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ASIET Net News 44 – November 17-23, 1997
East Timor
INFO-KNPD - November 17, 1997
Today, Monday November 17, the Indonesian People's Front (Front
Rakyat Indonesia, FRI) held an action in Bandung [West Java]. FRI
is a grouping of Bandung pro-democracy groups including:
The action had two main demands:
The action was held at the West Java parliament at 10.30 am. 20
activists were involved. It had only be going for one hour when
they were attacked by the police. Eight people were arrested.
They are:
They are now being held and interrogated by Indonesian
intelligence at the Bandung police headquarters. There is no
information on when they will be released and [it is believed]
that they will be charged under a number of articles [of the
Criminal Code]. A number of those being interrogated have been
asked who was behind the action. Others were asked about the
possibility that the action was used by the People's Democratic
Party.
They still do not have access to lawyers. Initially they asked
for help from the Bandung Legal Aid Institute (LBH) however LBH
was unable to do anything. This was because they had not yet
obtained a letter of authority from the suspects and the police
forbid them from watching out for the suspects.
FRI also held an action last October 28 which was attacked by the
military resulting in one of the group having to be treated in
hospital.
Notes:
MPR: Mejalis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People's Consultative
Assembly. The highest legislative body in the country with 1,000
members, 425 of whom are elected with the remainder being
appointed by the president. It meets once every five years
(usually around a year after the general elections) to hear an
outgoing report from the president, enact the Broad Outlines of
State Policy (Garis Besar Haluan Negara, GBHN) and to vote on
nominations for the president and vice-president. The next
session of the MPR will be held in March 1998.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Lusa - November 17, 1997
Sydney – At least two East Timorese died and other 16 got
injured, three of them seriously, when Indonesian police and
troops shoot at students in the University of Dili, a religious
source told Lusa on Friday.
According to the source, the clash with the security forces
started after the students found three individuals working for
the Indonesian intelligence service inside the university.
"They (Indonesian) get one or two agents who tried to cause
trouble and right after that they bring the police and soldiers
who claimed they can shoot because they are trying to maintain
social order", the source said.
The source said also representatives of the International Red
Cross and the Roman Catholic Church tried to visit the injured at
the hospital but strongly armed soldiers barred their entrance.
A resistance source that confirmed the incident said, however, he
could not confirm the death of the two youth.
The East Timorese Bishop D. Ximenes Belo, and 1996 Nobel Peace
Prize co-laureate, told Portuguese radio RDP-Antena 1 the
Indonesian military had committed "acts of immeasurable
brutality" inside the University of Dili.
The Portuguese Prime Minister Antonio Guterres expressed his
disgust over the behaviour of the Indonesian forces in Dili
saying, "it is profoundly deplorable and quite revealing of the
nature of the Indonesian dictatorship".
A spokesman for the Indonesian military denied that the two youth
had been killed in the confrontation at the University of Dili
and affirmed that the forces had only fired warning shoots.
Captain Triyoga Budi told Associated Press "I can say that no one
died", adding that four people had been arrested to be
questioned.
The incidents came as Portugal's Duke of Braganca, D. Duarte,
visits the territory under an invitation by Belo and two days
after the sixth anniversary of the Santa Cruz massacre when
Indonesian troops shoot at demonstrators at this Dili's cemetery.
Jakarta has said that 50 people were killed, but witnesses and
human rights organisations put the death toll at 200.
The confrontations at the university came also in the same day as
the US Congress voted a bill against the use of US-made weapons
in East Timor by Indonesia.
Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year
later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the
territory's administering power.
Environment/land disputes
Labour issues
Human rights/law
International relations
Economy and investment
Politics
Democratic struggle
Action rejecting the MPR session clobbered
East Timor
Indonesian forces kill two, 16 injuried in Dili
Pictures of rape, torture released
South China Morning Post - November 21, 1997
Shocking photographs showing the alleged rape and torture of Timorese women by Indonesian soldiers were made public in Australia yesterday.
A representative of the Darwin-based East Timor International Centre (ETIC), a group opposed to Indonesia's 22-year occupation of Timor, released 40 pictures.
The pictures, taken in the Timor capital Dili, show five naked and half-naked women, one apparently pregnant, with bags over their heads.
The ETIC said one of the women shown was tortured to death. Men in army fatigues and balaclavas are pictured undressing the women, pulling their legs apart, holding them down and tying them to a tree.
The images include a woman's genitals being burned with a cigarette, a nail being hammered into the stomach of another, graphic sexual assault and the stabbing of one woman.
The photographs also show what appears to be blood splattered on the women's bodies and a Christian cross and messages in Indonesian written on their skin.
ETIC said the messages included: "If you are God's child, try to come down and resuscitate your faithful."
Australian East Timor Association convenor Andrew McNaughtan, also a doctor, said the pictures were taken by the Indonesian military and sold to Timorese resistance fighters who smuggled them to Australia.
ETIC spokesman Maria Soares said the images were a "black reminder" of what she said she had seen in East Timor before she fled to Australia in 1985.
Ms Soares said she could not prove the photographs' authenticity but it was unlikely any East Timorese woman would have agreed to pose for photographs that included a Christian cross being drawn on their skin.
A human rights team arrived in East Timor yesterday to investigate a clash between students and troops in capital Dili that left seven people in hospital last week.
Sydney Morning Herald - November 20, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – The imprisoned East Timorese independence leader, Xanana Gusmao, has been reported as taking "full responsibility" for a planned bombing campaign in the provincial capital of Dili, but has denied terrorism charges.
Gusmao was taken from his cell for questioning on Tuesday as President Soeharto left for a trip to southern Africa, Canada and Saudi Arabia.
Mr Soeharto is due to arrive in South Africa today, where he will meet President Nelson Mandela, who is expected to repeat his appeal for Gusmao's release as part of an overall settlement for East Timor.
In Jakarta, one of the Gusmao's lawyers, Mr Hendardi, was quoted as saying that Gusmao had told police: "Accusations of terrorism were not true at all, we never intended to use the bombs for civilian targets.
"The bombs were made to strengthen our resistance towards the [Indonesian] armed forces and I will take full responsibility for their activities," Gusmao is quoted as saying in the Jakarta Post.
Mr Mandela asked Mr Soeharto's permission to meet Gusmao, the former commander of the Fretilin guerilla forces, during his visit to Indonesia in July.
Police are investigating a home-made bomb factory in East Java where a bomb was accidentally detonated on September 13, alerting the authorities and leading to the arrest of seven youths.
Twenty bombs were intercepted on their way to East Timor and police claim a husband-and-wife team, now taking refuge in the Austrian Embassy, are wanted in connection with the planned bombing campaign.
The Government has ordered the embassy to hand over the couple to face terrorism charges.
The armed forces claim an Australian national travelled to Indonesia to teach the rebels bomb-making. They refuse to reveal the Australian's name, but have sought assistance from the Australian Government.
Foreign journalists have been barred from travelling to the former Portuguese territory since May, when hostilities escalated and the Fretilin forces launched several direct attacks on Dili.
East Timor Human Rights Centre - 21 November 1997
The East Timor Human Rights Centre (ETHRC) has received further information about the East Timorese students who were injured and detained on 14 November during a confrontation with Indonesian security forces at the University of East Timor in Dili (see UA 26/97 for details).
Joaquim Matetai, Albano Barreto, Adolfo da Costa and Abrao do Nascimento, who sustained gunshot wounds during the incident, were treated for three days at the Wirahusada military hospital at Lahane, Dili, then transferred to POLRES (Police Resort) headquarters in Dili and later released. The ETHRC welcomes the release of these four students.
A fifth man, Bernardino Simao, was also treated for three days at the Wirahusada hospital and then transferred to POLDA (the local police station) in Comoro, Dili. It is believed he has been accused of being the mastermind of the 14 November incident. Another five students, Domingos da Silva, Francisco de Deus, Vicente da Cruz, Juvenal dos Santos and Silverio Baptista, are also believed to be in detention at the POLDA headquarters while another student, Marito de Almeida, is believed to be in detention at POLRES in Dili, where he has been subjected to intensive interrogation.
No further information is available about three other students, Antonio Viegas, Natalina Duarte de Araujo, and Orlando (no surname) but it is believed they may still be held at the Wirhusada military hospital.
An official statement by Colonel Slamat Sidabutar of the Indonesian military, reported in the local newspaper, Suara Timor Timur, stated that sixteen East Timorese people were arrested during the confrontation. According to the report, two members of the BTT (Territorial Battalion) were also treated at the military hospital for injuries sustained during the incident. This was confirmed in an official report from the ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) which stated that ICRC delegates visited six civilians and two soldiers at the Wirahusada hospital on 15 November.
The ETHRC is concerned for the safety of all East Timorese students still in detention, particularly those who have sustained injuries. It is believed some detainees have already been subjected to torture so grave fears are held for the remaining detainees. Detainees in East Timor are routinely subjected to torture and ill-treatment while in military or police custody and the risk of torture and ill-treatment is heightened when detainees are denied access to their families and independent legal counsel.
Lusa - November 20, 1997
Jakarta – Jailed East Timorese rebel leader Xanana Gusmao admitted that he had authorized the assembling of bombs as head of the self-determination resistance movement, a lawyer who attended the police interrogation said on Wednesday.
The police visited Xanana on Tuesday at the prison of Cipinang to question him on his alleged links with a group of Timorese who have been accused of being terrorists by Jakarta.
The Indonesian authorities announced recently that they had uncovered the activities of the group during an accidental explosion in Demak, Java, in a house where the bombs were being assembled.
According to the official transcript of the interrogation being held by the Association for Legal Aid and Human Rights, Xanana said he had given permission for the assembling of the bombs as head of the resistance movement.
However, he rejected the accusations of terrorism and stressed the bombs would be used only in the "fight against the Indonesian army", denying that they aimed at civil targets in Indonesia.
This revelation comes days before the Indonesian President Suharto visits South Africa where his counterpart Nelson Mandela is expected to call for the release of Xanana.
Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.
East Timor Human Rights Centre - 17 November, 1997
The East Timor Human Rights Centre (ETHRC) holds grave fears for the safety of eight East Timorese students, who sustained serious gunshot wounds during a confrontation with Indonesian security forces, at the University of East Timor in Dili, on the morning of 14 November, 1997.
The eight students, Antonio Viegas, Albano Barreto, Natalina Duarte de Araujo, Adolfo da Costa, Joaquim Matatai, Abrao do Nascimento, Bendito Simao and Orlando (no surname) are currently in custody at the military hospital at Wirahusada, Dili. Indonesian authorities have admitted that some arrests have been made and it is believed that up to 10 to 15 students were driven away by the Indonesian police for questioning at either POLDA (local police station) or POLRES (Regional police) headquarters. However, their whereabouts is still unconfirmed, despite internal steps taken to locate them.
According to ETHRC sources, the confrontation between the students and Indonesian security forces is believed to have started when an argument broke out on campus between students and two plain clothes members of the Indonesian military. When faced with the angry students demanding to know their presence at the university, the military men left the campus and returned with members of the BTT (territorial battalion). It is believed the soldiers then opened fire into the crowd of students, seriously injuring several. The soldiers were later joined by members of battalion 744 and Indonesian police, who claimed to have fired shots into the air to disperse the crowd. In addition to receiving gunshot wounds, reliable sources also reported that several of the wounded students were brutally beaten and tortured with rifle butts and bayonets.
According to Amnesty International, one student who sustained a serious gunshot wound to the neck was forcibly removed from an ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) vehicle and severely beaten by the police. An ETHRC source reported that Abrao do Nascimento and Bendito Simao who received serious gunshot and knife wounds to their arms and faces, were forced to remain handcuffed while being driven by the military to the hospital. There have been reports that at least one of the wounded students has since died, however the ETHRC has not been able to confirm this. Sources in East Timor reported that the military authorities had prevented representatives of the ICRC and other humanitarian organisations from entering the university to give assistance to the wounded. According to Agence France Press, the ICRC has since been allowed access to some of the wounded at the hospital. The report dated 15 November, quoted the Head of the ICRC Indonesian delegation, Henry Fournier, as stating that "five civilianswere visited". However, the ETHRC remains concerned about the other wounded students, as it would appear that they have not been allowed access to humanitarian assistance. The ETHRC is concerned for the safety of all the students taken into custody, in particular for the eight wounded students at the military hospital as some of the wounded were mistreated by the military on their way to the hospital. Detainees in East Timor are routinely subjected to torture and ill-treatment while in military or police custody and the risk of torture and ill-treatment is heightened, especially when the detainees are denied access to their families and independent legal counsel.
The Nation - November 12, 1997
Bangkok – Today is the sixth anniversary of the Dili massacre in East Timor when an estimated 271 people were gunned down in cold blood by Indonesian troops. Among the dead was a young Malaysian student. The Nation's Steven Gan tells his story.
It was November 3, 1991. In Dili, Malaysian student Kamal Bamadhaj, alone in his hotel room, jotted the following notes in his diary.
"It has been a tense past two weeks in East Timor. A kind of lull before the storm has prevailed as Timorese prepare themselves for the visit of the Portuguese parliamentary delegation scheduled to have started tomorrow.
"In the past month or so, Timorese have been taking extraordinary risks organising among themselves in anticipation of the delegation. They claim that any risk they took was worth it because the visit offered them so much hope. And they are banking on placing themselves on a security list held by the Portuguese that would guarantee them – under UN agreements – freedom from persecution if they spoke up.
"But now that the visit is off and the Timorese are once again in the all too familiar position of being defenceless from arbitrary arrest, maltreatment, or even death."
Those words contained an eerie premonition. Apparently, Kamal had portentously predicted the "storm" that was to come. Nine days later, an estimated 271 people were massacred in Dili's Santa Cruz cemetery. Kamal was among those killed.
Kamal was a first-year political science student at the University of New South Wales, Australia, majoring in Asian history and politics when I met him. He struck me as a person who cared deeply about the iniquities of our world and showed great concern for those less fortunate than himself. My first impression of him proved me right. Soon he took a keen interest in the plight of the people in East Timor.
East Timor, a small island in the eastern half of the Indonesian archipelago, declared independence from Portugal on Nov 28, 1975, after almost 300 years of colonialism. Nine days later, it was invaded by Indonesia.
The invasion was condemned by the UN Security Council. However, UN resolutions calling for the withdrawal of Indonesian troops and that East Timorese be given the right to self-determination were ignored. Some 200,000 East Timorese, estimated to be around one-third of the population, have died as a result of the invasion.
Kamal went to East Timor in October 1991 to observe the occupied territory at its most important time – the long-awaited visit by a parliamentary delegation from Portugal. The visit was to bring an unprecedented 70 international observers to East Timor. But the visit was abruptly cancelled when Indonesia rejected the inclusion of an Australian journalist in the delegation.
The cancellation disappointed many East Timorese. There had been high hopes that the visit would draw world attention to their plight. And with it shelved, there was fear that a military crackdown was imminent.
"The indefinite delay [of the visit] gives the Indonesian military the perfect opportunity to eliminate all those East Timorese who had exposed their identity while preparing for the visit," Kamal wrote.
A week after the Portuguese visit was called off, a memorial service was held for Sebastian Gomez Rangel, an East Timorese youth killed by Indonesian soldiers in the grounds of Motael church. Kamal and a few foreigners decided to attend the memorial. He believed the foreign presence might help restrain the military from attacking the crowd. He was dead wrong.
Memorial procession
The memorial procession from Motael church to the Santa Cruz cemetery began early on the morning of Nov 12. During the procession, banners supporting Fretilin, the independence movement, were unfurled. Such an outright call for independence by a crowd of thousands had never been dared before. And to the Indonesians, it was a provocation which the military could not tolerate.
The crowd came to a halt when the peaceful procession reached Santa Cruz cemetery. Events then turned ugly.
A military truck roared up and soldiers disembarked. They lined up facing the memorial congregation about 100 metres away. Then they marched forward, raised their rifles and shot into the crowd. The shooting lasted for some 10 minutes.
When the sound of gunfire finally ceased, hundreds of bodies littered the cemetery – some dead, others bleeding profusely. It was later estimated that 271 people were killed.
Kamal was found half a kilometre from where the massacre took place. He had been hit on the right side of his chest. Few knew what happened to him.
But eyewitnesses said Kamal had been taking photos outside the cemetery gate before the shootings. He, however, was able to escape unhurt and was on his way back to his hotel on a deserted track.
There, he had the misfortune of being stopped by a military truck. The Indonesians could have mistaken him for an East Timorese. Then, perhaps not. Kamal had his Malaysian passport with him.
The soldiers confiscated his camera, and an officer shot Kamal point blank, leaving him to die by the side of the road.
Kamal was found by Anton Marti, an official of the International Red Cross. He was still conscious but weak, and desperately waving his passport – a document which had obviously failed to protect his life. Marti attempted to drive him to Dili General Hospital but was immediately stopped by a military roadblock.
Although the car had Red Cross markings, the soldiers threatened to shoot him. So Marti turned back and headed to another hospital. However, he was again stopped near a police station. Both Marti and Kamal were directed into the police compound. Again Marti explained Kamal's condition but he was prevented from continuing, or even getting out of the car.
After a long wait, he was allowed to drive to a military hospital. The delay was fatal. By the time Kamal was admitted to the hospital, he was unconscious.
He died 20 minutes later. He, along with other massacre victims, were later buried in a mass grave.
Kamal's death was symptomatic of the harsh reality of life in East Timor. He recorded his final thoughts in a diary which he left behind.
"Whether total genocide occurs in East Timor or not depends not only on the remarkably powerful will of the East Timorese people, but also on the will of humanity – of us all," he wrote. It was his last political essay.
That "will of humanity" has finally catapulted the issue of East Timor back into the front burner of international diplomacy.
The 1996 award of the Nobel Peace Prize to two East Timorese – Bishop of Dili Carlos Ximenes Bello and exiled resistance spokesperson Jose Ramos-Horta – has added a new sense of urgency to the issue.
The East Timorese resistance movement has mooted a peace proposal – autonomy in the short term and a referendum to determine its own future after five or 10 years.
Unruly mob
Kamal was not the only Southeast Asian to show solidarity with the people in East Timor.
In May 1994, others followed him when the first Asia Pacific Conference on East Timor (Apcet) was held in Manila, an event which dramatically challenged the "non-intervention" policy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
I had promised Kamal's father that I would write about his son come the anniversary of his death each year to keep his memories alive. And I have done that without fail over the years. The only exception was last year.
That was when a government-organised mob from the ruling parties' youth wings, calling themselves the Malaysian People's Action Front, stormed into the Asia Hotel and went on a rampage in a bid to stop the Second Asia Pacific Conference on East Timor (Apcet II) on Nov 9 in Kuala Lumpur.
The Malaysian government had earlier expressed its disapproval of the conference. But to hire a mob to physically stop a legal and private meeting is a clear transgression of the rule of law.
The mob destroyed hotel property, hurled verbal threats and manhandled participants.
It wasn't until an hour later that the police arrived to restore order. The participants may have thought that their nightmare was over. It was, however, only the beginning. While the foreign participants were immediately deported, the rest were arrested. Not even journalists were spared, myself included.
I finally walked out of the prison five days later. I did eventually file a story on Kamal, and on my arrest, for the newspaper I worked for then. It, however, did not appear – obviously a victim of self-censorship in the Malaysian media.
Kamal was fond of wearing a T-shirt produced by the Asian Students Association, a regional student organisation. It said, "I'm a witness to the suffering of my people. And I'll bear witness to their liberation."
Kamal did not live to witness the liberation of the East Timor people. But a day when East Timor is free will surely come.
In November 1994 – a week before the third anniversary of Kamal's death – a US federal court which heard a lawsuit brought by Kamal's mother, Halinah Todd, ordered former Indonesian general Sintong Panjaitan who headed the military during the Dili massacre to pay US$14 million in damages. On hearing the news, Panjaitan laughed and dismissed the court decision as "a joke".
Kamal was 20 when he died. He is dearly missed by those who knew and loved him. And for them, Kamal's death – and that of hundreds of others in the Dili massacre – is definitely not a joke.
Agence France Presse - November 15, 1997
Jakarta – The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been allowed to visit seven people injured after soldiers fired on students in an East Timor university, an ICRC official said Saturday.
At least four people were injured and several buildings damaged by rocks and bullets after police and troops fired at students on the campus of Universitas Timor Timur in Dili on Friday, residents said.
The seven injured people were admitted to a military hospital in Dili, the official said.
"The five civilians and two soldiers were visited this afternoon around noon (0400 GMT)," Henry Fournier, the head of the Indonesian ICRC delegation, told AFP.
The ICRC has already lodged an official protest after an injured man was dragged from one of their vehicles by police.
Fournier said one of the patients visited at the Wira Husada hospital in Dili, the capital of East Timor, was the man who was dragged out of the ICRC vehicle.
The Indonesian army said on Saturday it had detained eight people after Friday's clash.
East Timor military commander Col. Slamat Sidabutar told AFP the eight were arrested on Friday after they attacked three soldiers.
Fournier could not comment on the condition of the patients but added that there was no indication anyone was killed in the clash.
Green Left Weekly - November 19, 1997
Jon Land – More than 1000 East Timorese students staged a peaceful demonstration in Dili on November 12 to commemorate the sixth anniversary of the Santa Cruz massacre. The protest was held at the University of East Timor, amidst a heavy security presence.
University students gathered in the university compound from 7am to lay wreaths, light candles and pray. They were remembering the 271 young men and women murdered and the hundreds more wounded by the Indonesian military on November 12, 1991.
The university students were joined by 300 high-school students who had placed candles throughout the suburbs of Becora, Comoro and Matadouro. Classes were cancelled for the day. The Portuguese news service Lusa reported that attendance at the demonstration was "much higher than usual".
The East Timor International Support Centre in Darwin reported on November 13 that a group of East Timorese had been fired upon by soldiers and police when they placed wreaths and lit candles in front of the house of Armindo Mariano, the chairperson of the legislative assembly of East Timor. It is believed that three women were killed and another three seriously wounded (now in hiding).
A women from the United States who took part in a candlelight procession outside the university was detained for "disturbing public order", then deported on November 13. Two students were also arrested near a school on the outskirts of Dili for allegedly calling for attacks on the police.
On November 14, an incident sparked by a confrontation between intelligence officers and students at the university resulted in more students being shot. Amnesty International reported that at least five students with gunshot wounds - one with a life- threatening wound to the neck - were taken to a military hospital, and that another 11 may be in detention. All have been denied access to the Red Cross or legal representation.
On November 3 in Los Palos, youths carrying a banner which read "ABRI [Indonesian Armed Forces], if you do not like our people, go to hell and leave Loro Sae Land [East Timor]" blocked the main road with rocks and burning tyres.
Solidarity actions occurred all over world on November 12 . The East Timor Action Network in Ottawa staged a "trial" of Suharto for war crimes and crimes against humanity. The trial is part of a campaign to prevent Suharto entering Canada to attend the APEC summit in Vancouver from November 20. "Either bar him or put him in jail", stated dissident Indonesian academic George Aditjondro.
In response to an appeal from Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor, a number of protests took place outside Australian embassies over Canberra's attempts to deport East Timorese refugees. In Manila, the Philippine Solidarity for East Timor and Indonesia picketed the Australian embassy.
In New Zealand, Alliance foreign affairs spokesperson Matt Robson presented a letter to the Australian embassy calling on Canberra to "honour those who fell at Dili by granting residence to the East Timorese who are seeking refugee status in Australia. In doing so you will honour those East Timorese who protected and assisted the many Australian soldiers who were in East Timor during the Second World War."
Demonstrations in the US and Britain focused on the supply of arms to the Suharto dictatorship. Nine activists, including six East Timorese, entered a British Aerospace factory where they held a memorial service. Actions were also held in Hong Kong, Macau, Malaysia, Ireland and Portugal.
Green Left Weekly - November 19, 1997
The sixth anniversary of the Indonesian military's massacre of mourners at Dili's Santa Cruz cemetery on November 12, 1991, was commemorated in many parts of the country.
From Brisbane, report Roberto Jorquera and Karen Fletcher, more than 70 people attended a benefit concert on November 8 to raise funds for the protest action planned for December 6 and 7 at the Canungra Army base in the Gold Coast hinterland. Indonesian troops are trained at Canungra.
Nick Everett from Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET) gave greetings and emphasised the link between the struggles for democracy in Indonesia and independence for East Timor. Everett warned, "We must not place our hopes on the ALP changing its policy towards East Timor while in opposition. Even though we welcome a change, it is what they do in government that is most important."
On November 12, 20 demonstrators held a speak-out outside the Defence Force recruiting centre, calling on passers-by to remember the 1991 massacre and join the campaign to stop Australian military cooperation with the Suharto regime. The demonstration was joined people who had attended a commemorative mass at St Stephens church.
After the demonstration, a forum organised by the Democratic Socialists and ASIET discussed the latest developments in the struggle for independence in East Timor and in the campaign to obtain special visas for the refugees who fled East Timor in the wake of the Dili massacre.
Kathy O'Driscoll reports that a commemoration was held in Lismore. As the sun rose, white crosses representing the 273 murdered East Timorese were placed in a local roundabout.
Chalk-ups around town advertising a lunchtime rally and explaining the role the Australian government plays in supporting the annexation of East Timor drew positive feedback. Interactive street theatre involved people by getting them to cut military (neck)ties.
The rally attracted 70 people. Saskia Kouwenberg and Russell Anderson, eyewitnesses to the massacre, spoke of the need to keep up the pressure on the Australian government and to support the struggle for self-determination in East Timor.
Participants then each took a cross or a banner and walked down to the war memorial, where a minute's silence was held in remembrance of the victims of the massacre.
The action also demanded that the Australian government admit more East Timorese refugees and let those already here stay. Lismore Friends of East Timor are organising a bus to attend the demonstration at Canungra army base on December 6-7.
In Newcastle, activists laid one cross for each person killed in the Dili massacre on a giant cloth map of East Timor. Sr Carmel Hanson of the Christian Sanctuary Network spoke about the situation in East Timor, the plight of Timorese refugees in Australia and efforts of the sanctuary network to offer asylum to any Timorese threatened with deportation.
Australia-Asia Solidarity Network convener Paul Toner spoke. Folk singer Alex Bainbridge sang a song highlighting the hypocrisy of Australia's role in East Timor.
East Timorese activist Naldo Rai and Indonesian dissident Edwin Gozal will be speaking in Newcastle on November 27 at the Multicultural Neighbourhood Centre.
A lively speak-out was held in Canberra on November 15. The gathering heard speakers from Resistance, ASIET and other activists. Liberal Chief Minister Kate Carnell, who was opening a mobile phone business nearby, was drowned out.
Kerryn Williams from ASIET condemned the role of the Australian government in East Timor. Natalie Zirngast from Resistance spoke on the growing links between the Indonesian democracy movement and the independence movement in East Timor.
A succession of speakers wearing masks of current and former prime ministers read quotes exposing their roles. Masks of Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke, Keating and Howard were sold to passers- by, the proceeds going to the campaign to free Indonesian political prisoners.
Tim E. Stewart reports that Darwin had one of the best attended mobilisations in years. There was spirited march through the city's streets on November 12. A majority were East Timorese, many organised by the Timorese National Youth Resistance (RNJT).
The street march at dusk was followed a memorial service at St Mary's Cathedral. Later a rally was held at the Indonesian consulate, which was addressed by speakers from Resistance, RNJT, National Council of Maubere Resistance, the AustralAsian newspaper, Australians for a Free East Timor and Christians in Solidarity with East Timor.
| Environment/land disputes |
Asiaweek - November 22, 1997
Yenni Kwok, Kalimantan – The forest fires burning in Indonesia have endangered the health of millions of people across Southeast Asia, strained relations between Jakarta and its neighbors and earned the Indonesian government the contempt of environmentalists around the world. Almost overlooked in all this has been the devastating effect on wildlife – particularly on Asia's only great ape (and man's closest relative), the orangutan.
But the consequences are distressingly visible at the Wanariset research center, a seven-hectare sanctuary carved out of the forests of East Kalimantan. The facility is home to about 70 orangutans, most of them orphaned youngsters. They make a pitiful sight, huddled together for comfort much as human children would after suffering severe emotional trauma. And that is what has happened to these infants. Their mothers are dead, slaughtered by poachers after being driven out of the forest by the fires.
Killing mother apes and kidnapping the offspring is the preferred tactic of the poachers, who then sell the young orangutans into the pet trade. The ones at Wanariset have escaped finishing up on a leash, but their future is still parlous. Once the threat from the fires has passed, they will have to be put back into the forests – a process that is never easy. With the youngsters are three female adults suffering from serious injuries. One has a fractured skull, another a slashing wound on the back and the third has had an arm hacked off – evidence of the way these peaceful animals are cut down with machetes.
There is nothing new about the hunting of orangutans in Borneo, even though the apes are one of the world's most endangered species and, nominally, are protected by law. Just as with the illegal torching of forest land to make way for plantations and other commercial enterprises, there is a wide gulf between what is said in Jakarta and what is practiced in the countryside. The difference now is that the poachers no longer have to track their victims deep into the forests.
With their habitat destroyed by fire or threatened by choking smoke, apes have been forced to forage for food in plantations or on the fringes of villages. "Normally, orangutans would never go anywhere near a village," says Willie Smits, director of the Wanariset center. "But they are facing a food crisis. There is little fruit." Feeble and tired, and with nowhere to hide, the apes fall easy prey to the poachers. Others are killed by villagers or plantation workers simply protecting crops. A few are taken for food.
A baby orangutan will sell for about $50 in Samarinda, East Kalimantan. In Jakarta, where a sizable black market in the trade exists, it can fetch $300. The price jumps to $5,000 in Taiwan, which is the usual destination. "It is a status symbol to have a pet orangutan there," says Barita Manullang, a Jakarta-based official with the World Wide Fund for Nature. A baby orangutan smuggled into the U.S. could go for up to $25,000.
Just how many have perished as a result of the fires is not known. Smits puts the figure at about140, based solely on the number of orphans he has handled. But he fears the true toll could be much higher. "We cannot check for victims everywhere," he says. He knows of no orangutans dying in the flames, though he believes this may have happened.
The red apes, as they are known, once roamed over large areas of Southeast Asia. But now, according to a World Wide Fund for Nature report, they live on only 2% of their pre-World War II range – exclusively on Borneo and Sumatra. Their population has declined by up to 50% over the past decade and is thought to be below 20,000. The 5,000 or so on Sumatra are concentrated in the Leuser Mountain National Park, in the north of the island. They have not been affected by the forest fires, which have occurred further south.
Killing mother apes to capture the young is dealing a hammer blow to a species that reproduces slowly. It takes 10 years or more for females to start breeding, and they give birth only every eight or nine years in a normal lifespan of 40 years. Says Mark Leighton, a Harvard University lecturer and rain-forest ecologist who conducts research in southwest Borneo: "A loss rate of 1% per year – which means killing just one female out of 100 – changes the population from being relatively stable to declining."
But the orangutan is threatened by more than poachers. The endless whittling-away of its habitat by plantation owners and timber barons has left many of them isolated in fragments of forest too small to support their numbers. This, plus the attendant gene-sapping effects of inbreeding, points to a further reduction in the population. And worse may be to come. Says Herman Rijksen, an Indonesian-based expert on orangutans: "If you overlay these areas with a map of planned forest conversion and timber concessions, it makes you weep. There is a 100% overlap. We need a very large structural change to protect these animals. Otherwise they're gone."
Particularly at risk are about 1,000 orangutans that once lived in what was a peat swamp area in central Kalimantan. Many have been scattered by a plan commissioned in 1995 by President Suharto to convert the 10,000-square-kilometer area into Indonesia's rice bowl. The cruel twist here is that many agricultural experts believe the rice project will not work. They argue that converting peat swamps to sustainable agricultural use is difficult. The Center for Forestry Research in Bogor, near Jakarta, says that in many cases the best long-term use might be some form of forestry. With the right safeguards, would this provide a sanctuary for Borneo's endangered apes?
Green Left Weekly - November 19, 1997
Linda Kaucher – President Suharto is refusing to declare West Papua a disaster area despite calls from within his own government to do so. More than 400 people have died from the drought, mainly in the Jayawijaya highlands district, adjacent to the PNG border.
An additional 80 deaths have now been reported from malaria and diarrhoea. Deaths from diarrhoea have been mostly in the southern regions, where fires are compounding problems. Water supplies are low and unhealthy, and malnutrition is contributing.
The Australian government's bail out of the Suharto regime has done nothing to support emergency relief in West Papua. Australia has given only $300,000 to fund a World Vision relief program there.
Meanwhile, the Freeport mine - the world's second largest copper and gold mine, part-owned by Anglo-Australian company Rio Tinto - in the West Papuan highlands has issued press releases boasting a drought relief contribution of $10,000 a day for one month.
According to an Indonesian Times article on October 31, this was the company's estimate of the cost of operating a helicopter to distribute relief supplies. The company claims it has also made a $50,000 donation to the local Wamena township.
The Freeport mine has operated for 20 years and earned $1 million a day net profit. The mine has never had permission from the traditional owners of the land to operate.
"It's precious little after 20 years of high profits", said Kel Dummett from the Australia-West Papua Association. "Even this token effort is dubious, as eyewitnesses have said that survey equipment for further mineral exploration has also been arriving at Wamena throughout this emergency."
The mine pipes slurry 118 kilometres down to the coast. Although this is a water-intensive operation, the mining operations have not slowed. Independent monitoring of mine operations, including toxic effects on the water supply, are forbidden. This is enforced by the Indonesian military. It is therefore difficult to gauge the effect of the operation of the mine on the drought- stricken environment.
| Labour issues |
South China Morning Post - November 21, 1997
Jenny Grant, Jakarta – The Government came under pressure yesterday to repeal a controversial labour law after it was revealed expenses incurred in its passage were illegally paid for by the state worker insurance company.
President of state-owned firm Jamsostek, Abdillah Nusi, admitted he used 3.1 billion rupiah (HK$7.13 million) of company funds to pay for the speedy processing of the new bill.
The money was used to cover expenses and accommodation for 60 parliamentarians and 34 ministry officials at three five-star hotels in Jakarta. Legislators moved into the hotels during their final weeks of deliberation over the bill.
Mr Nusi defended his actions, claiming they did not break the law. "The funds were small compared to the protection and bright future the manpower law gives to 90 million workers who previously had poor security," he said in the Jakarta Post.
Critics say the law should now be repealed because it was passed under dubious circumstances.
"The law is now morally deficient because they used people's money for the sake of politics," said Teten Masduki, head of the labour division at the Legal Aid Institute.
He demanded the legislators should give back any money they received during the deliberations.
Labour lawyer Nursyahbani Katjasungkana said in the Media Indonesia daily that the legislation should be cancelled, claiming if workers found out about the collusion they could riot.
Jamsostek was set up in 1992 to provide life insurance, superannuation and health care to workers. All companies with 10 employees or more must contribute 13 per cent of each worker's wage to the scheme.
Under the new legislation, workers must give three days' notice if they want to go on strike. Street rallies by workers have been banned and any industrial action must occur inside factory premises.
The controversial legislation was passed after two months of intense deliberation. It was one of the last pieces of law pushed through before the new Parliament sat on October 1.
Manpower Minister Abdul Latief, who approved the use of Jamsostek funds to pay for the passage of the bill, joked about the scandal saying it would give "publicity" for workers to take out insurance.
Corruption cases are rarely aired in public and President Suharto often steps in to protect ministers.
However, the scandal's timing could be politically fatal for Mr Latief who is now expected to be excluded from the Cabinet in March.
Sydney Morning Herald - 19 November, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – Millions of dollars from a State- owned workers' insurance fund was paid to Members of Parliament earlier this year as they debated labour legislation, according to documents obtained by the Jakarta Post newspaper.
A front-page report in the newspaper yesterday said the documents showed 7.1 billion rupiah ($3 million) was given to 44 legislators as "session money" from the State-owned Jamsostek, which has 12.2 million members. The fee, of around 170 million rupiah each, was paid during the drawn-out deliberations over labour laws, much of which took place in a five-star hotel away from the Parliament.
The legislation was passed by the outgoing Parliament on September 11, just ahead of the confirmation of the new Parliament on October 1. It was subject to two months of deliberations, and controversy has already focused on the convening of extra sessions and meetings in luxury hotels, using public funds.
The legislation maintains the ban on public demonstrations and strikes, limiting protests to within the grounds of the workplace, and preventing any industry-wide disputes. Labour disputes have been increasing rapidly in Indonesia, and last week about 40,000 workers were on strike in East Java over cuts in overtime due to the currency crisis.
The publication of the allegations, which imply responsibility on the part of President Soeharto's Manpower Minister, Mr Abdul Latief, and the management of the 6 trillion rupiah PT Jamsostek fund, is extraordinary in a country which restricts the freedom of the press to criticise government.
According to the Jakarta Post the request for the "disbursement" came directly from Mr Latief, and was approved by two Jamsostek commissioners. Both men have refused to comment.
A member of the House Committee from the minority United Development Party, Mr Muhsin Bafadal, said: "We were never informed of this matter during the deliberation. It is true that I received some money, but it was not much.
"The Government may have spent a lot of money because we stayed in a hotel for more than one and a half months."
The Jakarta Post story indicates the growing public awareness of official corruption which touches many of the most powerful members of the ruling political and business elite.
Last Friday, in the central Javanese town of Jepara, hundreds of people rioted, setting fire to the offices of a local timber company, timber plantations and security posts after a local man had been found hanged in a police cell.
The man, who was accused of stealing two pieces of timber, was rumoured to have been tortured and killed by police. The rampaging crowd was incensed over the harsh treatment handed out to the poor, compared with the free rein enjoyed by officials involved in major log smuggling operations.
Sydney Morning Herald - November 21, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – Indonesia's largest Muslim organisation has decreed that street protests and labour strikes are permitted under Islam, a religious ruling which could directly challenge some of the Soeharto Government's laws on labour organisation and political opposition.
Leaders of the 30 million strong Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Muslim organisation issued their ruling at their national convention, saying that protests and strikes could be used in "persuading society to do good, and discouraging bad".
The Islamic leaders also said economic monopolies were only acceptable if they were controlled by the government for "people-oriented" activities, not by private business for profit. A number of controversial private monopolies are controlled by members of President Soeharto's family, including the lucrative clove monopoly of the President's son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra.
The convention decreed that protests should only be used if people fail to reach agreements with the government or their employers and should not turn violent. The Soeharto Government limits labour protests to within the grounds of the work place and imposes strict controls on anti-government protests.
The economic crisis is likely to force tens of thousands of lay- offs in the next few months. Last week about 40,000 workers were on strike in the NU stronghold of East Java over reduced working hours.
The NU ruling comes at a time of increasing criticism of the ruling elite from Indonesia's second largest Islamic organisation, Muhammadiyah, with about 28 million members. The Muhammadiyah leader, Mr Amien Rais, is a vocal critic of government nepotism and corruption and has said Mr Soeharto should step down.
The issue of corruption and justice is likely to come into ever sharper focus as the economic downturn pushes millions of ordinary Indonesians out of work, while the elite continue to enjoy a lifestyle of luxury.
Adding to the tension is the fact that business in Indonesia is dominated by the non-Muslim ethnic Chinese minority, with most of the working class being Muslims.
On Wednesday, a state-owned workers' insurance company, Jamsostek, admitted paying 3.1 billion rupiah ($A1.4 million) to MPs who debated labour legislation earlier this year. Jamsostek said the funds were drawn from an allocation for "the protection of workers".
Labour activists said it was ironic that payments were allegedly paid to push through legislation which has been widely criticised by workers. Earlier this week, the Government told public servants they could not expect a pay rise, despite spiralling inflation, saying they were fortunate to have work and "should suffer with the rest of the people".
Green Left Weekly - November 19, 1997
Becky Ellis – The rapid development of export industries in Indonesia since the 1970s has significantly increased women's participation in the industrial work force. Indonesian women are concentrated in manufacturing, agriculture, trades and services, and make up 70- 80% of the textile and garment industry.
Workers in Indonesia generally experience terrible working and living conditions. The Suharto government has outlawed workers' right to organise and join trade unions of their choice. In response, an increasing number of workers, especially women, have begun to campaign for workers' rights and greater democracy.
Official government policy holds that women are already emancipated. However, women do not have full status in society until they are married, and it is state policy that marriage and motherhood are the only acceptable states for women. The ideal woman worker, according to a well-known saying in Indonesia, is "takut dan malu" or "fearful and shy".
Because of a large number of rural families being pushed off their land by the military to make way for private developments, and a sharp downturn in available work in agriculture, young rural women flock to the cities seeking jobs.
These women are considered the best workers and are hired by the large factories for their manual dexterity, supposed tolerance for monotonous tasks and greater obedience than women from urban areas. The majority of women factory workers in Indonesia are under 25 years old, single and poorly educated.
Working conditions
Textile and garment industry workers receive very low wages. The minimum wage is Rp5200 (US$2) per day. The government estimates that the minimum daily amount required to meet basic needs is Rp6200, but this figure is based on the lowest of living standards.
Many employers do not pay even the minimum wage, and women workers are paid less than the men in most industries.
A 1989 study of a range of factories in north Jakarta found that 72.55% of workers were paid below the minimum wage. Many companies get away with this by bribing government officials. It has been estimated that 2-10% of production costs is paid in wages, while 30% is paid in bribes.
Women's usual working conditions include long hours, abusive environments, unhealthy conditions and restrictions on the right to organise.
A recent study at a Bandung textile and garment factory found that the workers worked 12-14 hours each day. Another study of a Nike factory in Java found that women workers were permitted to have only two days off a month. In many factories, overtime is compulsory and paid erratically.
By law, workers are entitled to sick, religious, holiday, menstrual and pregnancy leave. In reality, they are rarely permitted to take any leave, and those who persist in doing so are fired. According to reports on Nike factories in Java, workers who are too ill to work are required to spend the day resting in the factory's mosque.
Workers often have money deducted from their wages for things such as fabric flaws and broken needles. At a shrimp paste factory in Java, the workers have to pay Rp50 for the "privilege" of washing the smell of shrimp paste off their hands.
Verbal, physical and sexual abuse are commonplace. A former supervisor at a Nike factory reported that he was trained to yell "Fuck you" and "Move, hurry, you stupid bitch" at the women workers.
Other reports of abuse include supervisors at a shoe factory hitting women workers on their behinds with the out-soles of shoes when they slowed, workers being punished at many factories by being made to run laps around the building, and at several Nike factories, women workers being forced by supervisors to run between their various work sites.
Industrial accidents are also commonplace. A company nurse told researchers that he regularly threw fingers out in the trash heap. In one factory, a 22-year-old woman was scalped when her hair caught on a conveyor belt. Workers rarely receive compensation, and when they do, it does not cover medical expenses.
Overcrowding
The workers' low wages means that they also live in very poor conditions. Some factories provide accommodation for their workers, usually housing compounds consisting of large brick buildings which are severely overcrowded. At one Nike housing compound, each room houses 12 women. Each room contains six bunk beds and virtually no walking space.
It is common for workers' quarters to have only one or two toilets for 50 to 100 residents. Water is scarce in these quarters, and workers are often forced to buy expensive bottled water. A study of women workers in Malang found that 68% had no washing facilities or running water at home.
Not surprisingly, the health of women workers is generally very poor. Ailments commonly reported by women textile workers include iron deficiency anaemia, depression, chronic tinnitus, occupational bronchitis, menstrual disorders, muscle strain disorders and hearing loss.
One survey estimated that 40.3% of women workers in Jakarta have iron deficiency anaemia, 30% are infected with intestinal parasites and 88% are malnourished.
There is also mounting evidence that life-threatening disorders are being contracted at work. One study at a textile factory in Bandung revealed that some of the dye workers had bladder cancer, which has been linked to the carcinogens present in locally used dyestuffs.
Women have been at the forefront of struggles for workers' rights in Indonesia. Strikes in all industries have increased substantially over the past decade (in 1994, there were 1130 strikes), and there are numerous examples of the integral role of women in these protests.
Dita Sari, the chairperson of the Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggle, was arrested on July 8, 1996, for leading 20,000 striking workers in a march in the Tandes industrial area. She is currently serving a five-year prison term.
Workers who take up the struggle are regularly intimidated, harassed and abused by the military, and are often sacked. In 1993, a woman named Marsinah who organised a strike at her textile factory was found floating, murdered, in a river near the factory.
International solidarity with these women is imperative. An international day of protest against Nike, one of the worst abusers of women workers in Indonesia, was held on October 18, and Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor and Community Aid Abroad have pledged to continue the campaign. For more information about campaigns in solidarity with workers in Indonesia, contact ASIET (see advertisement on this page).
| Human rights/law |
Ottawa Citizen - November 21, 1997
Douglas Todd, Vancouver – President Suharto's top officials warning that actions will be taken against Indonesians who demonstrate when he visits Vancouver is an insult to Canadians and free speech, says Indonesians attending an alternative APEC conference.
"This shows how the Indonesian regime always tries to bully people. They even try to bully people overseas," said Indonesian professor George Aditjondro, a participant in the People's Summit, a conference set up to criticize the Asia-Pacific Economic Forum. "This is not only an insult to the Indonesian people, this is an insult to the Canadian people and to freedom of expression in this country."
Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas told several Jakarta newspapers his government "will take measures against" any Indonesian nationals who demonstrate against President Suharto when he is in Vancouver to promote trade ties between Indonesia, Canada and the 16 other APEC economies.
Tati Krisnawaty, a human-rights activist who will return to Indonesia after the summit, said Indonesian nationals often find they can only speak out in foreign countries.
The treat against Indonesians' free speech will help show the world, Mr. Aditjondro said, that the Indonesian government is an oppressive regime that deserves to be criticized by Canada's federal leaders.
South China Morning Post - November 17, 1997
Jenny Grant, Jakarta – The Government appears to be clamping down on the media in the run-up to the presidential elections after it pulled the plug on the Finance Minister's live broadcast to Parliament last week.
Private television stations SCTV and Anteve were set to air Finance Minister Mar'ie Muhammad's speech but it was banned after a last-minute phone call.
Information Minister Raden Hartono said only the state-run Televisi Republik Indonesia (TVRI) station was allowed to air live parliamentary broadcasts.
The broadcast was to have been the first time Mr Muhammad had spoken publicly since the Government closed 16 banks on November 1.
TVRI, however, did not screen the address.
Anteve's editor-in-chief Azkarmin Zaini described the decision as regretful.
Misinformation and rumours have recently caused a number of runs on banks. On Friday, thousands of people withdrew funds from Bank Central Asia on rumours that the chairman of the Salim group, which controls the bank, Liem Sioe Liong, had died.
Jakarta wants to prevent any anti-government statements or sensitive remarks on live broadcasts before presidential polls next March.
Since his appointment to the Cabinet in June, former army chief Mr Hartono has been reining in the media.
Analyst Wimar Witoelar, whose popular Perspektif TV show was banned in September 1995, said Mr Hartono had a "very limited but powerful mandate to control the media until March. Until then, he is not going to share TVRI's news base".
Mr Witoelar said the Government was concerned that live parliamentary coverage could be politically damaging at a time of a financial and environmental crisis.
Mr Hartono, a front-runner for vice-president, said private stations must get permission from the Ministry of Information for live parliamentary feeds.
Any television station found to have broken the regulations would have its licence withdrawn.
Sydney Morning Herald - November 18, 1997
Louise Williams – It is not clear how the police came to choose the driver when they stopped his car outside the central Javanese city of Yogyakarta and activated the plan in which he was charged with murder, carrying a maximum penalty of death.
Dwi Sumadji, who worked for a small advertising company, was taken to a local hotel, plied with alcohol, offered a prostitute and told he would be paid if he confessed to killing a local journalist, who had exposed corruption within the local government office.
"Iwik", as Dwi Sumadji is known, signed and was promised a reward, to be paid by the Regent of the local government area of Bantul. His purported crime was killing Mr Fuad Muhammad, a prominent local journalist who had exposed the corrupt practices of the Regent.
In August last year, Mr Fuad was beaten to death in front of his wife, just outside their home. The charge against Iwik was premeditated murder, carrying a maximum penalty of execution by firing squad.
At the time Iwik was charged, it seemed likely to become just another terrible injustice in a legal system overridden by political power and connections. It was a chilling warning to other journalists who might try to challenge the network of vested interests within the Indonesian bureaucracy.
Never mind that Iwik later retracted his confession and gave evidence that police threatened to rip out his toenails or beat him to death if he continued to profess his innocence.
The link between Iwik and Mr Fuad was always tenuous. Police said his motive was jealousy, claiming Mr Fuad was having an affair with his wife, whom he had known at high school. But the only witness to the killing, Mr Fuad's wife, said Iwik did not resemble either of two men who burst into their home.
She described a man who resembled a local police officer, a relative of the Regent exposed by her husband's newspaper investigation.
As the case unravelled there was a new twist. Indonesia's Human Rights Commission came to sit and listen.
It was the first time members of the commission had monitored a court case, and their presence served as a powerful moral support for journalists willing to challenge the police. It also provided a rare window into a justice system which many Indonesians believe serves only the powerful.
Thirty-four witnesses testified to Iwik's innocence. Only two people, both police officers, testified to his guilt. Last week, the public prosecutor was forced to drop the case.
The Jakarta Post wrote: "If the prosecutors had been this courageous from the start, this parody of justice would not have progressed so far. The question now is how many other people have been unlawfully jailed?"
SiaR - November 19, 1997 (slightly abridged)
Malang – The chair of the Centre for Labour Struggle (PPBI) which is affiliated with the People's Democratic Party (PRD), Dita Indah Sari, is in intensive care at the Syaiful Anwar Hospital in Malang (East Java) suffering from typhoid. According to political activists close to her, Dita, who was sentenced to five years jail in the Sukun Women's prison in Malang for subversion, was first hospitalised last Saturday (15/11).
Because Dita's condition is very weak, the medical team have had to attach two intravenous drips. According to the team, her blood pressure is extremely high reaching 155 mmHg compared to a normal blood pressure of 110 mmHg and her temperature is 39 degrees Celsius. According to the team, day and night, Dita is delirious and frequently shouts in her sleep.
The security around Dita's room is very tight. Aside from two to three Malang police there are also guards from the Sukun Women's prison.
A SiaR correspondent and a number of journalists who tried to get permission to visit Dita were not allowed to enter [the hospital] without permission from the Sukun Women's prison and the head of the hospital.
"Without permission you cannot go in. Only Dita's family may visit" said Dita's guards.
The head of the Sukun Women's prison, Sri Hartati SH, who was contacted by SiaR, said that they are giving her the best possible treatment. "Dita is a good kid. We are trying to treat Dita as well as possible. Wipe her mouth, watch her if she is delirious, give her compresses and medicines", she said.
"Initially were tried to treat Dita ourselves [in the prison], but because here condition deteriorated we decided to send her to hospital, we were worried about her health if we delayed any longer" added Hartati.
She refused to answer when asked if it was possible that Dita's illness was a result of the conditions of her cell or that her prison rations not clean.
As reported previously, Dita's treatment at the Sukun Women's prison had resulted in protests by her family and lawyers because the prison did not respect her rights and applied discriminatory treatment against her. Dita is not allowed to receive [any outside] information, she is forbidden from reading newspapers, magazines, books or to watch television. To pass the time, Dita can only do embroidery.
[Translated by James Balowski]
| International relations |
Sapa - November 20, 1997
Cape Town – The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) on Thursday accused the police of barbarism following the arrest of about 40 of its Western Cape members outside Parliament for protesting against visiting Indonesian president Mohamed Suharto.
"It is a violation of their constitutional right to demonstrate peacefully," Cosatu national spokeswoman Nowetu Mpati said.
The placard-bearing protesters were bundled into police vans and charged with contravening the 1993 Act on the Regulation of Gatherings, which prohibits placard demonstrations within 100 metres of Parliament or a court building by groups of more than 15.
Mpati said Cosatu's lawyers were looking into the matter.
"At this time of our democary it is barbaric for police to act like that; our lawyers are looking into the matter," she told Sapa.
Mpati also questioned the police's actions and said it appeared they had a hidden agenda.
"These arrests raise many questions about the police."
Thursday's protest was in line with Cosatu's resolution to protest against Suharto's human rights abuses in Indonesia and East Timor, Mpati said. The demonstration had also been in support of President Nelson Mandela's bid to help find a peaceful solution to the problem of East Timor.
The people of Indonesia had experienced the same repression and oppression that South Africans had felt under apartheid, Mpati said.
"Solidarity knows no boundaries... Wherever Suharto goes in South Africa, people who feel strongly about the abuse of human rights will protest."
Sapa - November 20, 1997
Cape Town – About 40 placard-bearing Cosatu members, protesting outside Parliament's main gates against the visit to South Africa of Indonesia's President Suharto, were arrested by police shortly before 11am on Thursday.
Slogans on their placards included: "Numsa Demands the Release of Xanana Gusmao"; "Workers to End Suharto's Genocide"; "Cosatu to Support the Struggle of Asian Workers"; and "Suharto to End Union Bashing Now".
The protesters stood in two groups across the street from the gates. They chanted "Viva Cosatu" as police, some wearing helmets, started mobilising outside Parliaments gates, next to the statue of the Union of South Africa's first prime minister, General Louis Botha.
Cosatu regional educator Anthony Dietrich told Sapa, "we have been told we cannot exercise our rights" because they had not had permission from the Cape Town City Council "to be here today". He said they were planning to peacefully remain standing where they were and were not threatening anybody.
They were waiting to see what action the police would take.
Were they to be arrested, their protest against human rights violations and trade union bashing in Indonesia would be underscored, Dietrich said. Shortly before 11am, police started moving in and firmly bundled the protesters into vans.
Captain Ian Pretorius of the SAPS' Public Order Unit, told Sapa the protesters were being arrested because they were contravening the 1993 Act on the Regulation of Gatherings, which prohibits placard demonstrations within 100 metres of Parliament or a court building by groups of more than 15. Their application to the Cape Town City Council for permission to demonstrate had been turned down.
Pretorius said the protesters were being taken to Cape Town's central police station to be charged.
As the vans pulled away, the protesters banged the sides.
At the same time a group of about 200 pro-Suharto supporters, mostly Muslim school-children, were let through the parliamentary gates to await the arrival of Suharto at Tuynhuys.
Many of the children were wearing red fezzes and waving miniature Indonesian flags.
A Western Cape police spokesperson, Superintendent Ciska du Plessis, later told Sapa 28 men and 10 women were being charged at the Cape Town central police station.
They were being released on a warning to appear in the Cape Town Magistrate's Court on Friday.
Suharto arrived at Tuynhuys shortly after 11am, where he was given full red-carpet treatment.
President Nelson Mandela, 16 Cabinet ministers and one deputy minister were on hand to greet him.
After the national anthems had been played and Suharto had inspected a guard of honour, Suharto and Mandela started face-to-face talks, during which Mandela was expected to renew a request for the release of East Timorese guerilla leader Xanana Gusmao.
About 50 Cosatu supporters on Wednesday protested outside the Indonesian Embassy in Pretoria.
Sapa - November 20, 1997
Cape Town – President Nelson Mandela and a bevy of Cabinet ministers on Thursday laid on a red carpet welcome at Tuynhuys for Indonesian President Mohamed Suharto, soon after 38 Cosatu members were arrested outside Parliament for protesting against Indonesia's human rights record.
The 28 men and 10 women Congress of South African Trade Unions members were bundled into a police van and later charged for holding a placard demonstration within 100m of Parliament without the necessary permission. They will appear in court on Friday.
Suharto, who arrived 10 minutes later, was greeted instead by about 200 supporters, mostly Muslim schoolchildren, who were allowed through the parliamentary gates to await the Indonesian president's arrival. Suharto, who has been nominated by his party for a seventh term of office, has withstood a barrage of criticism for his government's human rights record and forcible occupation of East Timor, which Indonesia annexed in 1976.
Both the Pan Africanist Congress and the Democratic Party on Thursday criticised the visit, although the Muslim Judicial Council and several businesses took out a full-page advertisement in Cape Town newspapers welcoming Suharto.
Following the customary 21-gun salute and inspection of a guard of honour, Mandela and Suharto disappeared into Tuynhuys for hour-long talks and also witnessed the signing of two bilateral agreements on trade and aviation.
Mandela later emerged on the Tuynhuys steps with the Indonesian leader at his side and described their discussions as "very fruitful".
Mandela said he was confident progress had been made on the East Timor question.
The United Nations still recognises Portugal as the territory's legitimate administrator and is sponsoring peace talks involving Portugal and Indonesia.
Mandela, who during a state visit to Jakarta in July was allowed to visit jailed East Timorese leader Xanana Gusmao, is using his close relationship with Suharto to nudge the peace process forward.
He was expected to renew his call for Gusmao's release during his meeting with Suharto.
However, Mandela declined to reveal details, saying "we are discussing a very sensitive subject which effects the lives of many people".
He also wished to report back to UN secretary-general Kofi Annan first.
"There is still quite a lot which we have achieved in this regard, but it would be a calamity for us to come to the press to discuss these questions before I have to report to the United Nations secretary-general."
On his meeting with Gusmao, Mandela said it was precisely because he had handled the matter confidentially that Suharto had allowed him access.
"There were many high-profile people who wanted to see Gusmao, but because I handled the matter confidentially, without any publicity, it was easy for the president to allow me to make the breakthrough."
Mandela said he and Suharto were "close friends" and that the Indonesian leader had been among those who assisted the ANC financially "for us to win the elections".
On the arrests of the Cosatu members, Mandela said he had the support of the trade union federation's leadership for his efforts on East Timor.
Cosatu at its recent conference committed its more than two million members to support the struggle of the people in Indonesia and East Timor.
On Wednesday Cosatu launched a spate of protests countrywide to coincide with Suharto's three-day visit.
Suharto will meet Deputy President Thabo Mbeki on Thursday afternoon and will be the guest of honour at a state banquet at Tuynhuys later in the evening.
Reuters - November 16, 1997
Ian MacKenzie, Jakarta – Indonesia's President Suharto leaves a country in economic flux when he sets out this week on a 12-day trip to southern Africa, Canada and Saudi Arabia.
And in the background, like an unwelcome ghost peeping from a partially closed closet, hovers the East Timor issue that has bedevilled Indonesia's foreign policy for years.
South Africa's Foreign Minister Alfred Nzo said last week President Nelson Mandela was expected to press Suharto for the release of East Timorese rebel leader Jose "Xanana" Gusmao, who is serving a 20-year sentence in a Jakarta prison.
Indonesia's Foreign Minister Ali Alatas said in September Jakarta could consider Gusmao's release, but only as part of a comprehensive solution for the troubled territory. He ruled out autonomy for the former Portuguese colony Indonesia invaded with tacit Western support in 1975 and annexed the following year.
Suharto leaves Jakarta on Tuesday for a two-day state visit to Namibia and will then fly to Cape Town for the two-day South African leg of his trip.
Namibia's President Sam Nujoma and Mandela – whose liking for colourful batik-style loose shirts delights Indonesians – both paid state visits to Jakarta earlier this year.
The Indonesian leader will then attend the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in the Canadian city of Vancouver, where the woes of Asia's battered economies will be a major topic.
Indonesia last month agreed on a multi-billion dollar assistance and economic reform programme with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The fragile state of the economy was illustrated last Friday with a run on several branches of the country's largest private bank, Bank Central Asia (BCA), before calm was restored over the weekend.
Suharto will make the Islamic umroh – minor pilgrimage – to Mecca in Saudi Arabia before returning to Indonesia on November 29.
Mandela had a private meeting with Gusmao during his visit to Jakarta in mid-July. His efforts to mediate, however, have hit some snags, with South Africa expelling the Portuguese ambassador in August after the mission in Pretoria leaked a misdirected letter from Mandela to Suharto on East Timor. Gusmao was captured in 1992 after leading the military wing of the East Timorese Fretelin anti-Indonesian guerrilla group for 17 years. He was sentenced to life imprisonment – later reduced to 20 years – in May 1993 on charges of leading a separatist movement and illegal possession of weapons.
Indonesia has firmly rejected any challenge to its sovereignty over East Timor and Portugal – still regarded by the United Nations as the administering power – has shown no sign of compromise over its demands for a referendum on the territory despite long-running negotiations.
Suharto is also likely to face anti-Indonesian demonstrations over East Timor from human rights groups expected to gather in Vancouver next week.
Namibia is looking to boosting trade and investment with Indonesia, and is particularly interested in cooperation in the energy field and the exploitation of natural gas reserves.
South Africa's Ambassador to Indonesia, Sydney Kubheka, said the leaders of the two nations would sign trade and air services agreements in Cape Town.
He saw Suharto's visit as putting the seal on political and cultural relations and extending these to strengthened economic ties.
"Our cultural and political relations now ought to be translated into business opportunities for South Africans and Indonesians," he told Reuters.
An Indonesian group has already bought a major slice of South Africa's ostrich industry and a South African producer said the Indonesians could be on track to become the second biggest player in the world market for exotic ostrich products.
| Economy and investment |
Straits Times - November 22, 1997
President Suharto's half-brother and business tycoon Probosutedjo has agreed to drop charges against government officials for closing down his bank if they acknowledge that it is a sound bank.
"Of course we want to reach an out-of-court settlement," he said.
"We don't want to cause a headache to the governor of the central bank and the Minister of Finance."
Mr Probosutedjo filed a suit against Finance Minister Mar'ie Muhammad and Bank Indonesia Governor Soedradjad Djiwandono for closing his bank.
Bank Jakarta was one of 16 banks closed early this month as part of the government's plan to restore confidence in the Indonesian economy, reeling from a devaluation of the rupiah.
Mr Probosutedjo defied the closure ruling from the outset, refusing to sign the liquidation order and reopened his bank to reimburse some account holders without government approval.
The Jakarta Post yesterday quoted him as saying that he would withdraw his lawsuit if Bank Indonesia announced publicly that, unlike many local banks, Bank Jakarta had never asked the central bank for loans.
It had also not been provided with any funds by the bank.
"We don't demand that our bank be reopened," he said.
"We only want acknowledgement that our bank owed nothing to the central bank."
Another condition, he said, was for Bank Indonesia to allow him to pay back depositors at the bank by using its funds held by the central bank.
Three state banks, using funds from the central bank, reimbursed the depositors of 16 banks last week, but only up to a maximum of 20 million rupiah (S$9,500) per account. The balance still owed to creditors and depositors would be settled after the liquidation of the banks' assets.
Mr Probosutedjo demanded that Bank Jakarta's reserves at the central bank be returned, adding that it had 300 billion rupiah in assets. He also called on Mr Mari'e to take responsibility for his bank's employees who had lost their jobs as a result of the closure.
He said: "They are now unemployed because of Pak Mar'ie. So let him find jobs for them. I don't care how he does it."
Mr Probosutedjo is one of two bank owners who sued government officials for liquidating their banks.
The other is Mr Suharto's son, Bambang Trihatmodjo, who filed a suit against Mr Mar'ie and Mr Soedradjad but later dropped it for the sake of "national interest".
Dow Jones - November 21, 1997
Jakarta – Indonesia's President Suharto Friday ordered all state-owned companies to allocate 1% of their respective earnings to buy shares listed on the country's exchanges in order to support the slumping capital market, the state-owned Radio Republik Indonesia reported Friday evening.
Suharto declared the order from Cape Town, South Africa. He was in the country as part of his 12-day trip overseas including attending the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation's summit in Vancouver, Canada.
RRI quoted the chairman of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce, Aburizal Bakrie, as saying state-owned companies can buy shares directly or through mutual funds. Bakrie is accompanying Suharto on the trip.
Derailed by the currency turbulence storming the region, the Jakarta Stock Exchange Index has lost 47% after hitting an all time high of 740.883 points early July. The JSX index hit a four year low at 391.258 points Friday.
Bakrie also quoted Suharto as saying the government will channel the $5-billion aid pledged by Singapore bilaterally to the private sector in order to help the cash-strapped companies.
In order to defend the value of the rupiah, the government squeezed liquidity in August, which in turn boosted interest rates sharply. The move failed to defend the currency and hurt Indonesian companies instead.
Bakrie added the government will also soon inject some 20 trillion rupiah to the private sector. The fund will come from the state-owned companies' funds kept in Bank Indonesia.
The large liquidity injection is expected to bring down the lending rate from between 35% and 40% currently.
Sydney Morning Herald - November 22, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – President Soeharto's son Mr Bambang Trihatmodjo is back in the banking business only weeks after his under-capitalised bank was liquidated under International Monetary Fund (IMF) reforms - a move likely to further undermine confidence in Indonesia's ailing economy.
The local Kontan newspaper reported yesterday that Bambang was taking over the tiny Bank Alfa, owned by his father's close friend and Indonesia's richest man, Mr Liem Sioe Liong. Meanwhile, the Jakarta stock market continued its slide yesterday morning to the lowest point in almost five years and the rupiah lost further ground this week as the Soeharto Government revealed the extent of the nation's foreign debt.
At the same time, Bambang's battle against the closure of the Andromeda Bank, in which he held a 25 per cent share, and his success in obtaining a new bank is likely to raise doubts about the IMF's ability to tackle nepotism as part of the $US38 billion ($55.1 billion) rescue package for Indonesia.
"With Bank Alfa, Bank Andromeda's assets can be shifted, we will use Andromeda's offices," Bambang said. "In short, Andromeda is only changing its name."
Tens of thousands of small depositors, businesses, superannuation funds and associations have lost all but the first 20 million rupiah ($8,300) in their accounts following the liquidation of 16 banks under the first round of reforms of the IMF's bail-out package.
Bambang angered many Indonesians when he challenged Andromeda's liquidation, saying all the bank had done was break the law by exceeding the legal lending limit. He admitted that funds from Andromeda were used to prop up his petrochemical business.
The stock market reacted negatively to Bambang's outburst, seen as a sign that the politically connected elite was not prepared to suffer the pain of the economic crisis now hitting millions of ordinary Indonesians.
The stock market opened low and depressed yesterday morning and brokers predicted further downward pressure following the revelation this week that Indonesia's external debt had risen 7 per cent in six months to reach $US117 billion. Private debt now stands at $US65 billion, half of which will mature within the next 12 months, raising the real prospect of massive lay-offs and corporate bankruptcies.
Indonesia's Finance Minister, Mr Mar'ie Muhammad, told Parliament the Government would not use the IMF funds to bail out or roll over private debts, meaning Indonesia's biggest businesses will have to buy large amounts of US dollars for short-term debt servicing, putting further downward pressure on the rupiah.
He said every 100 points the rupiah fell against the US dollar would increase Indonesia's public debt by $US145 million.
Markets Post - November 21, 1997
Jakarta – Jakarta's main stock index smashed through the key 400-point barrier to hit a 50-month low yesterday, with analysts expecting further downward pressure as investors reduced their holdings.
"Players are getting out of the market, selling as much as they can in anticipation of tougher times ahead," an analyst with a European brokerage said.
The Composite Index dived 4.7 per cent to 396.13 points.
It touched a record high of 742.95 on July 9 amid bullish sentiment that it could reach the 800-point level by the end of next month.
"But that was an old story. That was shortly before the regional currency turmoil began taking its toll on the stock market," Jordan Zulkarnaen, of Pentasena Arthasentosa brokerage, said.
The analyst said stories of mounting foreign exchange losses, high interest rates and rising prices of many basic goods were yesterday's headlines and these could become bankruptcies and lay-offs if the government failed to address the problems.
Agung Prabowo, of Danareksa Sekuritas, said there could be further downward pressure because news that the government had no plans for a direct or indirect bailout for private companies heightened worries over the ability of the private sector to pay foreign debts.
Finance Minister Mar'ie Muhammad told parliament on Wednesday that whether a private debt was rolled over or not was an issue between private firms and their lenders, and the government had no plans to intervene.
He said the country's foreign debt was US$117.3 billion at the end of September, consisting of government debt of $52.3 billion and private debt of $65 billion.
Analysts said the International Monetary Fund-led reform package agreed last month had boosted market sentiment only briefly as the full impact of Indonesia's economic crisis hit home.
"The crisis appears to be difficult to cope with, particularly when it has to deal with the interests of those that benefit hugely from monopolies and the like," the European brokerage analyst said.
Mr Prabowo, however, said the market had overreacted to the IMF- led reform news and had expected too much and too soon from the deal.
"There will be costs to any reform, but it's going to get better. For long-term investors who have the liquidity to hold on, this must be the time to buy," he said.
Mr Prabowo said an IMF review of progress in the reform package expected in April next year could have significant impact on the market.
If the review was positive, he expected the index to stage a significant rebound.
Analysts said the index could fall to the 350-point level by the end of next month but was not expected to reach 300.
"It seems highly unlikely that the index will touch 300 as this would mean that most of the top 10 stocks would be traded below their book value," another analyst said, adding that the stocks were now trading between 1.5 and two times book value.
act.indoneisa - November 13, 1997
Bernie Sanders' (I-VT) opening statement:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I'm also delighted to welcome Mr. Greenspan and Mr. Summers here today to talk about the economic crisis in Asia and the Indonesian bailout, which includes a $10 billion loan from the IMF, a $3.5 billion loan from the World Bank, and a $3 billion contingency loan underwritten by the taxpayers of the United States.
Mr. Chairman, I have one slight problem with this bailout. It's illegal, and I intend to do all that I can to stop it. Now, let me read directly from the law commonly known as the Sanders-Frank Amendment, or maybe Mr. Frank thinks it's the Frank-Sanders Amendment. Nonetheless, it is the law.
And it was enacted by Congress in the spring of 1994, coming out of this committee. Mr. Summers, this is the law. One. A, the secretary of the Treasury shall direct the United States executive directors of the international financial institutions to use the voice and vote of the United States to urge the respective institution, one – please listen closely – to adopt policies to encourage borrowing countries; i.e., like Indonesia, to guarantee – guarantee – internationally recognized worker rights and to include the status of such rights as an integral part of the institution's policy dialogue with each borrowing country.
Two, in developing the policies referred to in paragraph one, to use the relevant conventions of the international labor organizations – which have set forth among other things the right of association, the right to organize and bargain collectively, a prohibition on the use of forced or compulsory labor, and certain minimum labor standards that take into account, et cetera, et cetera.
In plain English – now off the law; now we're back to English – in plain English, what this means is that the United States government cannot support any IMF or World Bank loans to Indonesia unless the loan proposal guarantees internationally recognized worker rights.
Mr. Chairman, I have before me the proposal of the Indonesian military dictatorship led by General Suharto, which details the policies they are proposing in order to obtain these loans. I have read this proposal carefully. And I have not found one word in it – not one word in it – which suggests that they will adopt policies guaranteeing internationally recognized worker rights.
Further, as the law very clearly requires, they do not include the status of such rights as an integral part of the institution's policy dialogue. Therefore, plain and simple, it is against the law for the United States and the secretary of treasury to support this bailout and I hope that they will desist immediately from doing so.
Mr. Chairman, almost nobody except total apologists for the Indonesian government disputes that Indonesia is an authoritarian society and that workers there do not enjoy internationally recognized workers' rights.
Now, I can quote you forever, but let me be very brief.
Let me quote from the United States department's – United States State Department's annual human rights for report for 1996, and I would hope that the Department of Treasury occasionally talks to the Department of State.
And this is what the State Department says, quote: "Despite a surface adherence to democratic forms, the Indonesian political system remains strongly authoritarian. The government is dominated by an elite comprised of President Suharto, his close associates and the military."
And on and on it goes. The State Department tells us that there are – it is not a democratic society and that workers' rights do not exist. I won't read it all. I will submit that for the record.
Further, let me quote from the Dickinson School of Law in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, which on June 2nd, 1997, awarded a special rule of law citation in absentia to Muchtar Pakpahan, an Indonesian lawyer who has risked his life and sacrificed his freedom for democratic ideals.
And what they say in the Dickinson School of Law is that you have a courageous man fighting for the rights of workers in that country who is now rotting in jail in a totally propped up charge.
And now let me quote from this – from a statement of the AFL-CIO executive council, February 19th, in awarding Muchtar Pakpahan the George Meany Human Rights Award. Quote – "The heavy-handed campaign against Brother Pakpahan and his union, culminating in the show trial now being held in Jakarta, has made a mockery of the rule of law in Indonesia and any pretense that the Indonesian government has any respect for internationally recognized worker rights."
And the AFL-CIO executive committee quite rightly suggests that the United States government vote against all projects submitted by Indonesia to multinational – multilateral development and investment institutions.
Now let me conclude my remarks, Mr. Chairman, by saying the following. Even if this bailout was legal – and it is not legal – I would oppose it.
Not only is it morally wrong for the United States to provide political and economic support for an illegitimate, authoritarian government such as the Suharto regime, but it is totally absurd.
It is an outrage that the taxpayers of this country are forced to bail out a family which Forbes magazine claims is one of the richest families in the world.
They estimate that General Suharto alone – alone – is worth $16 billion.
His family is worth $30 billion. And you take 50 more of their allies, they're worth $60 billion.
And I would like Mr. Summers to tell the taxpayers of the state of Vermont, whose real incomes are in decline, why they should have to bail out a group of people worth $60 billion. If they need the money so much, let them pay for their own bail out and not ask the taxpayers and the working people of this country.
So I would hope – and I'm going to persist on this issue. You're disobeying the law, and what you're doing is wrong, and I hope you don't go forward.
| Politics |
South China Morning Post - November 20, 1997
Jenny Grant, Jakarta – Influential Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid says Indonesia should consider electing a woman as president.
President Suharto's eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana - known as Tutut - is tipped to become chairman of the ruling Golkar party.
The powerful entrepeneur is now deputy chairman.
"Some groups in society may want to nominate Tutut, while others want Megawati Sukarnoputri as candidates for state leader in the future," said Mr Wahid, the leader of the 30-million-strong Nahdlatul Ulama organisation.
"In my opinion, it is not against Islamic teaching."
Ms Rukmana has also taken a lead role in the family after the death of her mother, Ibu Tien Suharto, last year.
Ms Megawati, the daughter of first president Sukarno, was ousted as leader of the Indonesian Democracy Party at a government and military-backed congress last year.
She maintains a strong grassroots following of millions of people in East Java and Bali despite being barred from parliament.
Mr Wahid previously had strong connections with Ms Megawati when he was a vocal supporter of pro-democracy issues.
The popular Muslim leader has been publicly criticised for switching camps to support the president's daughter during the May election campaign this year.
Earlier this year, Mr Wahid said he supported Ms Rukmana as a vice-presidential candidate because Indonesians would feel reassured if she could assume the leadership from her father.
Mr Suharto has been in power for the past 30 years. It is widely expected he will win a seventh term in office when the People's Consultative Assembly meets in March to elect a new president and deputy.
Mr Wahid, who has a degenerative eye disease, says he wants to step down before his chairmanship ends in 1999. Analysts here say rival leader Abu Hasan, believed to be backed by the military, may force himself into the leadership if Mr Wahid steps down early. Mr Hasan has set up a rival board.