit cooperatives in rural areas. In a recent interview, Sarmento expressed dismay at the ongoing repression and hardship endured by his people.
"These are very difficult times in East Timor. ... People are arrested without proper procedure – being beaten, being tortured. ... The pattern exists again and again, and you get tired of it after 20 years."
The pattern has indeed been long-standing. According to Amnesty International and other human rights groups, since Indonesia's invasion of overwhelmingly Catholic East Timor in December 1975, the small island-nation has lost an estimated one-third of its population – 200,000 people – to starvation and killing. While the U.N. Security Council has twice passed resolutions condemning Indonesia's occupation, the military stranglehold on the island continues. One of the reasons is that Western governments, unlike when Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, have refused to stand up to Indonesia's aggression. Although the United States, Britain and others have voiced concern about human rights abuses on the island, they have also served as the main suppliers of weapons and training assistance to the Indonesian military.
Sarmento is especially concerned with the long-term effects that the two decades of occupation have had on East Timor's youth, saying that, in recent years, not even the Catholic church can provide safe haven from the violence enveloping the island.
"Young people in East Timor are the product of violence, two decades of violence. ... Today the church experiences a lot of harassment. The church is not at all a safe place for people. Nothing can escape."
"As long as you keep silence," Sarmento adds, "you can watch what's happening. ... But we are Catholic – we cannot keep silent in the face of killings."
Sarmento's grim appraisal of the current situation carries special weight in light of the fact that he has long been viewed as flexible in his dealings with the Indonesian authorities. Unlike some East Timorese resistance leaders, Sarmento does not believe that East Timor can have a future without working out some form of relationship to Indonesia. The crucial thing, he said, is that the nature of this relationship be determined freely and independently by the East Timorese themselves.
Asked his opinion of official claims by the Suharto regime that East Timor is benefiting from Indonesian rule, Sarmento scoffs. "Whoever is speaking for the Indonesian Embassy and saying these things is not a Timorese. Not a single Timorese would opt for integration with Indonesia in the current form, with the occupation and the military (in place). ... If all these successes (claimed by Indonesia) are true, why is it that outstanding human rights activists from Indonesia are not allowed to visit East Timor?"
Last December, on the 20th anniversary of Indonesia's invasion, roughly 100 Indonesians and East Timorese jointly entered the Russian and Dutch embassies in Jakarta and called for East Timor's self-determination. An Indonesian NGO, Solidaritas Perjuangan Rakyat Indonesia untuk Rakyat Maubere, has meanwhile formed to monitor the situation there.
The Suharto regime has been doing its best to silence such voices. In fact, it is currently engaged in a major crackdown against critics of all kinds.
The crackdown began July 27 when hundreds of Indonesian troops stormed the Jakarta headquarters of the opposition Democratic Party of Indonesia, whose popular leader, Megawati Sukarnoputri, was forcibly ousted by the government a month earlier. Following the storming of the PDI headquarters, which triggered riots throughout much of Jakarta, the Indonesian government launched a massive, still ongoing assault on suspected opposition leaders. Numerous NGOs have been harassed and had their offices raided; hundreds of people have been picked up off the streets for interrogation and torture; and the leader of Indonesia's largest independent union, Muchtar Pakpahan of the Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union has been arrested and is being tried for "subversion," a charge that carries the death penalty.
Like most East Timorese, Sarmento is careful not to involve himself in Indonesia's internal politics. Still, he said, support and solidarity for East Timor from the outside has been critical in boosting morale. "I and the organization I work for experience a lot of support, not only from democracy groups in Indonesia but from movements in Europe, Canada, the United States, Asia and especially Australia. ... People have you in their hearts and their minds, and this is very encouraging." One of the groups expressing solidarity for East Timor is the U.S. Catholic community. In July 1994, the U.S. Catholic Conference issued a statement in support of East Timor, calling for an end to human rights violations and a reduction in the military's presence. Still, Sarmento said that the Catholic community could be doing more to draw attention to the issues at hand.
"I would like to see more (from the church) in terms of human rights violations. ... The right of East Timor for independence is not just because we are Catholic but because this is a right." Tom Quigley, policy adviser on East Asian Affairs for the U.S. Catholic Bishop's Forum, said that the church does not take a formal position on East Timor's self-determination, backing current efforts by Portugal and Indonesia to work out a solution. But the Catholic community does, he said, regularly issue statements protesting the human rights violations there. "It is a constant issue, one that socially concerned members of the Catholic community are well aware of."
For Sarmento, the hope remains that continued pressure from the international community will eventually result in change. He noted the rising international prominence of Bishop Carlos Belo, the outspoken head of the East Timorese Catholic church. "I really feel scared, after 20 years – even someone like myself, who once favored integration (with Indonesia). ... But we still have hope, especially with solidarity."
The AustraAsian - December 12, 1997
Darwin – East Timor activist Vaughan Williams from the Darwin- based Australians for a Free East Timor is due to appear at the Northern Territory's Darwin Magistrates Court on Monday December 15 for publicly displaying pictures of East Timorese women being tortured by the Indonesian Armed Forces (Abri).
He is being charged by police under the Northern Territory's Summary Offences Code 320 for "offensive behaviour in a public place" which carries a fine of Aus$105.
Mr Williams' exhibition, at the Darwin City Mall, was in conjuction with World Human Rights Day and he had a valid permit, issued by the Darwin City Council, to hold it. The pictures have been confiscated by the Northern Territory Police and will be used as evidence against Mr Williams on Monday.
These photographs were released around the world on the eve of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (Apec) Summit in Vancouver late last month, in which Indonesia's President Suharto attended.
The photgraphs show hooded Abri soldiers torturing naked and half-naked young East Timorese women, tying them to a tree and holding cigarette butts close to their naked bodies – which appear to be bruised and spattered with blood.
The photgraphs also show a Christian Cross and messages in Bahasa Indonesia written on their skin. The words read: "This is a Timorese champion, this is what becomes when anti-RI," or Republic of Indonesia.
Jawa Pos - December 3, 1997 (Unabridged translation posted by Tapol)
Three of Horta's bodyguards were arrested yesterday by Oxford police and held in a cell in St Aldate police station after being caught beating up Ahmad Hanif, an Indonesian student, in the forecourt of St Anthony's College, Oxford University. One of them needed medical treatment because his finger was bitten by Hanif as he tried to defend himself.
Jawa Pos correspondent, Djoko Susilo, reported last night that this incident occurred after Horta was defeated in a debate with Indonesian students at the highly prestigious Oxford Union Debating Society. The debate about East Timor took place on Monday evening This was part of a tour being made by Horta; earlier he failed to win the sympathy of the public in Cardiff (South Wales).
In choosing to go to Oxford, Horta was hoping to conquer the very well-known centre of intellectual thought but his meeting was only attended by fifty people, some of whom were Indonesian students. These students were led by Ahmad Hanif from Surabaya, an official from the state oil company Pertamina who is doing a doctoral course in Chemistry in Oxford. They succeeded in demolishing Horta's arguments.
Probably because Horta had been such a failure and felt very ashamed, his bodyguards were livid with anger. They were unable to attack Hanif and his friends on Monday night because of the tight security so their criminal intentions exploded on Tuesday at 4,45pm as the Indonesian students were about to attend a public lecture to be given by Horta at St Anthony's.
According to Hanif, he was just going to the car park together with Octavianus Kristiantoro, a lecturer from the Faculty of Technology, Atmajaya, Yogyakarta who was also going to attend Horta's lecture. They didnt realise that they were being followed by four East Timorese who were escorting Horta. On the way to the car park, Kristiantoro went to the toilet so his missed being beaten. 'They tried to push down the lavatory door but couldn't open it,' said Kristiantoro who was recently elected to chair the Indonesian Students Association branch in Cardiff. Unable to attack him, they turned on Hanif who was just getting into his car.
'You're the one who disrupted the meeting yesterday,' they yelled at Hanif, as they began to attack him. This small-bodied man, taken by surprise, tried to protect himself. But under blows from the four men, he fell to the ground and they stamped on his face.
'I was only trying to defend myself and I managed to bit the finger of one of them,' said Hanif. He wasn't able to recognise his attackers as it was getting dark in Oxford. He was then rushed to hospital. The police were contacted by University security and arrived on the scene soon after, when they arrested three of the four who had attacked Hanif. They were handcuffed and taken to the police station where they are still being held in a cell while awaiting their proces verbal.
Hanif was taken to St Redcliffe Hospital for treatment and a check-up by a doctor. He will press charges against Horta's bodyguard for their criminal actions against him.
The Indonesian embassy in London received a report of the incident and sent Asyraf Rahman, head of consular affairs, to investigate the incident. He told Jawa Pos correspondent that he would do everything possible to assist Hanif in pressing charges against Horta's bodyguards.
[Another Indonesian and Rogerio Pereira are also quoted as condemning the actions of the East Timorese.]
Terror and intimidation were clearly used during the public lecture in Oxford. While Horta was speaking from the podium, other members of Fretilin who have not yet been arrested by the Oxford police terrorised the Indonesian students who were present. They were led by Arsenio Sequera Costa, who comes from Oecusse.
'How many of you are there. There are plenty of us as well. If necessary, let's meet someone and have a fight,' Arsenio shouted to the Indonesians in the lecture hall.
Because of this act of terror, the Indonesian embassy has asked the police in Oxford to protect Indonesians from such terror.
Indonesian embassy statement:
The Indonesian embassy in London received a report on 2 December from an Indonesian student in Oxford, Odo Manuhutu about the beating and torturing of a friend of his, who was about to attend a lecture on East Timor to be given by Ramos-Horta.
His colleague was beaten up by four persons believed to be sympathisers of Ramos Horta. Just before the lecture was due to start, the student went out of the hall for something and was followed by four persons, all thought to be Horta sympathisers. After a brief conversation, the four set about beating him, as a result of which he had to be rushed to hospital for treatment. He was discharged from hospital later that evening.
The embassy sent a consular official to Oxford to undertake investigations and to seek protection for the persons in question.
The consular official was told that three of the four persons had been arrested by the police and that after questioning, they were released.
Further details about those responsible and the incident are not yet available because it was outside office hours. The police asked the student who had been beaten to return to the police station the next day to give further details of the incident. On this occasion, he will be accompanied by an embassy official.
This unfortunate incident was witnessed by a security official and was captured on closed circuit TV.
It is greatly to be regretted that violence was used by persons thought to be sympathisers of Horta during an academic lecture at which the principle of the freedom of expression should have been upheld, and considering that the event was said to be in the interests of peace.
London - December 3, 1997
Tapol - December 9, 1997
An Indonesian journalist named Joko Susilo from Jawa Pos has made a report from Oxford about people who were alleged to be the bodyguards of Jose Ramos-Horta in Oxford on 3 December. This is a complete distortion of what happened when Mr. Jose Ramos Horta gave his talk about East Timor in Oxford on 2 of December.
I am concern that Joko Susilo is not just a journalist for Jawa Pos but a supporter of the Indonesian embassy in their efforts to counter accurate information about East Timor particularly when Mr. Ramos Horta gave a number of talks on East Timor during his visit to the U.K .
A few months ago some of my friends were targeted by the same group who this month followed Mr. Ramos Horta during his visit to Cardiff and Oxford. Last week, Tapol. the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign, received a letter from two students at the University of Wales who wrote that they had felt intimidated by Indonesians who came to Cardiff to speak against Ramos Horta during his visit and they recognized some of them as the same Indonesians who were in Swansea a few months ago to speak out against one of my friends when he went there to talk about East Timor.
The report by Joko Susilo is just a part of Indonesia's strategy in its war against the East Timorese struggle for peace and freedom for their country. In the U.K, there are plenty of Indonesian students who have been assigned by the embassy to speak against East Timorese when they give talks about East Timor. They are here as students and of course they are closely monitored by the Indonesian embassy in London. They are quite different from great Indonesians like Muchtar Pakpahan , Budiman Sudjatmiko, and Dita Sari who have made great sacrifices to fight for social justice and democracy in Indonesia. These people also have taken a strong position on East Timor and believe that the East Timorese people should be given the opportunity to choose what they wanted to do with their own country.
You may notice that after one of the Indonesians was beaten by the Timorese on 2 December, an Indonesian named Odo Manuhutu who was busy speaking out against Ramos Horta speech during his visits to Cardiff and Oxford called the embassy in London, and did not report to the police in the area to inform them about what had happened to his friend. This means that they were working for the embassy and that everything that happened during the meetings where Ramos Horta spoke had to be reported back the embassy in London.
All the Timorese who beat the Indonesian in Oxford have lost members of their families in East Timor, who were killed by the Indonesian army. Quite understandably, it is difficult for them to control their emotions after having lost relatives who were killed by the Indonesian army and after they had been forced to leave their own country. Yet even so, when some of us Timorese talk about what happen in East Timor these Indonesians stand up and claim that what we say is not true. So that was how my East Timorese friends expressed their anger.
All of us Timorese know what the Indonesians are trying to do. In 1975 the Indonesians used communism propaganda to invade East Timor and occupy it . Now that the cold war is over, we Timorese people are no longer called communists; instead we are people who disrupt security (GPK). In the past few months, the Indonesian have started with a new strategy of calling our resistance 'terrorist'. Not only that. They seem to think that we are eye witnesses without eyes . That is why they keep on following us to contradict our information about East Timor. They ignore the fact that thousands of Timorese have been murdered secretly, in the way that terrorists kill, during the war against the East Timorese people and it is still happening up to the present time.
The Indonesians ignore the right of the people of East Timor to self-determination which has been affirmed by the United Nations through a number of resolutions adopted since 1975. The occupation of East Timor by the Indonesian armed forces has been condemned internationally as illegal.
The interesting thing is that Jose Ramos Horta did not talk only about East Timor but he also criticized social injustice and human right violations in Indonesia that have been suffered by Muchtar Pakpahan, Budiaman Sudjatmiko, Dita Sari and others who are fighting for the Indonesian people and who are yearning for justice and peace.
I am really concerned that those who support the Suharto regime, like the group who went to disrupt the meetings addressed by Ramos Horta in Oxford, Cardiff and elsewhere would behave in the same way towards people who want peace and justice in East Timor or Indonesia. These are dangerous elements for the pro -democracy movement and are standing in the way of change in Indonesia in favour of democracy.
Arsenio Bano - 9 December 1997
MateBEAN - December 5, 1997 (Posted by Tapol)
Dili – The identity of the four young men of Mau- bara, Liquisa is still a mystery. Witnesses interviewed by local journalists still can not gave assurance whether the killer was Fretilin Resistance group or ABRI soldiers disguising themselves as Fretilin.
People found four dead bodies on December 3, 97, in Sare village, Mau-bara. They are Imersio (20), Fernando (33), Patrisio (24), and Berdito (21); all of them were members of local Catholic Youth organization (MUDIKA). Ap-parently murdered brutally, their legs and hands tied by ropes. By the look of their wounds, they must have been tortured badly before the murderers finished them.
The Indonesian Army claimed that the four young people were killed by Fretilin guerillas. Colonel Slamat Sidabutar, the 167th Military Resort Com- mander, released an official statement and said that the four people is being murdered somewhere between Maubara and Sare village while they accompanied unknown strangers. The strangers came to Maubara on November 28, 1997 and joined local Catholic youths working for the coming Mass to commemorate Saint Mary Day.
"The strangers asked some local youths to accompany them to Sare village and on the way to the village, they unsheathed machetes and fire arms and killed their guides brutally," reported the military authorities in detail.
Local journalists expressed their doubts. "We are still investigating this case," said a local journalist in Dili. "There are still unanswered questions regarding the military version. For instance, how can the military reported the killing in detail while there were no witnesses around."
"These last days, many civilians living in remote areas were killed brutally by unknown assassinators. And the military was always accusing Fretilin guerillas as the ones to be responsible," the journalist explained.
Another source also speculated the possibility of SGI, the special intelligence task force unit of the elite Red Beret commandos, on their effort to discredit Fretilin, as the one behind these killings.
Another version said that the killings were an intelligence operation by the military to counter photographs circulated in international human rights groups. The photograph shows ABRI personnel in combat fatigues tortured East Timorese. The most recent photographs distributed in Vancouver, showed military personnel torture an East Timor woman. By seeing the photographs, some people believe that the torture was happen in SGI station in Dili. MateBEAN's sources said that the Indonesian army purposely did the killings to give bad image to the Resistance. "The army wanted to show the world that anti-integration terrorists were behind the killings and by doing so, the military spread terror among East Timor civilians," said him.
MateBEAN - December 9, 1997 (posted by Tapol)
Vancouver – East Timor resistance spokesman Jose Ramos-Horta has a good sense of humanity. When Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas was hospitalized in the Medistra Hospital in Jakarta in 1994, Ramos- Horta managed to send a facsimile.
He sent the facsimile to the hospital and addressed it to the room where Alatas, the man who spearheaded the Indonesian side of the debate on East Timor, was staying. Ramos-Horta politely wished that Alatas get well soon.
In an exclusive interview with MateBEAN on the sidelines of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Vancouver, the Nobel Peace Prize co-laureate spoke about several issues.
Excerpts:
Q: You claim to be a representative to Xanana Gusmao. How do you keep in touch with Xanana in the Cipinang prison in Jakarta?
A: I have no direct contact with Xanana Gusmao. I just read occasional statements or interviews that he makes. As far as the situation in East Timor is concerned, there are an abundance of sources including from Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo whom I consider to be the most trusted sources of information in East Timor. I believe in whatever Bishop Belo says. I have almost a blind faith toward him because of his courage and because he always speaks the truth. He never hides the truth and never exaggerates the problem in East Timor. And I always keep in touch with him. Recently in our meeting in Austria, I was very impressed by his courage in denouncing the situation in East Timor.
I also get information from Nino Konis Santana and varied sources on the ground, including the church. I can form a reasonably clear picture of the situation in East Timor.
Q: The Indonesian military just recently alleged that you are involved in the production of bombs in Demak to spread terror. Can you clarify that?
A: They accuse me of everything, from demonstrations in Dili, demonstrations in Baucau, demonstrations in Tokyo, in Vancouver... Jose Ramos-Horta is always in charge. It's a total fabrication.
Regarding the group responsible for the bomb-making, the irony is, they alwaysattacked me in the past. I have a whole collection of press releases that this group put out through their crazy representative Dr. Azancot Menezes. For the past five or six years, they have issued many statements attacking me. From accusing me of betraying Xanana, that I am the one who told the Indonesians where Xanana was, to that I have embezzled funds.
You know, a few years ago there was an controversy with Xanana's ex-wife, Emilia Gusmao. I received order from Xanana that a US$100,000 was to be used in Washington to support our lobbying effort. And that was what I decided to do. But his wife did not agree with it and said it should be sent to the guerillas. I refused, not because I did not want to support the guerillas. If I could send a helicopter to Konis Santana, I would send it. This group used this as an excuse to accuse me of embezzlement.
Q: You're also criticized to rely more on foreigners rather than the East Timorese?
A: It's again false! Look how many people are working with me right now? There is one French person. We need a person with multilingual skills, a perfect command of English, French and Portuguese, which she has. But at the same time, I have trained many East Timorese for diplomatic work like Constantino Pinto, Jose Amorim Dias, Abe Barreto. Many of them are in Australia, Europe and I am the one who initiated the East Timor Human Rights Center in Melbourne. The majority are East Timorese, some working and some on training. Many East Timorese have also attended diplomacy workshops to learn how to do international lobbying. So in terms of working with me, there are probably 20 to 30 East Timorese people working full time and only one who is not from East Timor. Of course, I work with many foreigners who are in the solidarity movement. They're outstanding people whom I respect and trust for their commitment and generosity in giving their time. They're Australians, Asians, Americans, Canadians and Europeans. We have a long standing solidarity movement all over the world.
Q: How do you see Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, your main opponent, who is widely considered to be a brilliant diplomat?
A: I do not know whether he's a brilliant diplomat or not. My observation is not complete. But what I can say is that I have a lot of respect for him. He seemed to be a very decent human being. Other people who have met him and have respect for him told me that he's a very decent human being and does not agree with the army's policy in East Timor. Sometimes he is very frustrated, angry with the way the army behaves in East Timor.
According to the agreement between Kofi Annan and the Security Council and the African group, Kofi Annan is said to serve only one term. The next would be the turn of Asia. Of course, I don't agree with that because the U.N. Charter on it does not exist. But there has been an established tradition that the Secretary General serves for around 10 years.
There's no limit to the term but a practice has already been established. Kofi Annan is serving five years. However, if they all agree that it should be the turn of Asia, it's a justified shame that Ali Alatas cannot take the position because of the regime's stand on East Timor. If it was not for the regime's stand on East Timor, I would enthusiastically endorse Ali Alatas for Secretary General because he would do a good job.
Q: How about people like George Aditjondro? An Indonesian who openly takes your side.
A: I have known George since 1974. He's the first Indonesian who I have met sympathetic to the people of East Timor's right to self determination. When I visited Indonesia in June 1974 to meet with [Foreign Minister] Adam Malik, George was a journalist for TEMPO magazine. If you see an June 1979 issue of TEMPO, you will see my picture on the front cover. George explained to me at the time why I was on the cover. Instead of Unitaria Democratia de Timor (UDT) or Apodeti leaders, the editorial board of TEMPO decided that I should appear on the cover because my group, Asociao Socialista Democratia de Timor (ASDT) wanted independence. Which was consistent with the spirit of decolonisation, at the time. UDT was seen as being a step backwards as it represented neo-colonialism as they wanted to stay with Portugal and Apodeti was seen as being even worse as it was a new wave of colonialism. Apodeti wanted to integrate with Indonesia.
Q: What about TEMPO chief editor Goenawan Mohamad? What's his role?
A: Goenawan Mohamad, I didn't know him then. But I heard about him years later. He is probably one of the most respected Indonesian journalists internationally. I was happy to meet him. I'm a former journalist myself. People like Goenawan Mohamad, George Aditjondro and Muchtar Pakpahan are fighting in an extremely difficult situation. One day they will be remembered by history as the pioneer of the democracy movement. Their contribution is an valuable one. I know how difficult it is for Indonesians to speak out and support the East Timor struggle. Many years ago in 1981 I wrote a letter to Adnan Buyung Nasution. I had heard a lot about Buyung's stand on human rights issues. So I wrote; even if the Indonesian Intellectuals, academics and journalists do not support the East Timorese people's struggle for self determination, they still have a moral obligation to speak out about the gross human rights violations in East Timor. You cannot remain silent.
Inter Press Service - December 9, 1997
Sonny Inbaraj, Darwin – A number of East Timorese women have been covertly sterilised under Indonesia's national family programme as part of efforts to "undermine the survival" of its people as a distinct group, a new study says.
Miranda Sissons, an Australian academic from the Centre for International and Area Studies at the U.S.-based Yale University, says the programme is creating a climate of fear in East Timor through compulsory injections of a controversial contraceptive, Depo-Provera, and sterilisation without the consent of women.
The Indonesian government dismissed as a "political hoax" the accusations against its family planning programme, called Keluarga Berencana Nasional (KB).
Occupied by Indonesian troops since 1975, East Timor is a sensitive point for the Jakarta government. Since that time, a guerrilla movement has been seeking self-rule for its homeland. Indonesia considers East Timor its 27th province, but the United Nations does not recognise its rule.
In her study, Sissons said a number of young East Timorese women she interviewed described consistent accounts of being injected a series of times with "unknown substances" in their final years of high school, between 1988 to 1989. These women later complained that they stopped menstruating, and some had prolonged problems with their periods.
Amenorrhoea, the cessation of menstruation, and disruption of menstrual cycles is known to affect one-third of women using progestin-only contraceptives, according to medical research. Depo- Provera is a progestin-only, long-term hormonal contraceptive.
Sissons' report, 'From One Day to Another: Violations of Women's Reproductive and Sexual Rights in East Timor', was published by the East Timor Human Rights Centre in Melbourne, Australia.
It says the East Timorese girls were made to believe by KB authorities that they were getting "vaccinations" when they were actually injected with Depo-Provera.
"Students were not informed of when these injections were going to take place, unlike with vaccinations at primary school, and the doors were locked to prevent escape," wrote Sissons.
"The injections were only for girls; they allowed the boys to go home. This was in Year 12. The boys asked why they didn't have to have them, but were given no reason. Everyone ran away if possible. No Indonesians came to school then, only Timorese. They made excuses why they were away. They used one needle for the whole class," an interviewee who attended the Becora High School in East Timor's capital, Dili, told Sissons.
But Indonesia's minister for demography, Haryono Suyono, dismissed Sissons' findings.
"This is an ancient rumour and an undermining political hoax," he told the 'Sydney Morning Herald'. "Only 20 per cent of East Timorese adults use contraceptives. We never try to force any contraceptive use against their will."
Still, Sissons argues that there is a disturbingly high reliance on injectable contraceptives in East Timor, which at 62 percent of all continuing family planning users is double that of the next nearest province, Irian Jaya.
"This pattern suggests that KB users in East Timor have highly restricted choice of contraceptive methods. It also raises larger questions regarding the likelihood of covert contraceptive usage," she explained.
The Yale academic accuses Indonesian government of using the KB programme as a "politically-motivated instrument to deliberately undermine the survival of the East Timorese as a national group".
The covert sterilisations take two forms, Sissons says.
"The first consists of sterilisations conducted in tandem with Caesarean deliveries, in which women who had delivered their last child by Caesarean section would later find that they were inexplicably infertile," her report said.
"The second alleges that women in hospital for other kinds of operations, such as appendectomies, would leave the hospital and later find themselves unable to conceive," it added.
Sissons cites a case in 1989, when a Dili woman who had become infertile after an appendectomy, was told by her doctor that she had most likely been sterilised while under an anaesthetic.
James Dunn, the Australian consul in East Timor before Indonesian forces invaded the island in December 1975 and now a known writer on foreign affairs, has conducted a study on census statistics there since the invasion.
In 1994, he told the New Zealand Parliament: "Before 1975, East Timor had a population of 688,000, which was growing at just two percent per annum. Assuming that it did not grow any faster, the population today ought to be 980,000 or more – almost a million people."
"If you look at the recent Indonesian census, the Timorese population is probably 650,000. That means it is actually less than it was 18 years ago. I don't think there is any case in post- World War II history where such a decline of population has occurred in these circumstances," he had said. "It's worse than Cambodia and Ethiopia."
Sissons says further analysis into East Timor's demographics is difficult because of the lack of statistics.
"There are no accessible figures for fertility rates and population growth prior to 1980, nor are there official statistics on population loss. These kinds of information are fundamental in assessing the structures and desirability of family planning and population control programs," she said.
"Indonesia's rhetorical commitments to women's human rights hold little value in the face of ongoing discrimination and human rights abuses suffered by the women of East Timor," she added.
Added Sissons: "Instead, political and administrative factors have caused women to suffer a history of pain and humiliation at the hands of the Indonesian military and government."
In a report last month to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, the East Timor Human Rights Centre said Indonesia had ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This, the group said, creates responsibility on the government's part to promote and protect the rights of East Timorese women.
In 1994, Indonesia played a major role in preparations for the 1995 Beijing conference on women, by hosting the Second Asian and Pacific ministerial conference on women. There, the government signed the Jakarta Declaration, affirming that women's rights are "inalienable, integral and indivisible parts of universal human rights", and that CEDAW's implementation was "crucial", the centre said.
But "this commitment has not yet been borne out in practice and gestures towards international legitimacy will remain meaningless until the Indonesian government takes concrete steps toward ending violations of women's rights in East Timor," it concluded.
Tapol - December 8, 1997 (Based on a report posted in Bahasa Indonesia by Matabean)
The Movement for Reconciliation and Unity of the people of East Timor is being obstructed by the administration in the region of Lautem. The initiative to set up this movement was taken by Manuel Carrascalao, brother of the former governor, Mario, and Maria Quintao; both are former members of the local assembly.
The district chief of Lautem, Edmundo de Conceicao E Silva, together with other pro-intergation individuals have issued a statement attacking the movement. The district chief and local military commander have also called on pro-government youth groups to oppose the movement.
'This organisation which questions the occupation of East Timor by Indonesia has now spread to all parts of the territory,' a local journalist told Matabean.
The initiative to set the organisation up followed a conflict between Manuel Carrascalao and the present governor, Abilio Soares who had the support of the armed forces in the recent election of governor. Manuel then declared his opposition to East Timor's integration by forming a Group-of-7 composed of people who formerly supported integration. This group went ahead to set up the Movement for Reconciliation and Unity which has met with widespread support, particularly among the youth.
Manuel has expressed dissatisfaction with Indonesia because of the numerous human rights violations that have occurred since 1976. His dissatisfaction intensified when people from his circle who were becoming increasingly critical of Indonesia were removed from their positions in the administration.
| Environment/land disputes |
Antara - December 4, 1997
Jakarta – The Indonesian government has announced that it will stop issuing new logging permits except for Irian Jaya and East Timor.
The Forestry Ministry secretary general, Oetomo, said Wednesday that there were enough Forestry Concession Right Holders (HPH) in the country already.
He said it was now more important to improve the performance of the present HPH holders.
He said there were at present some 398 HPH holders, but the performances of a large number of them were not good, as could be seen from the number of annual working plan proposals rejected by the government.
However, the ministry would keep open the opportunity for investing in timber estates in Irian Jaya and East Timor, he said, adding that investors had so far been reluctant to invest there due to security reason.
DIGEST No.46 (Indonesian news with comment) - December 8, 1997
When established a decade ago, the Reforestation Fund promised to be medicine to heal the environmental wounds left by Indonesia's alarming rate of deforestation. Instead, the fund has become a convenient honey pot for anyone with the right connections, whether within the forest industry or outside it. The extent to which the fund would be at the mercy of crony capitalists, at the expense of the environment, was probably unforeseen. The fund desperately needs to be made accountable.
Parliamentarians such as Imam Churmen throughout 1997 quoted the Reforestation Fund (Dana Reboisasi, DR) as the prime example of the evils of extra-budgetary financing. They hoped the new law on State Non-tax Receipts (PNBP) would bring it under parliamentary scrutiny, but are not holding their breath waiting.
In February 1997 Forestry Minister Jamaludin Suryohadikusumo said the fund contained Rp 1.8 trillion (US$700 million at the prevailing exchange rate). His inferior said there was less. Observers were surprised. Simple calculations based on last year's figures showed there should have been well over twice that. No answers to their question 'where did it all go?' were forthcoming.
The Reforestation Fund is derived from a contribution averaging US$16 a cubic metre paid on raw timber by logging concession holders (HPH). Despite a reportedly high level of evasion abetted by corrupt officials at every level (official figures of about 10% may be conservative), the fund's income is large: at present Rp 800 billion (US$300 million) a year. Interest on capital brings in more.
While the Forestry Department likes to highlight the fund's cheap credit for small farmers to regreen logged-out forests, in reality over 60% of expenditure goes to help a small number of large companies engaged in the timber plantation and paper pulp industry.
The industrial forest scheme (Hutan Tanaman Industri, HTI) involves partnerships between private and government capital. The latter is often drawn from the Reforestation Fund, which in turn often comes from contributions paid by those same private companies in their capacity as loggers (HPH). The size and diversification of these companies has tended to make the Reforestation Fund a kitty at their beck and call, serving to improve Indonesia's leading global position in timber products rather than to restore the environment.
Ten of the thirteen big concerns that made their fortune felling virgin rain forest and are now making their mark turning commercial timber into pulp use Reforestation funds for their HTI ventures. Among them are Prayogo Pangestu's Barito Pacific, Bob Hasan's Kiani Lestari, his Astra and his ITCI, Probosutedjo's Mercu Buana, Rachman Halim's Gudang Garam, and Titiek Prabowo's Adindo.
It's a good deal. About half the DR money put into HTI projects are in the form of interest-free loans, and the other half carry less than commercial interest rates. The idea is to provide an incentive to move away from logging.
Problems abound. Cases are reported of HTI projects in virgin rain forest, or in viable people's plantation areas, rather than in logged-out forests. In June 1997 a journalist named Mohd. Sayuti died in suspicious circumstances in South Sulawesi: he was investigating alleged misuse of DR funds.
Reforestation, in short, has turned out to mean not rehabilitating the rain forest but replanting it with commercial timber. It may also turn out to mean paying for pulp factories making paper out of the timber. Probosutedjo, Suharto's half- brother, was in August 1997 under investigation for possibly diverting his DR loan to build a pulp factory rather than planting trees.
Timber tycoon and presidential golfing partner Bob Hasan was luckier: he had earlier won Suharto's approval for doing precisely that. He got a Rp 250 billion (US$100 million) loan from DR to help fund his giant pulp mill Kiani Kertas, near remote Tanjungredeb in East Kalimantan. Critics said the interest on the loan was 4% below commercial rates and would allow him to make a tidy profit just by putting it in the bank. Hasan said the money was merely a standby loan that he never touched. He also denied he had used it to fund his involvement in the Busang gold mining scam. In any case, the environmental group Walhi sued the president for issuing the loan to Kiani. As before, the suit failed in July 1997.
Another environmentally dubious scheme involving DR money is the 'one million hectare' project to convert peat swamps into irrigated rice fields in South Kalimantan. Rp 500 billion of DR funds were put into this scheme in 1995. Critics asked why money was being used to cut down forest rather than to restore it.
The political impotence of the Forestry Minister over against well- connected business, combined with inadequate transparency, has delivered the Reforestation Fund scandal after scandal.
In June 1994 the president ordered an interest-free loan of Rp 400 billion (US$185 million) from the fund for Habibie's state- owned aircraft manufacturer IPTN, to help it develop the N-2130, a commuter jet. When this initially secret loan was exposed in parliament, a consortium of environmental groups led by Walhi lodged a suit against the president. They said he had broken government regulations of 1990 that forbade using the DR for non- forestry purposes. The suit was thrown out in December 1994.
IPTN appears to be in deep financial trouble, and in January 1997 the government announced it had turned the loan into equity in IPTN. This meant the loan did not have to be repaid. Yet only eight months previously another Rp 35 billion had been taken out of DR to swell a big private fund led by Suharto himself to prop up the N- 2130 development project. The Reforestation Fund had become a convenient safety net for troubled state-owned corporations.
Other non-forestry interests have been drawn to the fund as well. Every year since 1994 the Forestry Minister has made standby funds available drawn from DR to cover national budget short falls (in Indonesia the budget must be balanced by law). The standby funds were used in 1994/95, but not in other years.
During the latest currency crisis in August 1997, Rp 400 billion of DR funds were temporarily turned into Bank of Indonesia Certificates (SBI) at lower than commercial interest rates, in a partially successful attempt to prop up the falling rupiah exchange rate.
In April 1996 Rp 100 billion of DR funds were donated to the family welfare scheme Takesra. In May 1997 the Forestry Minister denied DR money had gone into Tommy Suharto's 'national car' project, but added it could at any time if the president wished it.
Meanwhile the environmental crises occurring all over Indonesia are not getting the attention they deserve. For example, the director- general in charge of DR himself acknowledges Indonesia is not doing enough to deal with the loss of mangroves caused by rapidly expanding commercial prawn farms in coastal areas. Environmentalists lamented the failure to use DR funds to deal with the massive forest fires in October 1997.
The World Bank supports the Reforestation Fund and wants the average contribution rate more than doubled. If the Bank wants to put the environment first, it may need to rethink, and then act first to ensure the fund becomes more accountable.
[Gerry van Klinken, editor, Inside Indonesia magazine]
| Human rights/law |
SiaR - December 12, 1997
Bekasi – The role of a paster is to help the "little" people, the poor and neglected. So it is natural for them to help those who are suffering. Thus said the presiding judge, Margono at the trial of Romo Sandyawan and his brother Benny Sumardi at the Bekasi state court, Monday (8/12).
During yesterdays trial, the prosecution was unable to present two jailed witnesses from the People's Democratic Party (PRD), Jacobus Eko Kurniawan and Suroso. The prosecution was only able to present two other witnesses, police Sargent Hamid and Sabenih, a driver from the Jakarta Social Institute.
According to a prosecution report to the court, they have been unable to present the two PRD witnesses because their status is unclear. "Both have yet to be processed", said the prosecutor. But in the end the judge asked the prosecution to present both witnesses next Monday (14/12).
During the hearing which continued for around two hours, Hamid from the police headquarters broke out into a cold sweat when answering the questions of the defence lawyer, Luhud Pangaribuan
From his answers it transpired that the witness had been monitoring the activities at the Indonesian Democratic Party headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro [Central Jakarta] for one month, between June 20 to July 26, 1997.
"In accordance with my superiors' instructions, I made notes of the negative things said by Budiman [Sujatmiko, chair of the PRD] and others" said Hamid. Hamid's statements just made Luhud angry and he continued to ask questions repeatedly.
"By negative things [I mean] for example that they were related to insulting the president, state officials, the armed forces and so on", he said. The daily reports he wrote were as many as 5-6 pages long.
When given a chance to ask a question, Romo Sandy posed a question which surprised the witness. Because of the "weight" of the question, the presiding judge cut it off and told the witness they did not have to answer.
"I want to ask, was the witness happy after they knew that the as a result of the witnesse's report many people were arrested and jailed. As a human being, not as a tool of the state, is the witness satisfied with this", said Romo Sandy – who was immediately cut off by the judge.
To the other witness, Sabenih, Romo Sandy only said that it appeared that the witness was "groggy" and frightened. Usually, according to Romo, Sabenih is a person who had often pointed out whoever had to be helped.
"One time, when we traveled to see some people down trodden by the military, Sabenih suggested that people like that must be helped. He said the helping [people like that] is in accordance with his religion, Islam", said Romo Sandy.
The court proceedings yesterday were not as tense as the first days of the hearing. The presiding judge occasionally made jokes which cause those present to laugh. For example, yesterday he said that each witness should get payment. But because the [the money in the] accounts were small, the court could not give [any money] to the witnesses. "Perhaps it was returned to Pak Mari'ie Muhammad*," he said.
* Mari'ie Muhamad is the finance minister responsible for the closure of 16 financially insoluble banks following the recent IMF aid package.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Creators Syndicate - December 8, 1997
[A syndicated column circulated to a number of publications.]
Norman Solomon – One day in the spring of 1995, some policemen arrived and took Ahmad Taufik away. His crime? Independent journalism.
The Indonesian authorities condemned him for "sowing hatred against the government" – in other words, writing honestly about such matters as human rights.
He'd been a staff reporter for Tempo, a mainstream magazine, until dictator Suharto banned it and two other Indonesian news weeklies in 1994. Then Taufik helped to found the Alliance of Independent Journalists and served as the organization's president.
The unauthorized group began to publish a magazine. Soon Taufik was in prison. He remained locked up for more than two years.
A few days ago, I met Taufik in California. Later, looking at his card, it dawned on me that the words under his name speak volumes: "The Alliance of Independent Journalists." The man is unrepentant.
Taufik has been visiting the United States with another Indonesian journalist, Andreas Harsono. Both are in their early 30s. They speak quietly, without pretension. They don't tout themselves as courageous. But they are.
For years now, when the U.S.-based Committee to Protect Journalists releases its annual list of the planet's 10 worst enemies of the press, Suharto's name is on it. "Strict press licensing, censorship and the threat of imprisonment," the Committee says, "have combined to make the Indonesian press among the least free in the world."
Taufik described the situation: "Critical members of society are put behind bars and declared anti-government or communists, or even murdered. Journalists who try to be critical are intimidated and are under the constant threat of their publications being banned." And the repression of journalists is just one aspect of the suffering that continues under Suharto's dictatorship, which has lasted for a third of a century.
When we see news about Indonesia – the fourth most populous nation in the world – the focus is usually on economic trends and prospects for foreign investors. Those routine stories are provided by American journalists who worry about paying their bills and advancing their careers, not going to prison.
Indonesia's government cares a great deal about its image in the U.S. press. If the coverage were more thorough here, pressure would increase for an end to Indonesia's political imprisonments, killings and torture.
Last year, while Ahmad Taufik was still in prison, the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize went to two men who have come to symbolize resistance to Indonesia's murderous occupation of East Timor – activist Jose Ramos-Horta and spiritual leader Bishop Carolos Felipe Ximenes Belo.
It was a golden opportunity for the U.S. news media to finally do some in-depth reporting on that occupation, which dates back to Indonesia's invasion of East Timor in 1975.
But now, a full year after getting their Nobel Peace Prizes, Ramos-Horta and Belo are two of the most under-reported recipients of that award in the history of American journalism. At least 200,000 Timorese people were slaughtered by the Indonesian invaders, who continue to occupy East Timor. But the ongoing crisis has elicited little more than yawns from the American mass media.
Inclined to take their nods from the White House and Capitol Hill, the news media in this country have failed to report on the resistance to the Suharto regime for what it is – a pro- democracy movement.
"The government is now only supported by the military and the bureaucracy," says Harsono, who appears in a new documentary film about Indonesia – "One Struggle, One Change" – produced by Global Exchange, a human rights group based in San Francisco.
For decades, the rulers in Jakarta have boosted their military might with arms shipments from Washington. Today, U.S. business investments in Indonesia – estimated at $30 billion – include extensive oil and mining interests.
These days, Indonesian workers are providing very cheap labor for manufacturers of products such as Nike shoes. With big money at stake, human rights principles get overshadowed. Ahmad Taufik and some of his Indonesian colleagues have taken big risks. American journalists should be willing to take small ones.
South China Morning Post - December 12, 1997
Controversial former MP Sri Bintang Pamungkas, serving a jail term for defaming President Suharto, will be put on trial for attempting to undermine the state, a report said yesterday.
A Jakarta court would soon start hearing the subversion trial, the Media Indonesia newspaper reported. State prosecutors have prepared a 25-page document charging the prisoner with trying to undermine the state by setting up a new political party outside the three government-recognised ones.
Reuters - December 10, 1997
Jakarta – Jailed Indonesian labour leader Muchtar Pakpahan is being well treated by local doctors for an undiagnosed lung illness, a visiting Canadian specialist said on Wednesday.
"Up to the present time, as far as we can see, he is receiving optimal treatment here," Professor Stephen Lam told a news conference at Jakarta's Cikini Hospital.
Lam and two other Canadian doctors were due on Thursday to perform a highly sophisticated test on Pakpahan's right lung, where earlier tests revealed an unidentified object.
Pakpahan, 43, head of the independent and unrecognised Indonesian Labour Welfare Union (SBSI), is serving a four-year sentence for inciting riots, but was admitted to the hospital in March suffering vertigo.
U.S. and European unions had offered to pay for Pakpahan's treatment abroad but Indonesia rejected the request, saying his illness was not fatal.
The unionist is facing further charges of subversion that carry a possible death sentence, but the head of the Indonesian medical team Doctor Hermansyur Kartowisastro said a hearing set for Thursday morning would have to be postponed.
| Solidarity/campaigns |
Green Left Weekly - December 10, 1997
James Balowski – According to People's Democratic Party (PRD) sources, Dita Indah Sari, chair of the PRD-affiliated Centre for Labour Struggle, was released from hospital on November 28. Dita had been in intensive care at the Syaiful Anwar hospital in Malang, East Java since November 18, suffering from typhoid.
The PRD reported that although she has been returned to jail, she is still seriously ill and at risk of a relapse. It also said that her father had been forced to pay for her medicines.
Dita was sentenced to five years' jail for "subversion" on April 22. She is the only political prisoner in the Kebon Waru prison in Malang and, because access to outside information and visitors is severely restricted, her situation is worse than that of the other PRD prisoners.
As part of its campaign for pressure to be placed on the Suharto government to free the political prisoners, ASIET (Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor), in association with the PRD, has launched a new book about Dita titled Dita Sari: Jailed for Daring to Struggle.
Documenting her life and writings, it is the story of an activist, feminist and trade unionist who has dared to challenge the brutal Suharto dictatorship and whose courage, tireless struggle and self-sacrifice have won the respect of activists and ordinary Indonesians alike.
Meanwhile, a report by the Indonesian official radio station RRI that PRD chair Budiman Sujatmiko had escaped from jail, has proved to be untrue. How the story originated is still unclear. PRD sources say that he had simply been moved to a different cell.
ASIET is asking for donations for Dita's medical expenses to be sent to ASIET, which will arrange to send it to Indonesia. Dita Sari: Jailed for Daring to Struggle is available for $5 from the ASIET National Secretariat, PO Box 458, Broadway NSW 2007, phone (02) 9690 1032 or from any of ASIET's local committees.
Green Left Weekly - December 10, 1997
Sarah Peart – During Indonesian President Suharto's recent visit to South Africa and Canada, he faced hundreds of activists protesting against the human rights abuses in both Indonesia and East Timor.
These types of actions help maintain international pressure on the dictatorship. International solidarity with the democracy activists in Indonesia and freedom fighters in East Timor is a vital part of the struggle in these countries.
Similar solidarity actions are important to the struggles for democracy and against repression in many countries in Asia and the Pacific, such as Burma, Bougainville, the Philippines, West Papua, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Tahiti, Kanaky and Nepal.
The Asia Pacific Solidarity Conference being organised in Sydney in April is part of building links between all progressive activists in the region. Among those attending are movements in the countries named above and many more.
The socialist youth organisation Resistance is supporting the conference and helping to organise and build it.
The conference will have an emphasis on building links between young people and student groups throughout the region. Workshops will involve groups such as the All Burma Student League, the Communist Youth League of Russia, Kamalayan from the Philippines and Students in Solidarity for Democracy in Indonesia.
Further actions like the successful anti-Nike international day of action in October will be discussed.
Resistance member Lachlan Malloch, who is involved in organising the conference, said, "The fact that the conference is so broad, involving so many different parties and organisation from many countries, means it is a very important event in the calendar of progressive activists.
"This is particularly the case in the context of the neo-liberal offensive being waged against the peoples of the region. The discussion about campaigns and strategies will prove to be very rich indeed."
Topics to be covered in workshops include the role of multinationals in the exploitation of Third World countries, the role of the World Bank, IMF and APEC, women's liberation struggles and the environment.
"Young people have played and do play a leading role in struggles for democracy in countries all around the world", Malloch said. "The conference will be important in drawing together some of these young activists to map out plans for more joint solidarity actions."
The Asia Pacific Solidarity Conference is being held April 10-13
at Glebe High School in Sydney. It will open with a public
meeting on April 9. The conference is being organised by the Asia
Pacific Institute for Democratisation and Development. To
register send $60/$30 concession before January 30 to API, c/o PO
Box 515, Broadway NSW 2007. Phone (02) 9690 1230, fax 9690 1381.
E-mail Green Left Weekly - December 10, 1997
Vannessa Hearman, Melbourne – Following an address from
representatives of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East
Timor (ASIET), the Victorian Australian Services Union's
Victorian branch council passed a resolution in support of the
campaign to free Indonesia's political prisoners.
The resolution calls on the Indonesian government to release all
jailed trade unionists; to cease attacks on independent workers'
organisations, such as the Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggles
and the People's Democratic Party; and to ensure that all
international labour organisation standards on freedom to
organise are respected.
It also calls on the Australian government to demand from the
Indonesian government the release of all jailed trade unionists
and to ensure that human rights standards form part of trade
agreements.
The union branch plans to affiliate to ASIET to provide ongoing
support for the campaign. It will also refer the question of
support for Dita Sari, Indonesia's only female political
prisoner, to its women's committee.
Sydney Morning Herald - December 11, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – In one of the sharpest criticisms to
date of East Asian business practices, a World Bank executive has
warned that monopolies linked to President Soeharto's inner
circle of family and friends are blocking Indonesia's economic
recovery.
Speaking to Indonesian and foreign business leaders yesterday,
the bank's representative in Indonesia, Mr Dennis de Tray, said
the collapse of the rupiah represented "depreciated credibility"
in the commitment to make essential reforms.
Mr de Tray said barriers to recovery included the Soeharto
Government's failure to cancel the national car project, for
which the President's sons have tax and tariff concessions, the
retention of agricultural monopolies linked to the political
elite, and the controversial national aircraft project controlled
by a senior minister.
He said these were "must-dos" which were not included in the
reforms announced with the $US38 billion ($56 billion) rescue
package agreed with the International Monetary Fund.
"In themselves these are not major drains on the efficiency of
the economy, but they are important because they would send
signals about how business will be done in the future, they are
absolutely critical as signals and they remain so," he said.
Instead, regional governments, including Indonesia's, were
sending mixed signals suggesting less-than total commitment to
the difficult decisions which had to be taken.
Local radio stations in Jakarta reported that the rupiah had
failed to recover yesterday following its dramatic 10 per cent
collapse over fears for Mr Soeharto's health.
The currency has lost 45 per cent since July and failed to rally
yesterday despite official denials that Mr Soeharto had died and
assurances that he would attend the ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur
later this month.
Mr de Tray said the regional economic crisis demonstrated a
failure of policy.
"The world has decided the East Asian economic model is due for a
change," he said. "It's not a matter of tweaking at the margins,
it's a matter of fundamental change in the nature, culture and
process of business in East Asia."
The World Bank executive pointed to the personalised nature of
business in Asia, which has relied heavily on political and
family connections, lacking transparency and accountability.
This model had delivered miraculous growth to the region for
almost three decades. "But the world has decided the mechanisms
which delivered growth and reduced poverty in the past are not
the same mechanisms which are needed to prepare the countries of
the region for the next three decades."
The challenge for East Asia, Mr de Tray said, was to recognise
that operating in a global economy meant credibility,
transparency and competitiveness were the bottom line.
"The world is saying change, and not everybody and not every
government is convinced that is correct."
He said the personal nature of business dealings in Asia had
eroded the quality of information about the economy to the point
that the region was facing "the complete collapse of the
credibility of both public and private information".
"In an environment where credibility is scarce, governments have
to be absolutely clear on what direction they are going to take
and this has not happened sufficiently across the region," he
said. In particular, Indonesia was facing continued uncertainty.
Not only had the rupiah depreciated by almost 50 per cent, the
country was coping with the results of a severe drought, coupled
with doubts over Mr Soeharto's health, the succession and
presidential elections due next March.
DIGEST No. 47 - December 9, 1997
'I think the speculators and the money mafia are a plot by
American spies', says psychic Ki Gendeng Pamungkas. 'They want to
undermine the government. I don't think the IMF can do much good
-- they will be met with lots of demonstrations'.
Gendeng Pamungkas represents a strong tradition in Indonesian
political thought. Sukarno was a great exponent of it, in
rhetoric at least - and there has certainly been more rhetoric
than action along these lines. Megawati appears to think like her
father in this regard. Protectionist, nationalist, anti-
capitalist, anti- American, often anti-Chinese - in a word,
populist - these are the adjectives that come to mind.
The nationalist tradition has many more credible adherents than
Gendeng Pamungkas. Professor Mubyarto from Yogyakarta has
persuaded the government to adopt socially responsible 'Pancasila
economics', including the IDT welfare scheme for poor villagers.
He deplores 'amoral' Western economics. Noer Fauzi heads the
Consortium for Agrarian Renewal (KPA), which tracks land
conflicts around the country. He says globalisation, of which the
IMF package is today the most visible symbol, is just another
word for unrestrained capitalism. The 'structural adjustment' the
IMF always demands will, he says, impact badly on the poor. The
environmental consortium Walhi has also warned that IMF austerity
measures will hit the poor hardest and produce unrest. The banned
leftist party PRD speaks of IMF 'imperialism' in its Internet
dispatches.
Other economists and even businessmen have also warned against
the socially destructive effects of an IMF austerity program.
Rizal Ramli of the economic think tank Econit says `the IMF is
not a saving God but an amputating God... It will perform an
amputation in the emergency room and then force the patient to go
on a strict diet even if he did not need an amputation'.
Sofyan Wanandi, spokesperson for the Jimbaran group of
businessmen that have responded to a call by Suharto to help the
poor, has expressed similar misgivings, as has Sri-Edi Swasono of
the cooperative movement. Islamic think tank Cides intellectual
Umar Juoro argues that the IMF is acting out of interests of its
own, and its help is there mainly for the well-connected.
Most outspoken among the nationalists is Islamic leader Amien
Rais, popularly but unrealistically regarded as a presidential
candidate by students and young people. The IMF, he says,
continues an old imperialist tradition, and Indonesia should do
as the Philippines has done and withdraw its head from the noose.
The trouble with this school of socially responsible thought is
that it also includes the crony capitalists who have given it a
bad name in many other quarters. Suharto's half-brother
Probosutedjo speaks the language well. He said the closure of his
bank under IMF instructions was 'a violation of human rights'.
Tommy Suharto, whose 'national car' is a symbol of what's wrong
with Indonesia's pre-IMF economy, reportedly called the top
official Suharto appointed to negotiate with the IMF 'a
collaborator with the West'.
Suharto's cousin Sudwikatmono, another Jimbaran member, who
controls Indocement, said not all monopolies were bad. Bulog,
under attack by the IMF for its monopoly on food grains, helped
protect the common people from the vagaries of the market, he
said. Suharto himself has hardly entered the IMF embrace with
enthusiasm. He has kept his Coordinating Finance and Economics
Minister Saleh Afiff out of the negotiations, some say because
Afiff was too keen on the IMF proposals.
Opposed to the nationalists is a newer pole of opinion. It is
rapidly eclipsing the worthy if tainted and now increasingly
unfashionable nationalist school. The main themes of many
respected economists are opposition to bureaucratic corruption
and to ideological control. Kwik Kian Gie, Christianto Wibisono,
Didiek Rachbini, Fortuna Anwar, Laksamana Sukardi, Sjahrir,
Faisal Basri and Anwar Nasution are globalists. They most often
appear in print praising IMF practice and urging deregulation,
debureaucratisation and privatisation. They realise IMF austerity
measures might cause social unrest, but believe the absence of
IMF action will ultimately cause even greater disquiet.
The globalist agenda is rational and middle class. It certainly
parallels the nationalist agenda at some points. Both tend to be
opposed to the Suharto family, the one because he is capitalist
and the other because he is corrupt. But the two clash in other,
more fundamental ways. The nationalists exalt solidarity; the
globalists think it smacks of authoritarianism. The first favour
re- regulation, the second deregulation because it will give
others the chance to become tycoons too.
Nationalists reject globalisation for fear it will disempower the
national state that can protect the poor against predatory
foreign capital; globalists embrace globalisation precisely
because it weakens a state that is too corrupt and invasive to
deserve much autonomy. Nationalists consider capital as the enemy
and the state as an (imperfect) ally; globalists on the contrary
consider capital to be essentially benign, with the state in need
of down-sizing. These generalisations are crude, but they perhaps
have heuristic value.
As public discourse in Indonesia becomes more middle class, the
nationalist agenda slips further behind. Anyone reading the
Indonesian newspaper today would think the IMF really was a
'saving God'. This is a contrast with the press in Thailand and
the Philippines for example.
Nationalist ideas are not easy to defend in today's post-
socialist climate. But the consequence of abandoning them - or at
least of abandoning the element of social solidarity that lies
behind them - could be that, deprived of middle class support,
the poor will resort to violent direct action along ethnic or
religious lines. These will be Ki Gendeng's demonstrations.
[Gerry van Klinken, editor, Inside Indonesia magazine]
Sydney Morning Herald - December 10, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – The Indonesian rupiah plunged more
than 10 per cent yesterday amid growing concerns over President
Soeharto's health and warnings of a loss of confidence in the
Indonesian economy despite multi-billion dollar rescue loans by
the International Monetary Fund.
Rumours that the President had died of a stroke led to a highly
unusual denial last night by the State Secretary, Mr Moerdiono,
who said Mr Soeharto was in good health.
The rupiah dropped 10.3 per cent to 4,595 to the US dollar
yesterday. Since the beginning of the year, the currency has lost
48 per cent of its value, and the Jakarta stock market has had
more than 40 per cent wiped off its value.
The immediate cause of the rupiah's sharp drop was the fears over
the health of Mr Soeharto, 76, who is taking 10 days off to rest,
suffering exhaustion following an overseas tour.
After 30 years in power, Mr Soeharto has named no successor and
all major decisions are referred to him, leaving Indonesia
vulnerable to the state of his health. In business, the
President's children have built corporate empires and most
members of the business elite owe their success to their
political connections.
However, the sliding confidence in the Indonesian economy, once
considered one of the most stable in the region, also reflects
disappointment among foreign investors over slow implementation
of the terms of the IMF rescue package.
The IMF announced a $US38 billion ($56 billion) rescue package
six weeks ago, but critics say the Soeharto Government has done
little to push for reforms of the economy to tackle chronic
nepotism and corruption.
"Confidence is a relative concept and while every other
government in the region appears to be making the right moves,
this one hasn't," said a Jakarta-based economist, Mr Michael
Backmann.
"There is little transparency at the top, there is an aging
president with no obvious successor, the economy is highly
politicised and there is next to nothing in terms of legal
guarantees for foreign investors."
Mr Backmann said the regional currency crisis was producing
reforms in Malaysia, for example, where the ringgit rose for the
second consecutive trading day.
Indonesia, however, has released few details of its intended
reforms under the IMF program. The jitters were exacerbated by
Monday's devastating fire in the Bank of Indonesia's new complex,
a symbol of past prosperity and confidence. At least 15 people
died and the top 10 floors of the glass-faced skyscraper were
destroyed.
Tapol - December 9, 1997
The value of the rupiah fell sharply Monday to a new low of Rp
4,160 to the dollar. The fall appears to have been caused by news
of Suharto's indisposition (he is said to be suffering from
exhaustion) and the further weakening of other currencies in the
region. Attempts by the Central Bank to intervene to prevent the
fall were unsuccessful. One dealer described the situation in the
foreign exchange market as 'panicky'.
Armed forces chief General Feisal Tanjung has warned that the
panic in the currency market could raise the political
temperature in the period up to the MPR session in March next
year. He told a parliamentary commission that the armed forces
were at a state of high alert so as to be ready to anticipate
developments, according to Media.
Also on Monday, the four top floors of the country's Central
Bank, Bank Indonesia, went up in flames, with fifteen people
reported dead. Many of the dead were caught in the lifts and died
after being overcome by the smoke. Some were brought to safety
with the help of helicopters. It took five hours for the fire-
fighters to gain control of the blaze. The fire started on the
24th floor which is where the bank directors have their offices.
Police say that eight people are being questioned in connection
with the fire.
The Nation - December 12, 1997
Andreas Harsono – Rumours about the health of the president have
shaken the country as it struggles with an economic downturn.
Newspaper readers in Indonesia are well trained in reading
between the lines. Now they are putting that skill to the test
again after Cabinet Secretary Murdiono unexpectedly announced
that President Suharto had cancelled a planned trip to Iran to
take a 10-day rest.
Murdiono said Suharto was exhausted after a 12-day trip that
included stops in Namibia, South Africa, Canada and Saudi Arabia,
and that doctors had advised him to rest instead of heading for
the three-day summit of Islamic nations meeting in Tehran.
"He could hardly rest during the tour because he always worked,
often until late at night, to prepare for the summit and to
monitor domestic economic developments," Murdiono explained,
adding quickly that his boss was in good health and would remain
in charge of state affairs.
But in Indonesia, where the free flow of information is
periodically restricted, such an announcement usually produces
something opposite to the desired calming effect. Rumours soon
circulated widely that Suharto had a serious health problem.
Wilder rumours had it that the 76-year-old leader had suffered a
minor stroke, and even that he had died. Despite official
denials, the stock and money markets slumped drastically. The
rupiah hit a record low of 4,665 against the US dollar, down from
4,155 on Monday.
The Associated Press quoted a presidential doctor as saying that
Suharto suffers from hypertension and kidney stones.
This is not the first time Suharto has had to cut down on
official state functions due to health reasons.
In August 1994 he had to spend a night at the Gatot Subroto army
hospital in Jakarta for treatment for the painful kidney ailment.
Indonesian state-owned TVRI interviewed doctors and showed that
Suharto had more than a dozen kidney stones.
In July 1996, less than three months after the death of his wife,
Tien Suharto, Suharto went to Germany for a medical check-up at a
health spa. He was given a clean bill of health.
Political observers swapped rumours that Suharto has been forced
to take the long absence, the first since he took power in 1965,
because he needed an operation. But such medical treatment needed
to be carried out in secret as a public announcement would have
probably have further unsettled the stock market.
Such news might also trigger wider speculation about his ability
to remain in power – despite expectations that the authoritarian
leader is to be "re-elected" for his seventh five-year term in
office in March.
Suharto was in Vancouver last month for the annual summit meeting
of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. He earlier
visited President Nelson Mandela in South Africa and arrived in
Jakarta this month after a stop in Mecca, Islam's holiest city in
Saudi Arabia.
A medical source at the presidential palace said Suharto had been
advised to conserve his energy on the long Apec trip and should
even avoid playing golf, one of his favourite sports, with US
President Bill Clinton, Canadian Premier Jean Chretien and
Singaporean Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong in Vancouver. Noted
historian Ong Hok Ham said that speculation about Suharto's
health had reminded the public of a similar problem in mid-1965.
The late President Sukarno was then rumoured to have a serious
kidney problem.
"The rumours said that Sukarno's kidney problem had reached an
acute phase and he could only survive for six more months,"
wrote Ong in the Kompas daily, the biggest broadsheet in
Indonesia, adding that the widespread speculation had prompted
the Indonesian Communist Party to initiate a political coup
against their army opponents and try to take power on Sept 30,
1965.
But the coup attempt backfired. Suharto, then a major general,
consolidated the army in only five days and smashed the
communists. It is widely believed that between 300,000 and one
million allegedly leftist workers were killed in the aftermath of
the failed coup attempt. Sukarno was sidelined. And Suharto rose
to power.
"Gossip, rumours and speculation are always part of the
Indonesian political culture," said Ong, explaining that the
Sukarno rumours were later shown to be false. But, he noted, the
widespread speculation proved more important than the real
situation.
Ong did not say whether he thought history might repeat itself in
Jakarta, but the speculation about Suharto's health could not
come at a more critical time for the country.
By Monday, the fragile Indonesian currency had lost 48 per cent
of its value since July. The financial crisis consequently led to
the dismissal of more than one million workers, most of them
newly-minted members of the middle class from the property and
financial sectors. Food prices are on the rise. Economic growth
is disturbed. Confidence is shaken.
Millions of workers still expect their employers to pay their
annual bonuses as they prepare to make merry at four holiday
celebrations: Christmas Day (December), New Year (January), Idul
Fitri (January) and the Chinese New Year (February).
Idul Fitri, the Muslim celebration at the end of the fasting
month known as Ramadan, is particularly important and is the
biggest celebration in a nation where more than 90 per cent of
its 200 million people are Muslims.
During Idul Fitri, Indonesian Muslims traditionally come home,
prepare special meals, buy new clothing – and spend more money.
Observers say the economic crisis will start to bite when people
find out that they don't have the money to spend on expensive
food and new clothes as usual. More protests are expected in the
industrial belts around Jakarta and Surabaya in eastern Java.
In addition to the financial crisis, is the long drought which
contributed to the burning of Indonesia's forests on the islands
of Kalimantan and Sumatra and has also negatively affected rice
production in Indonesia.
A big question mark still hangs over whether the ailing Suharto
can navigate the country through the turbulence. Even if he uses
his old habit of harsh repression, will it be possible for him to
keep control?
Reuters - December 9, 1997
Jakarta – Indonesian officials denied on Tuesday that President
Suharto was seriously ill after financial markets plunged on
rumours the 76-year-old leader was ailing.
`Father is in good health. He is taking a rest. He is making use
of his time to play with the grandchildren," Suharto's second
son, businessman Bambang Trihatmodjo, told reporters.
The rupiah went into free-fall in the morning on rumours starting
in Tokyo and Singapore that Suharto was ill. The currency touched
a record low of 4,600 against the dollar, a drop of some 450
points.
It later recovered to 4,530/60 against the dollar after Suharto's
son and a senior government official separately said the
president was in good health.
The stock market index plunged over 1.5 percent to a day's low of
416.34 points before recovering to 422.68 in late trading.
Trihatmodjo was speaking on the sidelines of a meeting of the
country's highest body, the People's Consultative Assembly, which
will elect a new president in March next year.
Suharto is widely expected to seek a seventh five-year term in
office in the presidential polls.
There is intense speculation over the vice-presidential
candidate, who would be Suharto's potential successor given his
age.
Suharto cancelled a trip to Tehran this week for a meeting of the
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), but he was so far
expected to attend an informal summit of the Association of South
East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Kuala Lumpur next week.
The president flew to Germany in mid-1996 for a thorough checkup
and doctors there said he was fine for a man his age. Rumours
that he was ailing have persisted, however, despite official
denials.
State Secretary Murdiono also told reporters after meeting
Suharto at his home on Tuesday that rumours the president had
been taken to hospital were baseless.
`According to his doctors, the president is healthy," he added.
Tonny Soekaton, secretary-general in the Department of
Information, earlier told Reuters that Suharto was fine. `He is
in good condition, there are no problems at all," he said. "The
president is just taking a rest at home."
Suharto's doctors advised him last week to take a 10-day rest
after he returned from a strenuous 12-day tour that took him to
southern Africa, Canada and Saudi Arabia.
Officials said the president's doctors had determined he was
otherwise in good health.
Reuters - December 11, 1997
Jim Della-Giacoma, Jakarta – Election violence, choking smog and
regional economic turmoil have badly hit Indonesia's tourism
industry this year, a government minister said on Thursday.
Tourism, Post and Telecommunications Minister Joop Ave said he
expected single-digit growth in visitor arrivals for 1997 after
more than 13 years of double-digit growth.
In 1996, 5.03 million tourists spent $6.3 billion on holiday in
this vast tropical archipelago.
"I'll be very happy if we make three percent on top of that,"
Ave told reporters. "We are still very confident we will
register a positive growth of arrivals as well as earnings," he
said.
Officials said Indonesia had set a target of between 5.3 and 5.7
million tourist arrivals this year.
Ave said figures from the seven major computerised gateways
showed total arrivals from January until the end of October this
year had risen by only 2.5 percent. Tourism to the island of Bali
was steady at 10 percent growth, he said.
He said the May general elections followed by the smog in the
second half of the year and the current monetary turmoil all had
an impact.
The campaign for Indonesia's election in May was the country's
most violent yet, causing widespread cancellations among business
travellers.
During the dry season from August to November – extended by the
global El Nino weather phenomenon – forest and brush fires in
the Sumatra and Kalimantan regions caused a blanket of smoke to
drift across Southeast Asia.
Global coverage of the disaster prompted further cancellations,
Ave said, even though the main tourist destinations of Yogyakarta
on Java and Bali were not affected.
"There was no haze in Bali but we still had cancellations. I
think we had quite a few cancellations from Europe but it is hard
to get figures," he said.
Tourist arrivals from South Korea, which had shown promising
growth, were now uncertain after the country's recent economic
meltdown. Seoul has received a bail-out from the International
Monetary Fund, as have Indonesia and Thailand, after a string of
financial crises. "I think arrivals from Thailand have been
effectively wiped out," Ave said.
He said there was also a significant drop in the number of
Indonesians travelling abroad, given a drop of more than 50
percent in the value of the rupiah since July.
"We have reports of massive cancellations of Indonesians going
abroad and we have some preliminary reports that they have booked
domestic tours. That is a good thing," he said.
Ave said he doubted reports that Transport Minister Dhaniturto
planned to reprimand Qantas (QAN.AX), Ansett Australia and Silk
Air for selling discounted tickets to and from Indonesia.
"It is the best thing that has happened to us. If there is a
lowering of prices the only thing I can say is – hallelujah,"
Ave said. "I am sure it is going to impact on the local
airlines, okay, grow up," he said.
Qantas, Thai Airways and Ansett, jointly owned by News Corp Ltd
(NCP.AX) and Air New Zealand (AIRVA.NZ), last month cut prices by
around half between Jakarta and Sydney.
Silk Air has been offering free tickets to Indonesia for
passengers who have flown into neighbouring Singapore with its
parent Singapore Airlines.
Union supports freedom for political prisoners
Economy and investment
World Bank blasts "Asia model"
Why Indonesia sees double on the IMF
Rupiah drops on fears for Soeharto
Summary of reports in Media Indonesia
Politics
Health Scare: All eyes on Indonesia's Suharto
Officials say Indonesia's Suharto in good health
Miscellaneous
Indonesia says tourism hit by politics and smog