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ASIET Net News 30 – July 28-August 3, 1997
Reuters - August 1, 1997
Jakarta – An Indonesian appeal court has ruled that a lower court has the authority to decide on a challenge by ousted minority party leader Megawati Sukarnoputri against her government-backed overthrow.
Megawati's lawyers told Reuters on Friday the Jakarta High Court last month ordered the district court to start hearing the case again after it ruled last October it had no jurisdiction on what it said was an internal party matter.
"The Central Jakarta State Court has the authority to examine and hear the plaintiff's suit," said the decision, received by Megawati's legal team on Thursday.
Megawati and her secretary-general Alex Litaay had sued party rivals for organising a government-funded congress in Medan in North Sumatra in June 1996, arguing that the meeting violated party rules and was illegal.
They also sued Interior Minister Yogie Memet, and armed forces and national police chiefs for their support of the congress.
The Medan congress replaced Megawati as party chief, naming deputy parliamentary speaker Surjadi in her place.
"We think that within two or three weeks, the case could begin hearings," Megawati's chief lawyer, R.O. Tambunan, told a news conference.
He added that he believed the case would still go ahead even if the defendants asked the Supreme Court to review the decision.
Tambunan said this case was the flagship of the hundreds of cases filed across Indonesia by Megawati's supporters against party rivals in the wake of her ousting.
"If we win this case, then the hundreds of other cases will not be needed and we will stop them," Tambunan said.
Analysts say the internal party friction in the PDI led to the collapse of the party's vote at the poll, which fell from around 15 percent to slightly more than three percent.
Most PDI campaign events were poorly attended with security forces often outnumbering party members after Megawati called on her supporters not to support Surjadi.
Tapol - July 31, 1997
According to a report in Media Indonesia (22 July 1997), former MP, Sri-Bintang Pamungkas is to go on trial for subversion during the month of August.
Attorney-General Singgih said that Sri-Bintang, chair of PUDI, faces charges of subversion because of a Lebaran greetings card. The card rejected the elections, rejected the nomination of Suharto for president, and said preparations should begin for the post 1998 era.
Deputy Attorney for Special Cases, Ismudjoko, said the documents for the case were in hand. Sri-Bintang's refusal to answer questions have not affected the investigations. 'Everything is ready', he said. 'If necessary he can be tried in absentia.' Ismudjoko also said the other PUDI leaders Julius Usman and Saleh Abdullah, although now released, were also regarded as 'suspects'. What will happen to them depends on what Sri- Bintang reveals in court, said Ismudjoko.
East Timor
Human rights
Arms/armed forces
Economy and investment
Miscellaneous
Democratic struggle
Indonesia court rules Megawati case can be heard
Sri-Bintang to go on trial in August
July 27 commemoration protests
Voice of America - July 28, 1997
Jakarta – Jakarta police are holding 85 people arrested in opposition protests Sunday marking the one year anniversary of riots in the capital. Jenny Grant in Jakarta reports police expect to charge five of those in custody with fomenting hatred against the government.
Jakarta police spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Edward Aritonang told V-O-A Monday police may charge five people with sowing hatred against the government, because they were handing out anti- government pamphlets at the weekend rally. he said the pamphlets criticized the government and president Suharto.
Mr. Aritonang said more than 70 of the detainees would be released later Monday, but did not give a time frame for when the five would be charged. he also did not comment on the status of the other 10 people in custody.
The 85 people were arrested after thousands of people staged a Long March from the headquarters of the Indonesia Democracy Party – or P-D-I – to North Jakarta on Sunday. another nine protesters were arrested in the Central Java town, Yogyakarta for holding commemorations marking the first anniversary of the riots.
The riots were sparked when the P-D-I headquarters was attacked by supporters of Suryadi, the party's rival leader. most of the protesters are fervent supporters of the P-D- I'S ousted leader, Megawati Sukarnoputri. the Human Rights Commission says five people died in the riots, 149 people were injured and 16 are still missing.
A group of students protested at the National Human Rights Commission in Jakarta Monday, saying the military overreacted against the weekend demonstrations by blocking off the road outside the party offices. the students said the heavy military presence scared people on the streets Sunday and prevented many Megawati supporters from joining in.
One of the protesters, 23 year old Ary from the Indonesian Technology Institute, called on the commission to investigate Sunday's events and the behavior of the military.
The students say nine people wearing Megawati T-shirts were injured in two separate unprovoked attacks by plainclothes police. The students, from a group called "The Committee to Remember One Year Since The July 27 Tragedy". presented commission members Sugiri and Mohammad Salim with a detailed chronology of the alleged attacks.
Voice of America - July 27, 1997
Jakarta – Riot police and soldiers blocked hundreds of demonstrators from holding a prayer service in front of the Indonesian Democracy Party headquarters, Sunday. from Jakarta, Jenny Grant reports the protesters were marking the first anniversary of violent riots in the capital.
Three hundred troops kept around 15 hundred supporters of ousted opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri from the road in front of the office of the Indonesian Democratic Party – known as the P-D-I.
They were protesting a violent military raid on the office last July 27th that sparked riots leaving at least five people dead.
Sunday, police on motorbikes and lines of riot police armed with guns, shields and batons split the protesters into two groups and forced them down side streets behind the p-d-i office.
They used rattan sticks to beat some mourners and confiscated a banner from others.
Mobile police and marines armed with semi-automatic weapons guarded the premises and more than a dozen trucks of soldiers were stationed in the area.
The crowd cheered Megawati slogans and sang the national anthem.
Three separate prayer sessions went ahead near the P-D-I office. the groups of mainly-young mourners sprinkled white jasmine and purple orchids on the surrounding roads. A Mrs. Effendi (eds: one name, cq) was one of dozens of people trapped inside the P-D-I office last year when it was invaded by of Ms. Sukarnoputri's rival in the P-D-I, Suryadi (one word, cq) backed by the military.
An emotional Mrs Effendi said she was injured during last year's raid. Her 27-year- old nephew, Arifin, has been missing since the clash. His family fears he is dead.
The National Commission on Human Rights says five people died during last year's riots, 149 were injured and 16 others are still missing. Opposition forces say the death toll is much higher.
On Sunday, authorities checked the identification cards of anyone in the area, including diplomats. Two major streets were blocked with barbed wire barricades. witnesses say military intelligence harassed and beat some protesters.
Two demonstrators from the Central Java city, Semarang, say they suffered head and ear injuries when they were beaten by plainclothes intelligence officers, early Sunday.
Reporters saw two men arrested, however, Central Jakarta Police Chief Ibrahim, denies there were any arrests and says police were just trying to keep the peace.
Mr Ibrahim says there was a danger riots could have broken out.
Info Pembebasan (Liberation) - July 29, 1997
[The following is a slightly abridged translation of a report sent to ASIET by the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD)]
At 1am yesterday night, July 29, Dr Rifka Ciptaning, deputy chair of the Tangerang Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), was released by the Jakarta police. Ciptaning was arrested by the military along with 70 pro-Megawati PDI members in East Jakarta while leading a "Bloody July 27" commemoration rally.
At the time of the arrest, the rally had only just begun. Tangerang PDI members had gathered waiting for others to come but who failed to arrive because they were blocked by the military at Cimone, Tangerang.
The plan of the Tangerang PDI members was to rally along with PDI masses from other areas, United Development Party (PPP) supporters and pro-democracy activists starting from Cawang, East Jakarta (a area with a strong base of PDI and PPP support). Ciptaning was one of the rally marshals and the leader of the action.
The rally from Cawang intended to go to Jl. Diponegoro 58 (1) to draw in Jakarta's residents, primarily in the streets of Cawang- Otista-Matraman-Salemba-Diponegoro. This area is known a PPP and PDI base of support, which during the election campaign held rallies with "Mega-Star-People Democratic Coalition" (2) banners – and was attacked by the military (a nine year old child was hit by a rubber bullet) in Berlan before the Kampung Melayu bus terminal.
Apparently the military imagined that if the Mega-Star-People supporters held a rally on these roads it would become too large for the military to contain. So the military attacked them before the rally could start and arrested Ciptaning who is well known for frequently leading such mass actions.
With the release of Ciptaning it is still not clear whether she will be tried. Perhaps she was released because she is still suckling a one month only baby.
Notes
1. Jl. Diponegoro 58: The location of the pro-Megawati PDI headquarters in Central Jakarta before the July 27 attack by the military.
2. Mega-Star-People (Mega-Bintang-Rakyat): a slogan popularised during the election campaign calling on pro-Megawati supporters, the Islamic orientated United Development Party and broader popular forces to unit in mass movement to replace Suharto.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Peoples Democratic Party Statement - July 28, 1997
[The following is a slightly abridged translation of a press statement sent to ASIET (Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor) by the underground PRD]
July 27, 1997 was a day to commemorate "Bloody July 27" which resulted from an attack by the military and hired thugs on the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters which was being used by the valid [Megawati Sukarnoputri] leadership of the PDI. The harsh and brutal actions by the New Order dictatorship was a contemptible and shamed the already stained history of Indonesia, and made Indonesia the focus of world attention, primarily since the New Order regime slaughtered around two million people in 1965, Muslins in Aceh, Tanjung Priok, Lampung and Samping, HKBP Christians, Ujung Padang students, the people of East Timor and West Papua and other slaughters (1).
This incident was followed by the hunting down, legal and illegal arrests, abductions, intimidation and slander against pro- democratic activists and their families, relatives and friends.
But as we know, the harsh and brutal actions of the New Order military have never stopped the people from resisting. On the contrary, this only exposed the evilness of the dictatorship itself and pushed the people to find a new method of struggle. It has been proven that after the July 27 repression, the resistance of the people has become even broader and more radical in the form of ongoing rioting. Although we are also sad that some of the peoples' resistance has been distorted by military intelligence to become issues of ethnic, religious, racial and inter-group conflicts (SARA) in order to save their position of power.
The PRD, who were first slandered as the masterminds behind the bloody incident, which was followed by arrests, slander, searches, jailings and torture of our cadre, we did not retreat. Within a short time the PRD changed its method of struggle from the legal (open) one to an underground one. The arrests of a large part of the PRD leadership did not stop the organisation; it was followed by the formation of regional leadership committees. The PRD now regularly produces the monthly bulletin, Pembebasan (Liberation) and has continued to recruit and train radical and resolute new cadre. In order to develop international solidarity, the PRD has established international representatives in Sydney and Amsterdam.
The commemoration of July 27 was opposed by the armed forces (ABRI). According to Army commander Wiranto, the incident did not need to be commemorated because it was a tragedy which involved mass brutality. But everyone knows that the real reason why the military has forbidden the commemoration of tragic and terrible incidents since 1965. It is no different, the commemoration would remind the people of ABRI's harshness, brutality and evil against the people. In order to prevent the people from recalling ABRI's evil which resulted in mass resistance, ABRI did its utmost to make the commemoration fail.
However, as we witnessed the people continued to uphold their right to commemorate the tragedy. In Jakarta and other cities, people thronged to attend commemoration actions without fear of the military's threats. In Jakarta the people joined together with other groups at Jl. Diponegoro (2) but were blocked by the military as they went to the PDI headquarters. The rally was attacked, protesters chased and arrested. According to our figures, 92 people were arrested and held by the military and eight are reported to have disappeared.
Among those arrested was Dr Rifka Ciptaning, the Tengerang PDI deputy chair who is still suckling a one month old baby and Be (a pro-Megawati activist) and Sy (a National Committee for Democratic Struggle, Komite Nasional Perjuangan Demokrasi, KNPD activist) [when this statement was released Rifka Ciptaning was still in custody but has now been released - JB]. Be and Sy were arrested, detained and interrogated (3) by Bakorstanasda because they had distributed leaflets by the Mega-Star-People Democratic Coalition (4).
The leaflets carried a seven point program: United to replace Suharto, investigate the wealth of the president and government official's families, withdraw the 1985 five political laws, withdrawal the dual function of the military, seats for the political parties in the cabinet, abolish corruption, collusion and the conglomerates.
Essentially the leaflet invited the people to gather at a rally on July 27, 1997, at the PDI headquarters on Jl. Diponegoro. The action would be called an "Action to Resist the Dictatorship" as a commemoration of the military's attack which resulted in a number of people being killed, hundreds wounded and arrested and scores of others missing. It also called on United Development Party (PPP) members, Megawati supporters and other pro-democratic groups to unite in support of the action. The leaflet also called on drivers, workers, peasants and the poor to become involved in the political struggle, because the fortunes of the poor will not change without democracy in this country. At the end of the leaflet it called on the people to resist attempts by the military to block the action.
The PRD supported this program and the contents of the leaflet because it is the same as the PRD's own program. The PRD also supported the leaflets call to the people because it educated or provided a lesson to the people on how to resist the New Order dictatorship and as a guide for the people who have been oppressed and marginalised from politics for more than 31 years.
The PRD also supported the July 27 commemoration because it has three important meanings:
The PRD also condemns the attacks, hunting and arrests of all those involved in the commemoration, both before, on and after Sunday July 27. These actions further convince us that the New Order military is truly anti-democratic and cannot be expected to be involved in dialogue. At the same time this reinforces our view that the New Order regime including Suharto must be replaced.
And most of all, the military's actions in breaking up the mass gatherings proves to us that mass actions are what the dictatorship most fears. Because mass rallies are very easy to attract people and when the gatherings are large, the people are not afraid to resist and the military cannot just act as they wish. We will continue therefore, to organise mass actions resisting the New Order regime.
But we must also be aware that large mass gatherings will not just happen by themselves. This struggle needs unity from many groups, primarily the mass organisations and political parties in a united front or democratic coalition. To clear the way for the formation of a front or coalition we must create a platform which will become a joint program of struggle.
With regard to the MPR session (5) and to prevent the renomination of Suharto as president, the most correct platform should be:
This program is correct because it will be accepted by many groups and is a strategy to defeat the New Order dictatorship of Suharto. This program will unite many groups including:
This program is strategic because discontent over the elections is already widespread and can be turned into a more significant issues, up to the stage of replacing the president and his government. If the elections are rerun – in a truly democratic fashion – the Suharto's power will easily be defeated. To achieve an election rerun we must campaign to reject the election results.
Translators notes:
1. Aceh, Tanjung Priok, Lampung and Samping refer to incidents in which large numbers of Islamic activists have been killed by the military. HKBP Christians refers to Christian church who's leadership was ousted by the regime. Ujung Padang students refers to a student demonstration in South Sulawasi in 1996 in which a number of students were killed by the military.
2. See previous notes.
3. The original Indonesian term was "disiksa" which can also mean to be tortured. Badan Koordinasi Stabilitas Nasional Daerah, Regional Body for the Coordination of National Stability is a regional level military intelligence body notorious for violating the human rights of detainees.
4. See previous notes.
5. MPR: Megalis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People's Consultative Assembly. The highest legislative body in the country with 1,000 members, 425 of whom are elected with the remainder appointed by the president. It meets once every five years (usually around a year after the general elections) to hear an outgoing report from the president and to vote on nominations for the president and vice-president. The next session of the MPR will be held in March 1998.
6. Golput: Golongan Puti, White Movement, first emerged as a campaign by students in the 1971 elections and derives its name from the idea of not marking the ballot paper. Championed by people such as Arif Budiman, the movement did not reemerge in later elections until 1992.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Info Pembebasan (Liberation) - Posted July 28, 1997
[The following is an abridged translation of a report sent to ASIET by the underground Peoples Democratic Party]
As reported in the mass media (among others Kompas), two activists were arrested by the military for distributing leaflets in Tangerang (1). The leaflets were produced by the Mega-Star- People Democratic Coalition (2) which called on the people to hold an "Action resisting the dictatorship" by commemorating one year since "Bloody July 27" which resulted from brutal actions by the military.
Approaching July 27, 1997, in and around Jabotebek (3) around half-a-million Mega- Star-People Democratic Coalition leaflets were distributed.
As reported in the daily Kompas, two people were arrested by the military, Ab (22) and Sy (21). They were arrested by the Ciledung (Tangerang) police when they were distributing the leaflets. Ab is a Tangerang pro-Megawati Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) activists while Sy is a National Committee for Democratic Struggle (Komite Nasional Perjuangan Demokrasi, KNPD) activist.
According to a head of the Jakarta police, Colonel Gories Mere, the two suspects are undergoing "intensive interrogation". Evidence taken by the military are a drivers licence and a motor vehicle registration along with thousands of leaflets ready to be distributed.
The two will be tried and charged with insulting the president on the grounds that the leaflet referred to Suharto as a dictator.
The two are being held and interrogated (4) by Bakorstanasda (5) to find out who produced the leaflets. Because they could not stand the interrogation the two mentioned the name Dony as the one who gave them the leaflets.
Last night (July 27), Dony's house was raided by the police and military. Apparently they were from Bakorstanasda. His house was turned over searching for evidence that Dony was the one who distributed the leaflets although they did not arrest or detain Dony.
Translators notes:
1. Tangerang: Industrial zone on the South-West outskirts of Jakarta. 2. See previous notes.
3. Jabotebek (Jakarta-Bogor-Tangerang-Bekasi): the industrial zones of Jakarta, Bogor (West Java), Tangerang and Bekasi (like Tangerang, an industrial zone on the outskirts of Jakarta).
4. The original Indonesian term is "disiksa" which can also mean tortured.
5. Bakorstanasda. Badan Koordinasi Stabilitas Nasional Daerah, Regional Body for the Coordination of National Stability. Regional level national military intelligence body notorious for violating the human rights of detainees.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Info Pembebasan (Liberation) - July 28, 1997
[The following is a translation of a statement sent to ASIET by the underground Peoples Democratic Party (PRD)]
74 people of the 75 arrested by the military and being held at the Central Jakarta police headquarters, were released today (July 28) at 4pm. However the pro-Megawati Tangerang [industrial zone on the outskirts of Jakarta] Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) deputy chair, Dr Rifka Ciptaning (a woman) is still being held. The grounds for the detention are unclear and there is a possibility that the mother who is still suckling a one month old baby will be tried.
The 74 that were released do not included four PRD activists who were arrested at the Blok M bus terminal [South-West Jakarta] and two people, Be and Sy who were arrested in Tangerang for distributing Mega-Star-People Democratic Coalition (1) leaflets
This also included five student activist from the Cipayung Group (a grouping of a number of legal student mass organisation such as HMI, PMII, PMKRI, GMNI and PMKRI) who were arrested at the Indonesian Catholic Student Movement (Pergerakan Mahasiswa Katholik Republik Indonesia, PMKRI) in Menteng [Central Jakarta], Saturday night, July 26.
This also does not included Kelik, Cris and four others from Surabaya [East Java].
People arrested after the "Bloody July 27":
92 people were arrested in total, 74 have been freed with 18 still being detained. This does not included an additional 8 who may have been arrested or escaped.
Solidarity from all those who have a commitment to the Indonesian pro-democracy movement is still urgently needed to ensure the safety of those under arrest from torture by the military. In particular solidarity is urgently needed for Dr Rifka Ciptaning along with Be and Sy, who are being interrogated (2) by Bakorstanasda (3).
B>Translators notes:
1. See previous notes.
2. See previous notes.
3. See previous notes.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Info Pembebasan (Liberation) - July 27, 1997
[The following is a translation of a chronology sent to ASIET written on Sunday, July 27, 12 midnight and by the underground Peoples Democratic Party]
6am - Thousands of people began arriving at Jl. Diponegoro, most of them wearing shirts and head bands with slogans supporting Megawati Sukarnoputri. The situation was very tense with more fully armed soldiers on guard than the pro-Megawati Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) supporters who tried to disperse them before the numbers grew too large.
8.30am - The flower laying ceremony began lead by the Communication Forums for the 124 Families (Forum Komunikasi Keluarga 124, FKK 124) (1) at the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) offices, Jl. Diponegoro No 74 (2). The reading of the chronology of the July 27 incident described how thousands of democracy fighters fell but this did not defeat the heroism of those working to democratise Indonesia. The ceremonies were also marked by tears and lamentations for the families of the many victims, many of whom attended the event. Shouts of "Viva Mega!" and "Hang Suharto" erupted spontaneously. The event continued until 10am. At 10.30am the action was closed with the reading of a prayer and laying flowers on the road in front of the YLBHI offices.
Following the flower laying ceremony, the military requested that they disperse. But there were shouts to resist [the request]. Confusion then occurred about whether Megawati would appear or had returned home and as a result many waited for her at her house in Kebagusan. There was also reports that Megawati was in North or Central Jakarta. Nevertheless, the 250 or so people moved off towards Jl. Selemba (about 1 kilometre East of Jl. Diponegoro) lead by the chair of the National Committee for Democratic Struggle (Komite Nasional Perjuangan Demokrasi, KNPD). Around five banners, coloured black, red and white which were unfurled, the writing on them was not clear.
Throughout the rally, they laid flowers and shouted "Viva Mega!" and "Hang Suharto!". At around 11.40am at the Saming F. intersection in front of the University of Indonesia medial faculty, Salemba, they were blocked and forced into Jl Pramuka. The one's at the front were walking very fast and so those at the back were left behind, followed by soldiers. Bit by bit the numbers grew so that by Jl. Selemba, they had reached 300 people.
For the length of Jl. Pramuka those in front continued to walk very fast and those at the back became scattered. A number of people tried to contact the rally leaders and ask them to halt the march and hold a free speech forum. However the leaders did not follow any of the suggestions on the grounds that if they stopped the military would have a reason to attack them. During the march they chanted "Mega the New President!". "Hang Suryadi!" (3). The numbers continued to grow reaching 400 people. The were also very large numbers of people watching the action and giving support.
12.30pm - The previous chants reverberated again except "Hang Suryadi!" was exchanged with "Hang Suharto!". Other chants that were added were "Reject the Election Results!". "Suharto is a Dog!". "Suharto is a Pig!" (4). Around Jl. Pramuka they stopped for a moment to hold a free speech forum. They then moved off again towards Tanjung Priok [a port area in North Jakarta]. By then the crowd was tired after walking so far and was much quieter than before.
1.24pm - The crow continued north until it came to an intersection which if taken East, lead to East Jakarta. A debate occurred over which direction to take. PDI members from East Timor said they wanted to go East, those from North Jakarta wanted the rally to continue to North Jakarta. The group which went North aimed to go to the North Jakarta PDI offices.
People arrested (their names and situation is unclear)
75 people were arrested and are now being held by police. Among them are:
Translators notes:
1. FKK 124 refers to the 124 PDI members who were wounded during
the attack on the PDI offices on July 27, 1996
2. Jl.: Jalan, Street, Road. The YLBHI offices are located on the
same street some 300 metres from the PDI offices.
3. Suryadi: PDI chair installed at the Medan congress in 1996.
4. Referring to someone as a "dog" (anjing) or pig (babi) in
Indonesian society is considered an extremely strong insult.
[Translated by James Balowski]
Info Pembebasan - July 28, 1997
[This is the second part of translation sent to ASIET by the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD). The first part was published in ASIET NetNews #29. Written Sunday July 27, 3.50pm]
11.15am - The numbers gathering at Pasar Ruput continued to increase, it is believed totaling around 1,000 people. Most came from South Jakarta with some wanting to go to Kebagusan, Megawati's house but the majority wanting to go to Jl. Diponegoro. In the end some moved off towards Salemba (Central Jakarta) to join up with those who had fought the military at Jl. Salemba.
A section eventually moved of to Kebagusan but not under our leadership. By returning to Kebagusan, they thought they would not be attacked by the military. It was not as they thought and although they turned back they were attacked and the rally broken up at the Pancoran (South Jakarta) intersection. Some resisted resulting in a battle, others ran away saving themselves in the kampungs.
While still at Pasar Ruput a student from Lampung called Fadli was arrested and his whereabouts are still unknown. At the same time the military broke up the masses assembled at Cikini [Central Jakarta, several hundred metres from the PDI headquarters in Menteng - JB] and they were beaten back and chased until they reached Gondangdia (North of Cikini).
11.32 - The group from Jl. Salemba moved off toward Jl. Pramuka because of information that there was large gathering at Pulo Gadung and Rawmangun.
11.45 - Numbering between 500 and 1,000, people assembled at Jl. Diponegoro. They had separated up into several groups because they had been tricked over issue of where Megawati was (there were those that said she was in South Jakarta, at Kebagusan and so on). They became confused and were easily divided and provoked. They also had no leadership.
12.18pm - Numbering 1,500, those coming from North Jakarta approached Jl. Diponegoro but were diverted by the military in the direction of the Jl. A. Yani bypass. They carried banners reading "Without Mega Reject the Election Results". there was also one banner from the United Indonesian Democratic Party [Partai Uni Demokrasi Indonesia, PUDI. Established by sacked legislator Sri Bintang Pamungkas who is now serving a 34 month jail term - JB.].
12.22pm - The military continued to divert those at Jl. A. Yani northward.
12.29pm - There was news that Megawati had left for Jl. Diponegoro. The masses there were hemmed in [by the military] and the situation was very repressive.
Those gathered at the Megaria cinema, Jl. Diponegoro, were beaten, arrested and the rally broken up when they tried to hold a free speech forum. There were many others crowed around the cinema (not Mega supporters) who watched this including many journalists and of course plain clothed intelligence agents. At this time the pro- democracy activists are gathered at the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation offices at Jl. Diponegoro No 74 [about 100 metres from the cinema - JB].
Notes:
Dr. Ciptaning (Tangerang PDI representative) who along with PDI masses from Tangerang continued to gather at Jl. Simpang Tiga, Jl. Oto Iskandar Dinata (which is the Mikrolet 26 route between Bekasi and Kampung Melayu) and the Cawang area. They had very distinctive banners, posters and so on. While they were waiting at total of around 70 people were arrested. Along with them Kelik and four others from Surabaya were also arrested. They are now being held at the East Jakarta police headquarters.
[Tranlated by James Balowski]
| East Timor |
Reuters - July 31, 1997
Jakarta – Pro-independence rebels in the former Portuguese colony of East Timor have killed three Indonesian soldiers, military sources said on Thursday.
The soldiers were killed in an attack in Liquisa district, west of the territory's capital Dili, on Wednesday morning, one source said.
Further information on the clash was not immediately available.
"Indeed, it's true, but for further information you will have to speak to military district's chief-of-staff," an officer in the information section of the East Timor military region told Reuters by telephone.
Residents in Dili said they were aware of the incident but it had not been reported in the local newspaper on Thursday which is subject to strict military control and censorship.
Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and is still battling a small group of around 200 guerrillas opposed to its rule in the territory.
Indonesia annexed East Timor in 1976 although the act has still not been recognised by the United Nations, which regards former colonial ruler Portugal as being the administering power.
Since the eve of Indonesian elections on May 25, at least 41 people have been killed, including 16 policemen and one soldier in a single ambush, in an upsurge of violence in East Timor.
East Timor Human Rights Centre - 31 July, 1997
Grave fears are held for the safety of 14 East Timorese men whose whereabouts is unknown following their arrest on 2 July, 1997, during an assault by the Indonesian military on the village of Wadaboru. Internal steps taken to locate them have been unsuccessful.
During the assault, members of Kopassus (Special Forces Command), BTT 312 (territorial battalion) and Team Saka (a team of East Timorese recruited into the Indonesian military) attacked a house, arresting the 14 men who were in hiding there. It is believed the military also burnt down the house, which belonged to Lucas Gaio, aged 63. Both Lucas Gaio and Marcos Pereira were burnt in the fire before being arrested. Another man, Antonio Freitas, aged 20, was shot dead during the assault and later buried at Wadaboru.
The 14 men were taken to Koramil (Sub-district Military Command) headquarters in Quelicai, where it is believed they were subjected to torture. The following day, they were transferred by military car to Baucau and taken to an unknown location.
Indonesian military officials promptly reported that the East Timorese man killed in the assault, and the 14 arrested, were members of the armed East Timorese Resistance, Falintil. (LUSA 4 July 1997). However, ETHRC sources have reported that the men were all civilians and the ETHRC believes they may have been arbitrarily arrested.
The East Timor Human Rights Centre believes the men are at heightened risk of further torture and ill-treatment if they are still in detention. Detainees in East Timor are routinely subjected to torture and ill-treatment while in military or police custody, especially if they are held incommunicado and denied access to family members and independent legal counsel.
Biographical details of some of the victims:
Antonio Freitas, 20, from Mocobubo, Lacoliu village, Quelicai sub-district; son of Alfredo Freitas and Aurea Freitas Lucas Gaio, 63, from Guruga village, Quelicai sub-district. Cesario Marcal Freitas, 29, from Lacoliu Celestino Ximenes, 20, from Lebenei, Letemumo village, Quelicai sub-district. Domingos Ximenes, 24, from Lebenei. Gregorio Ximenes, 25, from Lebenei. Leopoldo Ximenes, 20, from Lebenei. Januario Ximenes, 24, from Lebenei. Virgilio Ximenes, 19, from Lebenei. Amaro Ximenes, 19, from Lebenei. Domingos Savio Ximenes, 20, from Lebenei. Luciano Ximenes, 25, from Osomesa, Bualale village, Quelicai sub- district.
East Timor Human Rights Centre - 30 July, 1997
The East Timor Human Rights Centre (ETHRC) is concerned that no independent investigation has been undertaken into the alleged death on 25 June, 1997, of Commander David Alex, second in command of the East Timorese armed Resistance (Falintil). According to the Indonesian military, David Alex died of bullet wounds to his thigh and arms, which he sustained during an armed conflict with the Indonesian military on 25 June, in the village of Caibada near the town of Baucau.
However, the alleged death of David Alex cannot be conclusively confirmed because the body was not exhumed for identification by the family and an autopsy was not performed. The ETHRC has already raised concerns that David Alex may not have died on 25 June as reported by the Indonesian military but was held incommunicado and subjected to interrogation and torture. (See Urgent Action UA 16/97).
The Indonesian military Commander in East Timor, Colonel Slamat Sidabutar, said he would not stand in the way of an independent investigation into the alleged death of Alex, however, to date no independent investigation has taken place.
Initially, there were conflicting reports from the Indonesian military about the circumstances of Alex's alleged death. Colonel Sidabutar said "it's not true that he died in custody, but he died while he was being treated and was receiving a blood transfusion." (Reuter, 26 June 1996). Another report quoted an unidentified member of the military who said that Alex "died during a helicopter ride from Baucau to Dili." (AFP, 26 June 1997). Indonesian authorities claimed that David Alex was buried at 8.30am on 26 June at Bidau-Santana cemetery in Dili, less than 24 hours after he was arrested.
East Timorese sources have informed the ETHRC that the military refused to return the body to David Alex's family and also refused their request to open the coffin at the cemetery during the funeral service. However, the Indonesian military has denied that the family's request to see the body was refused. The family was shown photos of Alex after his capture and alleged death, and it has been reported that they are now satisfied that Alex is dead. However, the ETHRC believes Alex's family may have been under pressure to accept the military version of events rather than demand that the authorities exhume the body for the purposes of identification and an autopsy.
The ETHRC calls on the Indonesian authorities to allow an independent and impartial investigation to be undertaken into David Alex's alleged death. The ETHRC also urges the Indonesian government to provide access for UN experts and non-governmental human rights organisations to East Timor to provide safeguards against further human rights violations.
The other men arrested with Alex are believed to be still in detention at the Kopassus headquarters in Baucau (known as "Rumah Merah" or "Red House"), which is reputed to be an Indonesian military torture centre. (See Urgent Action UA 16/97PR). Grave fears are held for their safety as reports have been received from reliable ETHRC sources that they have been subjected to torture during interrogation. Detainees in East Timor are routinely subjected to torture and ill-treatment while in military or police custody, especially if they are denied access to their families and independent legal counsel.
East Timor Human Rights Centre - July 28, 1997
The East Timor Human Rights Centre (ETHRC) fears for the safety of Santina Morreira Belo, aged 22, and her baby aged under one, who disappeared after Santina Morreira Belo was arrested on 12 July 1997.
Santina Morreira Belo was arrested by members of Koppasus (Special Forces Command), the Police, and Team Saka (a team of East Timorese who have been recruited into the Indonesian military). The reason for her arrest and disappearance is not known, however, it may be related to an intensive military operation in the Quelicai sub-district which was launched in response to the 31 May grenade attack by members of the armed East Timorese Resistance on an Indonesian army truck in Quelicai. The ETHRC has already reported the names of 114 East Timorese civilians who have been arrested in the operation since early June (see UA 179/97, UA 17/97PR and UA 19/97). The fate of most of the detainees is still unknown.
Internal steps taken to locate Santina Morreira Belo and her baby have so far been unsuccessful and the ETHRC holds grave fears for their safety if they are not located soon. Detainees in East Timor are routinely subjected to torture and ill-treatment while in military or police custody, especially if they are denied access to their families and independent legal counsel.
Santina Morreira Belo is from the hamlet of Defadae in Makalaku village, Quelicai sub-district. She is married and is the daughter of Deolindo Belo and Deolinda Belo
Reuters - August 2, 1997
Jakarta – Indonesia has finally received a letter from South African President Nelson Mandela suggesting the possible release of jailed East Timorese resistance leader Xanana Gusmao, the official Antara news agency reported on Saturday.
Antara quoted State Secretary Murdiono as saying he had received a report from the Indonesian embassy in Pretoria that the chief of the mission's protocol section Dadang Iskandar had received a letter from Mandela.
Mandela said on Wednesday he had sent the letter earlier in July but Indonesia had denied receiving it up until Murdiono's statement on Friday. Murdiono said he had asked the Indonesian mission in Pretoria why it had delivered the letter so late.
Murdiono said the letter contained Mandela's recommendation to President Suharto on the possible release of Gusmao, currently Indonesia's most high-profile political prisoner serving a 20- year sentence in Jakarta's Cipinang prison "for criminal offences and illegal possession of firearms."
"President Suharto will consider the content of the letter as one of the elements before making a final decision. The question of whether or not it (the decision) will be made public is another matter," Murdiono said.
"President Suharto has certainly viewed this recommendation in the context that President Mandela will help solve the East Timor issue at an international forum," Murdiono said.
"Of course, we have our own considerations. It should be remembered that Xanana and his men have taken quite a few East Timorese lives," he said.
Mandela requested to meet Gusmao and held a secret dinner meeting during the South African president's state visit to Jakarta in mid-July and has since met exiled independence spokesman Jose Ramos Horta and Portuguese President Jorge Sampio in Pretoria. Suharto accepted an invitation from Mandela to pay a state visit to South Africa, and diplomatic sources said on Saturday the timing was still being discussed.
The sources said one suggestion was for November, but it could also possibly be early next year. The sources also said that linking the state visit with East Timor "was not correct."
A small group of armed guerrillas are still fighting Indonesian rule in East Timor which was abandoned by colonial power Portugal in 1974.
At least 41 people, about half of them troops and police, have died in an upsurge in violence in the territory since general elections were held in late May.
Indonesian troops moved into the territory with tacit Western approval in December 1975 and it was incorporated as Indonesia's 27th province the following July in a move not recognised by the United Nations.
Human rights groups estimate up to 200,000 people could have died, mostly through famine and disease, during the fighting between supporters of the Fretilin pro- independence movement and Indonesian troops on the island north of Australia.
American Reporter - August 1, 1997
Andreas Harsono, Jakarta – On a hot Jakarta evening two weeks ago, in a grand colonial-style guest house at Indonesia's Merdeka Presidential Palace, South African President Nelson Mandela, Africa's most respected statesman talked and dined for about two hours with Xanana Gusmao, the jailed leader of East Timor,
The atmosphere was cordial, even though Mandela, Gusmao and Lopez da Cruz, an advisor to President Suharto who joined the pair for dinner, had agreed in advance that the important agenda of the meeting should be kept secret.
"The meeting was organized with the knowledge and the approval of President Suharto," said da Cruz, adding that both Gusmao and himself, who is a supporter of East Timor integration into Indonesia, described their different views to Mandela.
Mandela maintained a posture of neutrality and impartiality during the talk, da Cruz said, asking questions gently as he tried to create a pleasant atmosphere. He also mentioned nothing about East Timor. Gusmao was taken from the notorious Cipinang prison in eastern Jakarta before the dinner and driven to the Merdeka Palace, da Cruz said.
The African leader only revealed his proposal after returning to Pretoria and extending an invitation to Nobel laureates Jose Ramos-Horta, the spokesman for the East Timor movement in exile, and East Timor Bishop Ximenes Belo as well as Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio, to visit the South African capital.
His aides said Mandela, whose left-leaning African National Congress party has close links with both the East Timor resistance movement and the Indonesian government, had offered Suharto his help in mediating the East Timor problem.
Suharto regards Mandela's initiatives as contribution to finding a solution to East Timor's international status, and so agreed to let his African friend to have a meeting with Gusmao, a former guerilla leader who was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment, in Jakarta.
Many government officials, foreign diplomats and military generals were stunned to know that Suharto had agreed to let a political prisoner once dubbed as a "dirty rat" and currently imprisoned to enter the palace and even dine with an respected state guest like Mandela.
Observers speculate that Suharto has apparently agreed to accept Mandela's offer on the grounds that it is becoming more and more difficult for Indonesia to diplomatically win international support for its claims to East Timor. The Indonesian president apparently believes his nation should change its hardline strategy and to take a milder approach on the thorny questions of East Timor.
In most off-the-record conversations, Indonesian diplomats also admitted their pessimism about the current policy. One high ranking diplomat even said that every good thing that Indonesia has done, whether helping in the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Cambodia, Bosnia Herzegovina or the Moro islands in the Philippines, is always "overshadowed" by the question of East Timor.
Gen. Syarwan Hamid, a close aide to Suharto, has admitted that Indonesia is indeed going to lose the long-proposed UN-sponsored referendum on East Timor if the largest country in southeast Asia agrees to have one in East Timor.
Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony in 1975 and annexed the tiny island in 1976. But the UN has never recognized Indonesia's rule on East Timor, and a small number of East Timor guerillas has kept fighting Indonesian forces for two decades. "Mandela has his own view in settling the East Timor issue. It's not necessary for us to be suspicious or act negatively toward his initiatives," said Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, asserting that the initiatives must remain in line with the formal tripartite dialog between Indonesia and Portuguese under the UN.
"The tripartite dialog is the chief forum to settle the East Timor question," said Alatas. Da Cruz also said that since the very beginning Mandela had asserted that he is only assisting UN Secretary General Koffi Annan in the search for a peaceful solution in East Timor.
Mandela held meetings with Ramos-Horta and Sampaio respectively on July 28 and July 30, after which Mandela said that he had sent a letter to Suharto, asking his Indonesian counterpart to release Gusmao from jail to help speed up the East Timor settlement process.
Political analyst Dewi Fortuna Anwar of the Jakarta-based Indonesian Institute of Sciences said that Mandela could play a strategic albeit informal role in the East Timor talks.
Anwar said the initiative was also an expression of gratitude from Mandela for the support the Indonesian government had given him during the long fight against apartheid in South Africa.
President Suharto donated US$10 million to the ANC when Mandela, who had just been released from his 27-year imprisonment, visited Jakarta in 1990 as the ANC president.
"This donation guarantees our final victory. We will leave this country [Indonesia] knowing that the days of oppression are numbered. This donation is the writing on the wall for those who once believed they would rule South Africa for centuries," said the jubilant Mandela at the time. Suharto again helped Mandela financially in 1994 when the African leader asked Suharto to help save a sinking ANC-owned bank.
Critics said that the financial help had obviously made Mandela stay away from East Timor question. Carmel Budiardjo of the London-based Tapol human rights campaign, cynically wrote, "Mandela, more than anyone, knows the importance of international solidarity, both for himself and for his movement. Yet the prospect of power has blinded him to the need to support a movement and its leader suffering under the jackboot of one of the world's most repressive regimes."
Budiardjo noted that in June 1993, Mandela had written a letter to an Irish East Timor campaigner, saying "Please bear in mind that as a liberation movement we have a limited capacity at present to influence the direction taken by any regime. If you can send a message to Xanana Gusmao, tell him to be strong."
Now Mandela has apparently learned from his critics. An aide to Alatas said that his boss was surprised when reading that Mandela had written such a letter. "Such an appeal, if it is true, then it is beyond our expectations."
"Our position is clear that Xanana was not jailed for his political consciousness but for committing a crime," said another aide to Suharto, returning again to the old rhetoric regularly printed and broadcast by the Indonesian media.
Mandela may have some difficulty in winning Suharto's trust as a mediator in the East Timor situation, but it would appear the first steps toward a resolution of the dispute are at last underway.
Text of report by Portuguese radio - July 28, 1997
The UDT [Timorese Democratic Union] has reservations regarding [South African President] Nelson Mandela's diplomatic initiative on East Timor. The leader of UDT, one of the factions of the Timorese resistance, has said that caution is needed. There should be no euphoria over Mandela's interest in meeting the two Nobel Peace laureates [Timorese resistance spokesman abroad Jose Ramos Horta, who met Mandela over the weekend, and Bishop of Dili Dom Ximenes Belo, who has said he is presently too busy to go to South Africa] and Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio for a session [of talks] this week in Pretoria.
On arrival in Macao this morning, [UDT leader] Joao Carrascalao said he was surprised at Mandela's initiative, because Indonesia is interested in buying weapons from South Africa.
[Carrascalao]... Nelson Mandela's proposal, because it emerges after his visit to Jakarta. Had it emerged before his visit, had he contacted the people concerned, the Portuguese government and the UN before, it would have been much easier for everyone. Happening when it did, it gives us the impression that it is bringing a message from someone and that that someone is not really the people who have been on our side, Portugal and those who have been seeking a just solution, the UN. It appears to bring a message from Jakarta and, at a time when Nelson Mandela is trying to sell weapons to Jakarta, it is obvious we must have some reservations regarding his initiative. Despite the fact that in Portugal there is great euphoria, great optimism, because of Nelson Mandela's enormous prestige in the international community as a political fighter, the UDT thinks that his initiative was launched at the wrong time.
Agence France Presse - July 30, 1997
Pretoria – South African President Nelson Mandela called on Indonesia Wednesday to free jailed East Timorese rebel leader Xanana Gusmao, saying his release was essential to resolve the conflict in the former Portuguese colony.
Speaking to reports after holding talks on East Timor with Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio, Mandela said he had also recommended Gusmao's release in a letter to Indonesian President Suharto earlier this month in which he asked to meet the jailed leader.
'We can never normalise the situation in East Timor unless all political leaders, including Mr Gusmao, are freed,' Mandela said. 'They are the ones who must bring about a solution.'
The South African leader met Gusmao at Jakarta's state guesthouse on July 15 with the blessing of Suharto.
'I saw (Gusmao) and was struck by his outstanding qualities,' Mandela said. He added that discussions he had in Jakarta with Suharto were 'very fruitful and constructive. I had the impression he gave a sympathetic view,' Mandela said.
Mandela said that his talks with Gusmao and other East Timorese leaders was part of an initiative launched by UN Secretary- General Kofi Annan and not a separate bid to try to resolve the conflict.
Mandela would not reveal the content of his talks with Sampaio, saying they are 'sensitive matters involving heads of state and leaders of East Timor. I must first see the leaders of East Timor, both inside and outside (the country),' he said.
'We should have an attempt to have the leaders of both sides coming together so they can discuss how the process should go,' Mandela said. 'The role of Portugal is pivotal not only because it was the former administrator...but for what it has been doing for East Timor since 1975.'
Sampaio said his meeting with Mandela was 'very important'. It was in the interests of Portugal, Sampaio added, 'to work to give the people of East Timor a chance to decide on their future. This is our international responsibility.'
Mandela also met last week with fellow Nobel Prize laureate Jose Ramos-Horta, a leading spokesman for East Timorese independence. He said Wednesday his talks with Ramos-Horta had given him a greater insight into the problem. Mandela added that he was willing to meet all the leaders of East Timor, including Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo -who has already declined Mandela's invitation to come to South Africa.
Note: Sources close to the issue say that Bishop Belo has NOT declined President Mandela's invitation but has said he is unable to go at present because of diocesan duties.
Digest No. 38 (Indonesian news with comment) - July 27, 1997
[A version of this appears in the latest edition of the Darwin- based AustralAsian]
Picture the scene. East Timor resistance hero Xanana Gusmao, described by Jakarta as a criminal jailed for possession of weapons, is picked up from his cell at 8:00pm on 15 July, and driven to the presidential palace. He is welcomed to dinner by South African President Nelson Mandela and Indonesia's roving ambassador Lopes da Cruz, an East Timorese. They talk for nearly two hours, Xanana apparently saying little.
Da Cruz had not seen Xanana since they were in the Portuguese army and in seminary together before East Timor's nightmare began on 7 December 1975. His whole career is built on opposing the independent East Timor Xanana fights for. Mandela, on the other hand, has long admired Xanana. Last September he gave Jose Ramos Horta a copy of his book with a message of encouragement for the resistance leader.
Some reports say dinner was at the presidential guest house, but one says it took place in President Suharto's living room. The official report says just these three were present, but one journalist says other Indonesian and South African officials were there too.
What did the dinner mean? Certainly it was an extraordinary publicity coup for East Timor activists. Ever since Xanana's arrest in November 1992 they have likened him to Mandela - leader of a liberation movement, captured and jailed, only to emerge (hopefully!) victorious due to world pressure possibly decades later. Having the two sit down to dinner in those august surroundings suggested Suharto didn't object to the parallel.
However, did Suharto really 'blink' in the face of world pressure (as one letter writer in the Sydney Morning Herald put it)? Or was he just being polite to his prominent guest, who had asked for the meeting and even expressed the hope Xanana should be released? Perhaps another grand but empty Suharto gesture - such as his 1993 'reconciliation' with the Petition of 50 dissidents? It is too early to be conclusive.
Mandela and Suharto are no strangers, nor are South Africa and Indonesia. The Xanana dinner adds a new element to an ongoing relationship. This context to the dinner provides both opportunities and obstacles.
Before the fall of apartheid, Indonesia gave financial support to the African National Congress chaired by Mandela. Some of this assistance may have come from Suharto privately. In mid-1995 a London report revealed that the Suharto family-owned Bank Putera Sukapura was involved in a complicated sanction-busting deal between 1990 and 1992, aimed at helping South African blacks. Corruption on the part of South Africa's Alan Boesak eventually scuppered the deal, despite Mandela's personal intervention with Suharto to try to save it.
Before July 1997, Suharto twice gave Mandela VIP treatment as ANC chairman, namely in 1991 and September 1994.
Since the restoration of diplomatic relations between Indonesia and South Africa in 1994, trade between them has risen over 300%. Mining was on the agenda of the latest Mandela-Suharto discussions. Indonesia is now the world's third largest coal producer, after Australia and South Africa. South Africa is exploring for nickel in Halmahera. Busang was a scam, but there's still enough gold in Indonesia to warrant comparison with Witwatersrand.
And there is more. South Africa and Indonesia rank 11th and 12th in the world for paper pulp production. Ethical codes within South Africa's logging industry have been discussed as models for Indonesia. The Indonesian textile giant Texmaco (which, incidentally, bought out Bank Putera Sukapura recently) is about to expand into South Africa. An illegal drugs trade passes through South Africa to Indonesia. The South African electoral watch dog was one model for Indonesia's KIPP. An Indonesian embassy staffer asked for asylum in Pretoria earlier this year, claiming he had evidence of Indonesian corruption.
In other words, Indonesia and South Africa are 'engaged', and can pressure one another. Some of that pressure can benefit East Timor. Ever since the 1994 meeting Mandela has urged Suharto to open an unemotional 'dialogue' on East Timor. Just before coming to Jakarta this time he said East Timor was being talked about 'in every corner of the globe'.
Mandela may be in no position to push harder. Many believe that in exchange for helping the ANC fight apartheid Indonesia wants South Africa to lean on Africa's Portuguese-speaking nations, among East Timor's strongest allies. South Africa has not become more outspoken at the UN on the need for change in East Timor - even on human rights.
However, just possibly Suharto could be looking for a mediator such as Mandela to resolve East Timor in a face-saving way. Stubborn as he is, the ageing president could be thinking of the history books. He has had to 'explain' East Timor to nearly every foreigner he meets in recent years. Suharto's support for negotiations in the southern Philippines shows he can move on contentious issues similar to East Timor's. ASEAN's apparently dovish position on the Hun Sen coup in Cambodia, largely driven by Indonesia, might suggest a new sensitivity.
Kofi Annan's activism is invigorating the UN process on East Timor. Mandela later made it clear his initiative had been fully consulted with Annan. Even if Jakarta officials later denied new initiatives were afoot, the fact that the Xanana dinner was kept secret till it was scooped by an Indonesian weekly seven days later suggests it may have been the occasion for something more significant.
The Nobel peace prize for Belo and Ramos Horta sat well with South Africa's public, which recalled the 1984 prize for Desmond Tutu. One South African editorial put it this way: 'The unexpected meeting between the world's most admired head of state and a leader of one of its most popular liberation organisations of the 1990s, at a state guest house a stone's throw from the presidential palace in Jakarta, has as much potential as anything to break the logjam'.
The editorial then warned Mandela to follow through. A meeting in Pretoria last Friday with Ramos Horta, and an invitation to Portuguese President Sampaio, suggest he wants to do just that.
[Gerry van Klinken, Editor, Inside Indonesia magazine.]
| Human rights |
WIM, Medan - Posted by Tapol August 1, 1997
A 'Training for Trainers' (TFT) course for members of the unrecognised trade union federation, the SBSI, being held in Lampung, South Sumatra, was broken up by a joint unit of military and police. After being questioned for three hours, the 26 participants were taken off and held at the local police command.
The course was scheduled to last from 27 July until 5 August but had to be abandoned after the raid took place on 29 July.
The course was being held in Pringsewu, sub-district Tangganus, South Lampung.
The venue was raided at 3pm. All those present were prevented from leaving the premises and subjected to questioning.
At 8pm, while the security forces were still there, three activists who were scheduled to give lectures at the course turned up. It was only after their arrival that all the participants were ordered into an awaiting truck and taken to the police office.
The three resource people are Dedi Mawardi and Syahzan Syafri, both lawyers from an organisation called the Indonesian Foundation for Education and Legal Aid (YPBHI), and Budi Susilo of the SBSI. Those involved in running the course have the impression that the security forces had mounted the raid in order to capture these three men; they seem to have had advanced knowledge of when the men were due to arrive.
After being held for three days, everyone was released.
Several other NGO events have been halted by the security forces recently in North Sumatra.
A meeting on agrarian issues held by the KSPPM (?) in Berastagi, North Sumatra was broken up in April this year and all the participants were taken into custody for interrogation by the local police.
In early April this year, Wahana Informasi Masyarakat (WIM), the Information Networkd was ordered to abandon its annual conference by the local police. They were told to hold the event after the elections. However, when WIM tried to hold the postponed annual meeting on 19 June, the meeting was raided by the local police and ordered to disband.
A gathering for purposes of reflection convened by WALHI-Aceh, the Aceh Forum and Konsep had to be abandoned on the orders of the social-political affairs office of the local administration.
Tapol - July 31, 1997
There are moves in Jakarta to press ahead with the subversion trial of Muchtar Pakpahan, chair of the unrecognised trade union, the SBSI, despite the fact that he is suffering from a number of ailments.
The legal authorities in Jakarta are showing unseemly haste in getting Pakpahan back into court even though it is well established that he is seriously ill. Moves to continue with the trial were taken by the Attorney-General's Office, simultaneously with making an announcement that the government had turned down his request to go abroad for treatment.
Third opinion sought
Following Attorney General Singgih's announcement on 21 July that labour leader, Muchtar Pakpahan, would not be allowed to travel abroad for medical treatment, Pakpahan demanded that an independent medical team be set up to give an opinion on whether he needs to go abroad. Pakpahan, the chairperson of the unrecognised trade union federation, the SBSI, was rushed to a private hospital in Jakarta from Cipinang Prison in March after he had refused to accept treatment by the Police Clinic.
Pakpahan is suffering from a tumor on the lung, from a blood clot on the brain and appendicitis.
His trial for subversion was adjourned in March because of his health although the presiding-judge Djazuli P. Sudibyo, accused Pakpahan of seeking publicity by complaining about his health.
His doctors at Cikini Hospital where he has been under treatment since March this year said that Pakpahan needed lung imagy fluorescence endoscopy (LIFE) which is unavailable in Indonesia.
Attorney General Singgih said that a government-appointed team composed of a team of doctors at the Cipto Mangunkusumo General Hospital had decided that Pakpahan is not in need of LIFE and that his condition is not life-threatening or serious.
Pakpahan's lawyer, Bambang Widjojanto, said that a third opinion should be sought and that an independent medical team set up for this purpose should include the International Red Cross.
International support for Pakpahan to go abroad for treatment first came from John Shattuck, US Assistant Secretary of State. The request was reiterated this week by Stuart Eisenstat, a US State Department under-secretary, on a visit to Jakarta.
Furthermore, Dr Azrul Azwar, chairperson of the Indonesian Doctors' Association, the IDI, told officials of the SBSI that Pakpahan was entitled to a third opinion on whether he needed to go abroad.
SBSI acting chairperson Tohap Simanungkalit said that the union is preparing an official request for the government to seek a third opinion from independent sources.
Trial to be resumed?
The Attorney General has also said that Pakpahan's trial should be resumed as quickly as possible. The head of the Jakarta public prosecutor's office, Sudhono Iswahyudi, has written to the South Jakarta Court asking it to fix a date for the trial to resume. He said that the opinion of the government-appointed team of doctors regarding Pakpahan's state of health meant that he is now fit to stand trial. If necessary, a doctor could accompany him in court.
'If Pakpahan refuses to attend the trial, he will be the one to suffer. We will ask the court to continue with the trial even if the accused refuses to attend,' said Sudhono.
However, the chair of the South Jakarta Court, who was previously so dismissive about Pakpahan's complaints, now says that if it is thought necessary for a doctor to accompany him during the court hearings, this means that he is not fit to stand trial. 'How can we continue hearing the case if the accused is not in a good state of health?' The judge said he would seek further clarifications about the accused's state of health before setting a date for the trial to continue.
Committee to Protect Journalists - July 31, 1997
New York – On 25 July 1997, Naimullah, a reporter with the Jakarta-based morning daily newspaper "Sinar Pagi" was found murdered. Naimullah's body, mutilated by stab wounds in his neck, and bruises on his head, temples, chest, and wrists, was found in the back seat of his car in Pantai Penibungan, about 90 kilometres north of Pontianak, the provincial capital of West Kalimantan. According to reports in the 28 July editions of the newspapers "Media Indonesia" and "Akcaya". Naimullah had recently reported on timber theft and had been conducting an investigation of illegal logging in Kalimantan. He was last seen with four men, including one from the company suspected of having been involved with the logging. He expected to meet someone else from the same company later that day.
Naimullah is the second investigative journalist murdered in Indonesia in the last two months, according to CPJ. Muhammad Sayuti Bochari, a reporter with the Ujungpandang-based weekly "Pos Makasar". died in hospital on 11 June after being found unconscious two days earlier. Sayuti was also researching timber theft and allegations of official corruption (see IFEX alerts). CPJ fears that the killing of Naimullah could be part of a pattern of lethal violence against investigative journalists in Indonesia.
| Arms/armed forces |
Toronto Star - July 29, 1997
Allan Thompson, Ottawa – Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy last year approved the sale of military equipment to Indonesia, which has been criticized for its human rights record and occupation of East Timor.
Export permits for the sale of $1.6 million worth of military goods to Indonesia were approved in late 1996 by Axworthy, according to documents obtained under the Access to Information Act by Ottawa-based Parliamentarians for East Timor.
"This is more than appalling, this is a complete abandonment of human rights in Canadian foreign policy," said Sharon Scharfe, director of the group's international secretariat.
News that Axworthy approved the sale of such military goods as armored vehicle and aircraft components and specialized military training equipment comes on the eve of his visit to Indonesia, scheduled for tomorrow. Axworthy has been in the region attending a meeting of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), which includes Indonesia.
Axworthy told the House of Commons in June, 1996, that he wanted to make it tougher for Canadian companies to sell military goods to countries that abuse human rights or are embroiled in conflict.
"I want to make Canada an even more responsible player in the global military goods market," Axworthy told the Commons on June 18, 1996. He said he had instructed his officials to "apply a stricter interpretation of human rights criteria" when considering requests for military export permits.
Canada's official policy on military exports is to "closely control" such exports to countries "involved in or under imminent threat of hostilities." The policy also calls for control of exports to countries "whose governments have a persistent record of serious violations of the human rights of their citizens, unless it can be demonstrated that there is no reasonable risk that the goods might be used against the civilian population."
Jennifer Ledwidge, a foreign affairs spokesperson, said no permits would have been issued "if it was judged that there was a likelihood the goods might be used to exacerbate the human rights situation."
Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1975.
By some accounts, more than one-third of the people of East Timor have been killed in organized genocide since Indonesia seized the area by force and began settling Indonesians there. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have consistently ranked Indonesia as one of the world's worst human rights violators.
Tapol - July 28, 1997
TAPOL is bitterly disappointed that the Government's proclaimed ethical foreign policy was today killed off in its infancy with Robin Cook's refusal to revoke the 1996 licences for export to Indonesia of Hawk aircraft, armoured vehicles and water cannon in his announcement of new arms trade criteria. The export of the equipment will go ahead despite well-documented evidence supplied by this organisation that British equipment has in the past been used for internal repression, in breach of assurances given by the Indonesian Government.
The Foreign Secretary should explain what he means by saying it is not practical to backdate the new criteria to apply to licences granted by the previous Government. TAPOL has been advised that it is legally possible for him to revoke the licences.
Today's announcement will be greeted with particular despair in East Timor, which Indonesia has brutally and illegally occupied since 1975. Since any equipment at the disposal of the Indonesian Government might in future be used against the people of East Timor, there should be a complete embargo on arms sales to Indonesia.
The Foreign Secretary made his priorities clear by opening today's statement with a commitment to a strong defence industry. Speaking in London in June, Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo, Co-winner of the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize, called on the Government to "to consider the dreadful consequences of this so-called "defence industry". Please, I beg you, restrict still further the conditions under which such trade is permitted. Do not sustain any longer a conflict which without these sales could never have been pursued in the first place, nor for so very long."
In a letter to Robin Cook, Co-Nobel Peace Laureate, Jose Ramos- Horta, the external representative of the East Timorese resistance movement, called for a freeze on arms sales to Indonesia and stated: "It would send the wrong message for your government that has promised a moral and ethical Foreign Policy to continue with policies of, and to honour existing contracts agreed to by, the previous government" [Editor's footnote 2].
"Indonesia was the litmus test of the Government's commitment to human rights, which it has failed miserably. Cook's recipe for an ethical foreign policy comprises nothing more than hot air and empty words. The Government is clearly breaching its commitment not to allow the export of arms that might be used for internal repression or external aggression.". said Carmel Budiardjo of TAPOL.
Supporters of TAPOL, Campaign Against Arms Trade and the World Development Movement will demonstrate outside Downing Street tomorrow, Tuesday, 29 July from 12 noon onwards in protest against the today's announcement. At approximately 1 pm, a letter to the Prime Minister signed by the three organisations [Editor's footnote 2] will be handed in at 10 Downing Street by Ann Clwyd MP and Jeremy Corbyn MP.
| Economy and investment |
Jakarta Post - July 29, 1997
Jakarta – About a third of the World Bank's loans to Indonesia have leaked and disappeared into the bureaucracy, an export on Indonesia's economy said yesterday.
Jeffrey A. Winters, an associate professor at the Northwestern University in Illinois, blasted the World Bank at a press conference hosted by the International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (Infid). Winters blamed the World Bank's global "don't ask, don't tell" policy for the continuous theft of aid money.
The World Bank, one of the major contributors of international aid to Indonesia, announced July 17 in Tokyo, Japan, that it would increase its aid to Indonesia by US$300 million for 1997-98 to $1.5 billion. The World Bank office here refused to comment because i its director, Dennis De liay, was overseas.
Several government officials at the National Development Planning Board refused to comment on Winters' statement.
Winters estimates the World Bank has agreed to lend about US$20 billion to Indonesia since the bank was established in 1965 but the exact figure was not available froom the bank. Winters, whose doctoral studies focused on Indonesia and the World Bank, said the figure of a third of World Bank money disappearing into the bureaucracy came from one of the bank's former directors in Jakarta.
"Since then, half a dozen bank officials, both in Jakarta and Washington, DC, have given the same estimate. Indeed most have pointed out that 30 to 33 percent is a conservative estimate, and that such levels of theft and leakage are not uncommon in developing countries like Indonesia," Winters said.
He said it would be disastrous for the bank to admit publicly that loan funds were routinely stolen in Indonesia but that "they quite readily admit privately that such leakage is substantial". "One of the most disturbing aspects of the World Bank's close relationship with the Indonesian Government is that for three decades the bank has allowed a large proportion of its loan funds to leak into the government bureaucracy and disappear.
"The bank knows the money is being stolen, its staffers have a general sense of how large the problem is, but there is no concrete data on such theft because the bank does not collect such data," Winters said.
"In short, the World bank has a global policy of don't ask, don't tell," he said. Winters said the World Bank should immediately start assessing how much of the World Bank's total loans to Indonesia had been stolen. "Upon determining the level that has leaked into the bureaucracy, that amount should be forgiven," he said.
He said since the World Bank supplied funds in a continuous way it had to know that money was not being used as intended and that it was unfair that ordinary Indonesians, especially the poor, had to pay back these funds with interest. "If the average Indonesian received only two-thirds of the loan funds from the World Bank, why should they be required to pay back 100 percent with interest?" Winters asked.
"The average Indonesian does not have the power to impose limits on the actions of government officials. But the World Bank does have the leverage, and it should; begin to use it immediately," he said.
| Miscellaneous |
Tapol - 28 July, 1997
In a table headed, 'Kings, Queens and Dictators', Forbes lists the world's richest rulers, identifying the country, estimated worth, source of wealth and the year they came to power.
The first two places are taken by the Sultan of Brunei, worth $38 billion, and King Fahd of Saudia Arabia, worth $20 billion. Next comes President Suharto with an estimated wealth of $16 billion, coming from stakes in major Indonesian firms.
Trailing behind him come the rulers of Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands, the Prime Minister of Lebanon, the King of Thailand, President Fidel Castro and Queen Elizabeth.
The sub-heading reads: L'etat c'est moi. Businesspeople they are not, but they have accumulated great wealth – legally, extra-legally, and frequently illegally.