Democratic struggle

50 students demonstrate in support of Megawati

ASIET - 12 July, 1997

[The following is a translation of a statement sent to ASIET by the underground Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) and also includes a short report from the Surabaya Post]

Around 50 students from a number of universities, United Development Party (PPP) and Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) sympathisers under the banner of the Indonesian Peoples Movement Committee (Komite Pergerakan Rakyat Indonesia, KPRI) and the National Committee for Democratic Struggle (Komite Nasional Perjuangan Demokrasi, KNPD) demonstrated at the Governors office on Jl Pahlawan yesterday, Friday July 11. They rejected the results of the May 29 general elections and demanded that they be rerun. They also demanded that the government recognise Megawati Sukarnoputri as the official chair of the PDI.

Although they failed to enter the grounds of the Governor's office because the Governor's security personnel formed a blockade and closed the gates on Jl Johar, it did not deter the action. They sat in front of the gate and unfurled banners and placards which criticised the results of the elections. "Rerun the General Elections", "The 1997 Elections are Legally Flawed", "The Elections are Invalid" and so on.

They had earlier rallied from the end of Jl Johar towards the gates singing "Who do you belong to Megawati, Who do you belong to Megawati, Who do you belong to Megawati, you belong to all of us". Hearing the shouts and support for Megawati, rickshaw drivers along the length of Jl Johar joined in the shouting giving their support to Megawati.

Forming into ranks surrounded by small red and white flags and wearing head bands with the words "Reject the Election Results", the students from a number of regions of Jatim, PDI and PPP cadres moved off at 9am from Jl Johar towards the Governor's office, while singing the song "Forward without Fear".

Because they were not allowed to enter, they shouted "We are only holding a peaceful action Pak [the Governor], open the gates. We will not damage anything. We are not thieves. We also pay taxes, why are we not treated as the Governor's guests, the Governor is the Bapak of the people. Our Bapak too". Alternating between this, they read their demands:

Reject the 1997 election results because they are legally and politically flawed and need to be rerun; Try the chair of the election committee; Withdraw the packed of five political laws and the dual function of the military; That the government be responsible for and compensate for the moral and material losses suffered by the people during the elections; Requesting that the head of PPP reverse the decision to accept the election results based on the data on election fraud that the PPP has; Calling on the people to hold protest actions rejecting the election results and demanding the elections be rerun.

They also stated that the problem of election fraud cannot be viewed "partially", but is in reality a systematic plan. The existence of the packet of five political laws, means that the people are not able to enjoy their right to freedom of expression. "Based on these conditions, KPRI rejects the results of the 1997 elections and demands the withdrawal of the political laws!" said KPRI coordinator Krisdiyanto.

Around 10.30am, Captain J Judiyanto from Danramil (Army military unit at Camat level) Bubutan negotiated on behalf of the protesters and the Governor's office. However because the Governor was not there, the KPRI and KNPD activists were only met by the head of public security Drs. Manggala and the front entrance. After the rally broke up, all of the posters and other items were burnt at the front entrance.

KPRI students to the Governor's office - Surabaya Post, July 11, 1997

As many as 50 students under the banner of the Indonesian Peoples Movement Committee (KPRI) held an action at the Governor's office on Jl Pahlawan, earlier this afternoon, Friday (11/7). They demanded that the general elections be rerun. The action which was supported by the East Java National Committee for Democratic Struggle (KNPD) began at 9.30am and was coloured by placards and banners with their demands. On arriving at the Governor's office they tried to speak with the Jatim Governor. They were stopped at the front gates and promised that they could speak with him at 11am. Hoever because the offer was considered to have been intentionally timed to conflict with Friday prayers, the demonstrators rejected the offer and broke up the demonstration themselves and left.

[Translated by James Balowski]

Dita Sari

Wim F. Wertheim - July 4, 1997

It is well known that since 27th July, the day on which the Suharto regime in a most violent manner crushed the peaceful movement in Indonesia which demanded a restoration of democratic rights in the country, hundreds of Indonesians have been persecuted and locked up behind bars. A female leader of that democratic moverment, Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of former President Sukarno, has been since that time quite prominent in the international press - and rightly so. But it is less known, that another woman, prominent in the fight for democratic reform, Dita Sari, 23 years old, was already arrested on 8 July 1996, and is still locked up in a prison in Surabaya and prosecuted for allegedly criminal offences.

Dita Sari started her law studies at the prestigious University of Indonesia in Jakarta, in 1991. In an interview she admitted: "I was like most other students: apolitical and wanting only to enjoy life". Her political awakening started in December 1992, when she attended a demonstration on campus concerning human rights, organized by SMID, an organization advocating Student Solidarity for Democracy in Indonesia. To a great disappointment of her rather prosperous parents she quit her study in law in order to become a trade union leader. In an interview with a Dutch journalist shortly before she was arrested, she provided the following motivation for her courageous step: "I do not believe in law any more. Law is here without any real content. I could not bear any longer sitting at a school dest and listening to all those empty talks. I think my trade union work is more important, and this is on which I wish fully to concentrate myself."

Dita Sari became one of the founders of PPBI (Pusat Perjuangan Buruh Indonesia), which means Indonesian Centre for the Struggle of Labourers. The organization was founded in Ambarawa (Dentral Java) in 1994 by some sixty activists from cities such as Surabaya, Yogyakarta, Jakarta and Medan. The PPBI had close links with other radical organizations such as SMID (students), a peasant union and an organization of cultural workers, which together found a sort of coordination in PRD (the Indonesian People's Democratic Party). All these unions were, according to the concept of the Suharto regime, 'illegal', since the regime only acknowledges organizations created or approved by the authorities.

Dita Sari explained in her interview the relation with SBSI, also an 'illegal'trade union. Whereas this important free trade union, chaired by the wellknown Muchtar Pakpahan, who by the way is also under arrest, and facing a trial for 'subversion', is only pursuing economic objectives for industrial labour, PPBI was in addition advacing labour interests in demanding representation of the workers'class in Parliament.

Her activities in PPBI resulted in two visits, which Dita Sari in December 1994 and March 1995 paid to Australia, where she attended conferences on the international workers movement, and where she was a speaker at the West Australia, where she attended conferences on the international Women's Day Rally. She had often entered factories to talk with female workers. Finally she was elected as chairwoman of PPBI.

She also was active in the demonstrations in Jakarta in June 1996, when a big protest movement grew against the scandalous way Megawati had been eliminated by the government as chairwoman of PDI, one of the three officially acknowledged political parties. On 8 July she was one of the leaders of a big demonstration in Surabaya of a number of organizations coordinated by PRD. The demonstration was attended by between ten and twenty thousand people. The demands were: increase of wages, and recognition of democratic rights. Before the procession could reach the local office of the Labour Ministry, the procession was halted by the army. The mass of the people were violently dissipated, some fifty people were arrested, among whom were Dita Sari, Coen Hussein Pontoh, and M. Sholeh, three of the leaders. Most of the people, among whom both students and labourers, were soon released, but the three leaders were being held in prison, and are at present accused of serious crimes.

Shortly after Dita Sari was arrested, her mother died: but she was not allowed to attend the funerals. Her father regularly attempts to travel to Surabaya and to visit her in jail, but not seldom he is not allowed to see her.

In November the trial against the three prisoners started; but in view of Dita Sari's opinion about the way law is being administered in Suharto's Indonesia they did not expect anything like a fair trial. Together the three defendants issued a brave declaration, that could be divulged via Internet, in which they explained that they were not discouraged by the way their preliminary defence plea had been handled, because this only confirmed that the judges in Indonesia were nothing but tools in the hands of the government. "God bless our struggle."

The case of Dita Sari should attact much attention outside Indonesia, where since Suharto's access to power in 1965/66 through a huge massacre, the people of Indonesia were robbed of all their rights.

Indonesian priest to be charged with harboring activists

Radio Australia - July 3, 1997

Indonesian police are to charge a Roman Catholic priest over harbouring three pro- democracy activists following serious riots in Jakarta last year.

The newspaper, the Jakarta Post, said the charges would be brought against Father Ignatius Sandyawan Sumardi for harbouring leaders of the People's Democratic Party who were accused of instigating the riots in July last year.

Father Sandyawan was quoted by the paper as saying it was his "moral decision" to shelter the men.

The three members of the banned party, an umbrella group which advocates radical reforms, were captured in August last year and after being convicted of subversion are serving sentences ranging between 18 months and 13 years in jail.

Five people were killed in the riots and Father Sandyawan was awarded Indonesia's highest award for human rights for sheltering victims of the violence.

East Timor

Britain to act on East Timor

Catholic Institute for International Relations Press Release - July 11, 1997

Jose Ramos-Horta, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and representative of the East Timorese resistance, has welcomed the Foreign Secretary's commitment to use diplomatic pressure to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict in East Timor and to follow through on the Government's current review of arms exports to Indonesia.

Robin Cook, Foreign Secretary, and Margaret Becker, President of the Board of Trade, met with Jose Ramos-Horta and Joao Carrascalao, President of the Timorese Democratic Union, at the Foreign Office yesterday in their first meeting since the Government took office.

The meeting was positive and both Ramos-Horta and Carrascalao welcomed the Foreign Secretary's assurances that he would actively support mediation efforts by the UN Secretary-General, in the hope that this would lead to a peaceful settlement of the conflict in East Timor. The Timorese leaders emphasised to the Foreign Secretary that proactive UK diplomacy within the European Union and the UN is as important as progress on restricting arms exports.

Ramos-Horta and Carrascalao expressed their hope that in the current review of UK arms sales policy, due consideration would be given to preventing the sale of weapons that are used for internal repression in East Timor and Indonesia. Such weapons include machine-guns, land rovers, armoured personnel carriers, military trucks, water cannons and surveillance equipment.

On the basis of statements made by Nino Konis Santana, commander of the armed front of the Timorese Resistance, Ramos-Horta noted in the meeting that British Aerospace Hawk aircraft were no longer being used by the Indonesian armed forces in East Timor, largely because of public concern in the UK over such arms sales. However, it still remains unethical tosell such weapons systems to dictatorships, since those arms could be used again for internal repression or intimidation in the future.

The meeting also covered human rights, including the need for international monitoring of the situation in East Timor. The Foreign Secretary seemed receptive to the recommendation that the UK and its EU partners should press for on-site UN human rights monitoring, and should send their officials to the territory to provide greater international international scrutiny and protection.

Afterwards, Ramos-Horta and Carrascalao met with members of the Parliamentary Human Rights Group at the House of Commons. They disccused options for follow-up work on a range of issues with UK decision-makers. Both sides agreed that action should also be taken to withdraw invitations for three Indonesian generals to attend the Royal Navy and British Army Equipment Exhibition in September, particularly given the human rights record of Generals Wiranto [Army chief of staff] and Feisal Tanjung [armed forces commander-in-chief] in East Timor.

David Alex family 'now satisfied'

Tapol - July 10, 1997

According to an AFP report of 5 July, based on a report from Antara news agency of the same day, 'relatives of the slain East Timorese rebel David Alex are now satisfied that David Alex is dead and buried, after earlier questioning his death.

'After looking at photographs of him since he was captured until (he was) buried, I am sure that it was indeed David Alex', (.....) Manuel Mira Freitas, said Friday in Dili.

Freitas said, speaking on behalf of Alex's family, 'expressed our sincere gratitude to the Indonesian military for treating his body with respect even though he was considered an enemy.'

The comments sharply contrated with his criticism of the military on Monday.

'They (the military) are all the time lying to us. We want to see (Alex's) body to make a religious burial,' he told AFP by phone from Dili on Monday [See also Jakarta Post report of 4 July, posted three days ago by TAPOL.]

The military commander in East Timor Colonel Sidabutar said Thursday that the military had photographs of Alex after he was shot and while he was in hospital 'and the family is welcome to see them'.

He added that members of Alex's family, through the intermediary of the International Red Cross had asked to see the body at the military hospital in Dili on Wednesday, but they (the family) said they were too afraid to come there.

[Some phrases are bracketed because they were unclear in the fax we received. David Alex's relatives may have come under strong pressure to express satisfaction with the army's version and not press ahead with the demand that the body be exhumed for identification and an autopsy. It appears that the ICRC is now also saying that they regard the matter as closed now that the family has been able to identify the body after seeing the photographs.]

Fear of torture

East Timor Human Rights Centre - 10 July, 1997

The East Timor Human Rights Centre (ETHRC) holds grave fears for the safety of five East Timorese men still in military custody following their arrest in Caibada near Baucau on 25 June, 1997 (see UA 16/97). The five men were arrested together with David Alex, second in command of the armed East Timorese Resistance (Falintil), by members of Kopassus (Special Forces Command). The identity of one of the detainees (who was previously unidentified) is still unconfirmed, however, according to East Timorese sources he is either Jose Mendonca or Mario da Costa.

ETHRC sources have confirmed that four of the men, Jose Antonio Belo, Manuel "Loke Matan", Gil da Costa, and Jose Mendonca (or Mario da Costa), were taken to Kopassus headquarters at Kota Baru in Baucau city (known as "Rumah Merah or "Red House"), which is reputed to be a torture centre of the Indonesian military. It is believed the four men are still in detention there. The ETHRC has not been able to confirm where the other man, Guilherme dos Santos, was taken, however, it is believed that he may be detained at SGI headquarters in Dili.

It is believed the detainees have been subjected to torture and are at serious risk of further torture or ill-treatment as they have not been allowed access to their families and independent legal counsel. The risk of torture and ill-treatment is heightened by the fact that Indonesian authorities do not allow access to East Timor for independent human rights monitors. The ETHRC therefore calls on the Indonesian authorities to allow immediate access to East Timor for UN experts, non-governmental human rights organisations and foreign journalists.

The ETHRC has not been able to confirm Indonesian and East Timorese reports that David Alex was killed following his arrest as there are conflicting reports about the circumstances of his alleged death. Indonesian authorities have claimed that David Alex was buried at 8.30am on 26 June at Bidau-Santana in Dili. However, the circumstances of his alleged death cannot be clarified unless the authorities allow the body to be exhumed for identification by the family, and to enable an autopsy to be performed. It is believed authorities have refused the family's request to have the body returned.

Fifth man believed to have been arrested with David Alex

Amnesty International - July 4, 1997

It is believed that the fifth man arrested in Kaibada, near Baucau in East Timor on 25 June, is Cesario da Costa. The five included David Alex, second-in-command of the East Timorese National Liberation Army, Falintil, who later died in custody.

It is believed that the military have now acknowledged that four men are being held, although according to some reports, another person arrested with David Alex may also be detained. The military have not stated where the detainees are being held, but some reports allege that they are in the headquarters of the Military Intelligence Unit (Satuan Tugas Intelijen, SGI) in Dili. Amnesty International believes that the men will remain at risk of torture and ill-treatment as long as they are held in incommunicado military custody.

The precise circumstances surrounding the death of David Alex, allegedly shot by the military on 25 June, remain unclear. However it seems clearer that there may have been a military confrontation between David Alex and the Indonesian Armed Forces on the early morning of 25 June at Kaibada and that some of the four now detained may have been wounded. It is still not clear what time David Alex died, but it he appears to have been buried at around 8.30am on 26 June, the day after he was captured. Amnesty International remains concerned at the lack of clarity surrounding the circumstances of David Alex's death. This concern is increased by the speed with which the military buried his body and by the fact that the body has not been returned to his family as per their request.

Indonesia agrees probe into death of East Timor fighter

Agence France Presse - July 4, 1997

Lisbon – UN and Indonesian officials are to set up an inquiry into the death of the deputy leader of East Timorese rebels fighting Indonesian troops in the former Portuguese colony, Nobel Peace prize winner Jose Ramos-Horta announced Friday.

The inquiry will begin "in the next few days" and will be headed by an independent figure, yet to be designated, probably from the United Nations or another international body such as the Red Cross, Ramos-Horta said, as quoted by the Portuguese news agency Lusa.

David Alex, 48, of the Fretilin movement fighting Indonesian occupation of East Timor, died in unclear circumstances after being captured by Indonesian troops on June 25.

The Indonesian army said Alex was captured at Kaibada, near Bacau, 115 kilometres (70 miles) east of the capital Dili, in a grotto where he was hiding with five other people. It said he died in a military hospital at Dili after being flown there by helicopter. Another version of the story said he had died during the helicopter flight.

However rebel sources said Alex had died under interrogration.

The rebel leader was buried without having been identified by his family which has demanded that the body be exhumed for a verification to be made.

Ramos-Horta, himself a leading spokesman for East Timorean independence, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1996, jointly with the territory's Roman Catholic Bishop Carlos Felipe Ximenes Belo.

On Thursday 10 young East Timorese began a week-long hunger- strike outside the UN office in Lisbon to demand an independent inquiry into Alex's death. Other East Timorese handed in a petition to the US embassy in Lison demanding Washington's support for an independent probe.

The human rights body Amnesty International has said it has asked Jakarta to authorise an independent inquiry.

A Portuguese colony, East Timor was invaded by Indonesia in December 1975 and annexed the following year. The United Nations still considers Portugal the administrative power.

Military denies East Timorese rebel leader still alive

Agence France Presse - July 3, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian military commander in troubled East Timor Thursday dismissed reports that rebel leader David Alex was still alive but said he would not block an independent investigation.

"He (Alex) has already been buried (last) Thursday in a humanitarian manner," Sidabutar told AFP by telephone from the East Timor capital of Dili, adding that it was a Roman Catholic burial. Sidabutar said the military had photographs of Alex after he was shot and while he was in the hospital "and the family is welcome to see them."

He added that members of Alex's family, through the intermediation of the International Committee of the Red Cross, had asked to see Alex at the military hospital in Dili on Wednesday, "but they (the family) said they were too afraid to come there."

Alex's family told AFP Monday that they had asked the governor's office and the military to see Alex's corpse but have received no reply.

"We want to know if he's really dead or not," Alex's nephew, Manual Mira, said by phone on Monday from Dili.

Sidabutar said Thursday that the military had "never" denied any requests by Alex's family.

"These rumors surrounding Alex's death came about because questions were being asked to irresponsible people. If you ask the rebels (about this), of course they are going to give a different story," Sidabutar said.

It would be "no problem" to have an independent team investigate the case, Sidabutar said Wednesday as quoted by the state Antara news agency.

"Be my guest, as long as it is according to Indonesian law. If they get permission to do it from the authorities, we will welcome them," Sidabutar said. The London-based human rights group Amnesty International has called on Jakarta to allow for "an independent and impartial investigation into David Alex's death... and for the results of the investigation to be made public."

Portuguese Prime Minister Antonio Guterres vowed last week to use "all available channels" to get at the truth concerning Alex's death.

The military said Alex died on June 25 in a Dili hospital from wounds to his thigh and arms suffered in a shootout earlier that day in Baucau, some 115 kilometres (70 miles) east of Dili.

Sidabutar said anyone who had suffered wounds like Alex did "would have died," as quoted by Antara.

He also dismissed allegations by East Timor activist groups that the five people captured together with Alex had been tortured or killed.

"They are all in good health. I have met them personally to chat with them," he said.

Asked whether the five would be taken to court, Sidabutar said that the authorities needed time to "humanize" them.

"They have been living in jungle for so long, we need to give them clothes and so on. They also need to recover from their unrealistic idealism," he said.

"We hope that they will help us track others (other rebels) to give themselves up and return to the community," Sidabutar added.

The Indonesian military launched a crackdown following a series of rebel attacks on civilian and military targets in East Timor which began mid-May and have since left at least 37 people dead.

East Timor Police Chief Colonel Atok Rismanto said on Tuesday in Dili that 68 people were still under detention following the crackdown.

New York-based Human Rights Watch/Asia in a statement Tuesday called for a "full, public accounting of all East Timorese arrested since May 29, 1997, and their current whereabouts," claiming that more than 150 people have been arrested since that date.

Indonesian troops invaded the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1975 and annexed it the following year, but the United Nations still considers Lisbon to be its official administrator.

Security forces kill one Timorese rebel and capture 14 others

Lusa - July 4, 1997

Dili – Indonesian securities forces have killed one East Timorese guerilla member and captured 14 others during an operation on Wednesday in Curusa, 145 km of the capital Dili, a military spokesman has said. He told reporters on Thursday that these rebels were part of the group headed by second-in-command guerilla leader, David Alex, whose death after a gunbattle with Indonesian troops was recently announced by the authorities. The Indonesian army has intensified a military offensive in East Timor following several attacks by the local guerilla during and in the aftermath of the Indonesian parliamentary elections on May 29. Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

International relations

Harmoko the next ambassador in the UK?

Tapol - July 10, 1997

According to a report in Media Indonesia on 9 July, Harmoko, who was recently removed as Minister of Information is likely to be named as the next ambassador to London. Until now, it has been generally thought that Harmoko was being groomed to become the next head of Parliament and the MPR, the upper house. But Media Indonesia thinks that this post will go to Lt-Gen Syarwan Hamid, who is currently armed forces chief-of-staff for social and political affairs.

According to independent sources, Harmoko's removal as Information Minister came as a result of rivalries within the GOLKAR party between Harmoko, the party's chair, and deputy chair of the party, Tutut, Suharto's oldest daughter who campaigned vigorously during the recent election campaign, overshadowing Harmoko. Gossip has it that Harmoko has been spreading unsavoury stories about Tutut and she was able to prevail upon her father to sack him as Information Minister, and replace him by General Hartono, whom some sources describe as her 'soldier boy'.

TAPOL understands that Indonesia has faced problems replacing its ambassador in London, Fanny Habibie. It originally intended to appoint Lt-General Suyono, a former armed forces chief-of- staff for general affairs and military commander in Central Java, but the British Government was unwilling to accept the appointment of a general as ambassador.

RI, Russia agree to expand cooperation in aviation technology

Antara - July 8, 1997

Moscow – Indonesia and Russia on Monday agreed to expand cooperation in the field of aviation technology and electrical power, visiting Research and Technology Minister BJ Habibie said.

Habibie who has been here since a week ago and Russian Deputy Prime Minister Yuakov Urinson who is concurrently the minister for economic affairs signed a memorandum of understanding which underlies the mutually beneficial cooperation.

Habibie told ANTARA following a meeting with Urinson that the two countries would in the near future hold a seminar as a follow-up to the cooperation agreement.

The seminar which would involve the two countries' chambers of commerce and industry would discuss opportunities and challenges to enhance bilateral cooperation in all fields which have bright prospects, Habibie said.

Habibie said one of the bilateral cooperation which would have bright prospects was the joint development of rural electricity which uses a "photofoltaik" system and solar energy.

He said Indonesia had been planning to develop solar-powered electricity generators which would affect one million villages in the next five years.

Asked about the possibility of Indonesia buying Russian-made Sukhoi or MiG jet fighters, Habibie said Indonesia was taking into account technical aspects on the use of jet fighters offered by some European countries and the United States.

He said the Russian-made jet fighter had good technology but operational costs, spareparts and other aspects need to be taken into account.

He said nearly 60 percent of spareparts for the manufacture of the jets came from one company, while the rest was jointly produced with other companies.

Economy and investment

The Suharto clan's arms and aircraft businesses in Europe

George J. Aditjondro - July 10, 1997

[This is an updated and revised version of sections of a paper presented at the Oslo University public seminar on East Timor, Monday, December 9, 1996]

"Britain is the greatest arm smuggler to Indonesia." Leading spokeperson for the diplomatic front of the East Timor resistance Jose Manuel Ramos-Horta, made this statement in Brasilia in November 1996, when he asked Brazil's President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, to act as an envoy in convincing countries like Britain, to turn against Jakarta.

I cannot but fully agree with my old friend, who received the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize, together with his compatriot, Dom Carlos Felipe Ximenes Belo, on the world human rights day, December 10, 1996, which also happened to be the anniversary of Alfred Nobel's death.

As we all know by now, the most controversial aspect about British arm deals with Indonesia, is the sale of 24 Hawk fighter planes to Indonesia. Fourteen have already been delivered to Indonesia, and six of them were displayed to the public during the Armed Forces celebrations in Jakarta, last October.

Hence, in relation to this case, we certainly must applaud "the Liverpool Four," Lotta Kronlid, Andrea Needham, Angela Zelter and Joanna Wilson, who bravely broke into the British Aerospace (BAe) factory in Wharton, Lancashire, causing an estimated 1.5 million pound damage to one of the fighter jets that was to be sold to Indonesia. We also must applaud Justice Wickham and the jury who acquitted the four pro-East Timor activists (Sydney Morning Herald, August 1, 1996; Guardian Weekly, August 11, 1996).

Having said that, I would like to put this Hawks deal in a larger context from a bilateral UK-Indonesia perspective, as well as from a global East Timor diplomacy perspective.

From a bilateral perspective, the Hawks deal is only one aspect of a two billion pound "aid-for-arms diplomacy" between Britain and Indonesia. As exposed in The Observer of November 13, 1994, several large aid projects have been offered by London to Jakarta, in return for secret arms deals with the UK. On the "aid" side, this package include a 16 million pound road beween Jakarta and Bandung, which involves the British construction company Trafalgar House, and a 65 million pound thermal power station in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, which involves the Rolls- Royce Industrial Power Group. It was by far the biggest single British aid project in Indonesia in the last 20 years. It was also no coincidence that Rolls-Royce will also supply the engines of the new Hawks sold by BAe to Indonesia (Durham and O'Shaughnessy, 1994; Durham, 1994; Ellingsen, 1994).

Then, on the "arms" side, this package also includes a batallion of 50 Alvis Scorpion light tanks and Stormer full tracked armoured personell carriers, from the British company, Alvis Vehicles. In addition, the contract also covers the provision of training and spare parts. This deal was released to the media directly by Indonesian Armed Forces commander General Feisal Tanjung on November 19, 1994, when he also announced Indonesia's purchase of the 24 Hawk jets (Kompas, Nov. 21, 1994; Jane's Defense Weekly, March 11, 1995: 6).

We already know, which British companies are benefitting from this "aid-for-arms" deal between Britain and Indonesia. But who are their Indonesian counterparts? Who are the Mark Thatchers of Indonesia, in analogy to the Iraq-gate case? As mentioned in Durham, O'Shaughnessy, and Ellingsen, the 56-km toll road will financially benefit the family of President Suharto. Trafalgar House's partner in this venture is a company owned by Suharto's eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, aka Tutut. Tutut, however, had also submitted an offer to the tender of the Samarinda power plant project. As she admitted, she lost the Samarinda project to Rolls-Royce (Forum Keadilan, July 31, 1995: 97).

What was not mentioned in the Forum Keadilan interview was that she basically lost the 60 MW Samarinda project to her younger brother, Hutomo Mandala Putra, aka Tommy Suharto. Because since 1994, one of the companies owned by the 36 years billionaire, PT Mahasarana Buana (Mabua), had already been appointed as Rolls- Royce agent for Indonesia (Warta Ekonomi [WE], Nov. 21, 1994: 69; Business Week, August 19, 1996: 15).

British Aerospace, meanwhile, has also appointed a Suharto family company as the sole agent for its BaE 125-100 executive jets, which costs US$ 14 million each. This company, PT Aero Dwiguna Witama, is owned by Martina Sudwikatmono, a daughter of Suharto's cousin and foster brother, Sudwikatmono together with a son of retired Army General Ibnu Sutowo, Adiguna Sutowo.

Aero Dwiguna is the new backbone of Dwi Golden Graha, one of the many conglomerates owned by the Sudwikatmono family. After becoming the sole distributor of BAe's corporate jets, Dwi Golden Graha, which was initially only involved in supermarkets and cinemas, become the 46-th largest Indonesian conglomerate in 1993, with about US$ 500 million worth in assets. A year before, it only reached the 102nd rank, and a year earlier, it was not on the list of 200 largest Indonesian conglomerates at all (WE, May 3, 1993: 30, 57-58; Eksekutif, Febr. 1994: 38; Economic & Business Review Indonesia [EBRI], April 23, 1994: 10; Swasembada [Swa], Oct. 3-16, 1996: 16).

With his family's businesses so closely associated with Rolls- Royce and British Aerospace, how could Suharto not be a staunch supporter of the two billion pound "aid- for-arms" diplomacy between UK and Indonesia? For Tommy Suharto, who was the late Mrs. Suharto's beloved Benjamin, his Rolls-Royce's agency is indeed a major money maker. Not only the 24 Hawks may constantly need repair and maintenance service from his and his uncle's companies, but also the new N-250 passenger airplanes produced by Indonesia's state aircraft company, IPTN, are using Rolls-Royce engines. In addition, since 1987 Roll-Royce had signed an agreement with IPTN for the overhaul and repair of all the Rolls-Royce Trent engines used by the Airbus A-330 airplanes of the Indonesian flag carrier, Garuda Indonesian Airlines (Swa, Dec, 1991; WE, Jan. 23, 1995).

Meanwhile, another major business partner of BAe is a state- owned company, PT Boma Bisma Indra (BBI), which shares the same boss as IPTN. Apart from heading IPTN and BBI, Research and Technology Minister B.J. Habibie also eight other state companies. BAe's automotive arm, Roover, has commenced cooperation with BBI to produce a low-cost car. This cooperation will be a follow up of an agreement between British Trade Minister Richard Needham and Dr Habibie, to establish a thermo- dynamic laboratory at the Puspitek research centre at Serpong, west of Jakarta, which costed US$ 22 million. The laboratory is expected to help Indonesia develop expertise in the development of piston and turbine gas engines (Indonesia Business Weekly [IBW], March 11, 1994: 18).

Two other business groups closely linked to President Suharto, are also involved in supplying aircraft engines. They are PT Sahuta Ragasitama and PT Tricatra Buana Dirgantara. The first one is a member company of the Salim Group, where the Suharto interests are represented by Sudwikatmono, and the second one is owned by Tutut, and holds the agency for General Electric, General Dynamics fighter jets, Hill Aviation Logistic, KHD Aircraft, and many others, and supplies the need of IPTN, Indonesia's state oil company Pertamina, and the two state-owned airlines, Garuda and Merpati (IBW, May 27, 1994; Forum Keadilan, June 23, 1994: 25; Business Week, August 19, 1996: 18).

This passion of the Suharto family in aircrafts, civilian as well as military, originates from the early New Order years. In the mid 1970s, when the Lockheed scandal broke out in the US Congress, two Indonesian bribery channels were exposed. One channel was a so-called Singapore-based "Widows and Orphans Fund" owned by Indonesian airforce officers, and the other one was PT Bayu Air, a new cargo airline owned by Sigit Harjojudanto, President Suharto's oldest son, which initially hired Indonesian airforce planes with their official logo temporary covered by the company's logo (Sampson, 1991: 213-214; Vriens, 1995; personal investigation).

So, it could be that at this early stage of his presidency, Suharto was already beginning to deprive the Indonesian Air Forces, from a major source of 'extra income' for the Admirals, who had been the 'agents' for Lockheed.

Eventually, in the later years of the New Order, the Suharto family developed numerous joint ventures with official and family business of B.J. Habibie, Suharto's most favorite minister. PT Tricatra Buana Dirgantara is only one of those many joint businesses. For example, Tutut has a joint venture with PT Boma Bisma Indra in a consortium which constructed a new oil transit terminal at the Wayame port in Ambon in the Moluccas. Tommy has a monopoly to export explosives made by PT Dahana, another state company headed by Habibie (Tempo, June 4, 1994; WE, Sept. 12, 1994: 16; Gatra, Oct. 21, 1995).

In fact, one can say that what is good for Suharto's family business, is also good for Habibie's family businesses, due to the numerous overlapping shareholder and management links between companies owned by the Suharto family and the Habibie family. For instance, Habibie's family conglomerate Timsco Group has overlapping shares with Tutut in telecommunication and satelite imagery businesses. PT Suhamthabie Utama, another Habibie family is involved in the Manggarai station mega- project in Jakarta, together with companies owned by Tutut and Tommy (Forum Keadilan, June 23, 1994: 26; Republika, June 24, 1995; Wibisono, 1995).

Tommy and his older brother Bambang Trihatmojo have several other joint ventures with the Habibie family's Timsco Group, such as an industrial estate, property, an aircraft maintenance centre on Batam Island near Singapore, an integrated piggery, crocodile farm, and orchid farm on Bulan Island, near Batam, petrochemical factories in West Java, and natural gas mining on the Natuna Island in the South China Sea (Swa, August 1995: 13, 35, 45; Gatra, Jan. 27, 1996: 79-80; Wibisono, 1995; Smith, 1996).

With so many military and civilian trade links between the Suharto and Habibie families, it is not surprising that President Suharto has appointed Minister Habibie's brother, J.E. ("Fanny") Habibie as Indonesia's envoy in London. In his position as Indonesian ambassador to the United Kingdom and Ireland, Fanny Habibie could thereby support his brother Rudy Habibie's role in promoting the European aircraft industry in Indonesia, and through Indonesia, in the Asia-Pacific region.

From his office in London, Fanny Habibie could also help to oversee the Suharto family's business partner in Ireland, namely the Dublin-based leasing company, Guinnes Peat Aviation (GPA). In 1990, Tommy's private airline, Sempati, had leased Fokker F-100 passenger airplanes from GPA, which come equipped with Rolls- Royce engines. Three more F-100s were delivered by GPA during the next year (Far Eastern Economic Review [FEER], August 23, 1990: 56).

The first family's business with this Irish company seemed to be quite profitable, because Tommy and his brother Bambang also brokered the leasing of numerous other airplanes to Indonesia's state owned airline, Garuda, and its sister company, Merpati. This was initially handled by a consortium, which consisted of GPA (50%), Garuda's subsidiary PT Aerowisata (30%), with Bambang's Bimantara Citra and Tommy's Humpuss Group, each 10%. In 1989, they forged a deal with GPA, worth US$ 60 million, including engines, financed with 20% equity and 80% debt capital (FEER, Sept. 21, 1989: 71-72).

Later on, the Suharto kids brought two other partners (Indra Bakrie and Robby Djohan) into this business, by establishing a separate company, PT Arthasaka Nusaphala. While continuing their arrangements with GPA, they also obtained their airplanes from other sources. At one stage they were contemplating to lease several dozens of new planes to Garuda valued at as much as US$ 3.6 billion. The high rates they charged to Garuda and Merpati had raised the eyebrows of the state companies' directors as well as Indonesian finance minister. However, nobody in Indonesia could challenged them, and each Garuda or Merpati director who objected to the incredible high leasing rates lost their jobs (WE, Jan. 23, 1995: 19, 22-23, Jan. 30, 1996; Sinar, Jan. 21, 1995: 75-76; Bursa, Nov. 13, 1995; Forum Keadilan, Nov. 20, 1995: 36-40; The Australian, Oct. 25, 1996; Pura, 1990a).

On a more higher political level, Margaret Thatcher had also developed a close and mutual friendship with Suharto, whose youngest son, Tommy, also developed a special friendship with the "iron lady"'s only son, Mark Thatcher. Tommy and Mark were both keen motor-racing fans. It is most likely that this friendship is what opened the door for Tommy, and the other Suharto siblings, into the British aircraft and arms industry.

During the peak of Margaret Thatcher's rule, Mark, who was as shrewd in exploiting his mother's political links for his own private business interests as the Suharto siblings, opened a branch of one of his companies, Ameristar, in Jakarta. Being familiar with Saudi Arabia because of their oil businesses in the Middle East, Ameristar became interested in providing charter aircraft to transport Indonesian Muslims on their annual haj pilgrimage to Mecca.

As documented by the authors of a new book on the Thatcher family's wealth, about three to five million people go to Mecca each year, and Indonesia's state airline, Garuda, did not have enough planes to transport the pilgrims. Hence, in 1994 Ameristar negotiated with Garuda to supply the planes to bring all the pilgrims (Halloran and Hollingsworth, 1995: 230-231).

It cannot be proven, yet, that Ameristar actually formed a joint enterprise with Tommy Suharto or his siblings to lease airplanes to Garuda during the haj seasons. But since it is a common secret in the business community in Jakarta that the Suharto siblings were the ones that leased the airplanes to Garuda, to meet the extra need during the haj pilgrimage seasons, it is not unlikely, that Mark Thatcher and Tommy Suharto have been involved in this business.

The first family's aircraft business in the UK and Ireland is actually only one area which has to be overlooked by Ambassador Habibie. Other businesses between the Suharto family and British companies is in the lucrative field of oil and gas mining and consequently, petrochemical production. Suharto's oldest son, Sigit Harjojudanto, is a major partner of British Petroleum Chemical Investments, in a huge polyethyline factory in West Java. PT Petrokimia Nusantara Interindo (Peni), in which BP controls 51% shares, plans to invest US$ 800 million to produce 400,000 tons of poly-ethylene per year (FEER, August 2, 1980; Prospek, Oct. 2, 1993; Asiaweek, April 12, 1996: 38).

BP did not seem to be satisfied with one mega-project. It is also planning to establish another joint venture with a member of Suharto's extended family to build a US$ 220 million poly- propylene plant in Java. This time their partner is Hashim Djojohadikusumo, whose brother, Mayor General Prabowo Subianto, is married to Suharto's second daughter, Titiek Prabowo (Pura, 1993). As if that is not enough, BP has also lobbied to get the contract to operate a US$ 1.8 billion olefin producer, PT Chandra Asri. In this mega-project, Bambang Trihatmojo is one of the main shareholders, together with the timber magnate, Prajogo Pangestu (FEER, March 12, 1992: 45-46).

ALL these business links between the First Family and those British and Irish companies, sanctioned by Westminster, exemplify how Jakarta's official foreign diplomacy has been hijacked by the Suharto family's business interests. In various previous articles, written and published this year, I have already outlined some of those connections in other countries, so I would not repeat them here in detail.

Basically, what has happened is that Suharto's extended family has much more power to set the foreign affairs agenda, than the entire Indonesian diplomatic corps together. Supported by their closest crony, Habibie, other ministers, some governors, and business people with close business affiliations with the First Family, the Suharto clan has overruled the Indonesian armed forces (ABRI) in making decisions concerning most of the arms purchases.

The 'hijacking' of the ABRI generals' source of extra income by the Suharto family, by becoming the brokers or agents of so many Western murder industries, is also an important factor behind some tensions between Suharto and some ABRI factions, concerning the coming political succession and whom Suharto should choose as his running mate, or the next Vice President.

These conflicts, however, have been overcome by Suharto in the past with his cunning business mind: if you cannot fight them, bribe them. Just like Benny Murdani had been politically neutralized by involving his elder brother, Harry Murdani, in a major business enterprise of Anthony Salim (son of Liem Sioe Liong) on Bulan Island, near Singapore, together with Timmy Habibie (youngest brother of Minister Habibie), Indra Rukmana (husband of Tutut, Suharto's eldest daughter) and Tommy Suharto (Soetriyono, n.d., 119, 122; Schwarz, 1990; Wibisono, 1995; Smith, 1996), any potential disloyalties of the ABRI faction, or even higher up, of the Vice President, Tri Sutrisno, to the Suharto clan had been neutralized in the same manner.

Air Force Admiral Abu Hartono, the head of the ABRI faction in the parliament, has two years ago been appointed as president commisioner of one of the Habibie family new conglomerates, Repindo Paca Group. The president director of this conglomerate, Thareq Kemal Habibie, the 30-year old second son of Minister Habibie, is now involved in various lucrative businesses connected with his father's official businesses, such as organizing business exhibitions in Europe and the Indonesian Air Show in Jakarta, last year (Tajuk, August 1996: 51; Repindo Panca Group 1994 Company Profile; other sources).

Meanwhile, Isfan Fajar Satrio, the businessman son of Vice President Tri Sutrisno, has also two years ago been appointed as President Director of a new cement factory on a Moluccan island, owned by the Djajanti Group, the largest Indonesian integrated forestry and fishery conglomerate whose President Commissioner happens to be Sudwikatmono again, who owns 10% stocks of the holding company (Kompas, Nov. 5, 1990; Swa, May 1994: 56; IBW, Dec. 2, 1994).

Therefore, as long as ABRI's top brass are happy to receive such "golden hand shakes" and are satisfied with being political and business satelites of the Suharto clan, Suharto's power might still be unchallenged. Only if some of the top officers become either too greedy or more idealistic, and forge political and economic alliances with broad sections of the Indonesian society (since so many people have actually been marginalized, politically and economically, by the Suharto family), can the power of this oligarchy be undermined.