Democratic struggle

Chronology of the Madaeng Prison riots

ASIET - July 3, 1997

[This is an abridged translation of a chronology written by Coen Husein Pontoh, chair of the PRD affiliated National Peasants Union (STN), who along with Dita Indah Sari (Chairperson, Center for Labour Struggle, PPBI) and M Sholeh (Surabaya Branch of Students Solidarity for Indonesian Democracy, SMID) were interned together in the Madaeng prison in Surabaya, East Java.]

Kalisosok, Block E4 - June 18

Between around 7-8pm, pounding began on the cell doors of Block F3. This became louder and louder and was accompanied by shouting. The prisoners of Block F3 could be seen striking the door made from thick iron sheeting with a padlock

Not satisfied with using the padlock, the occupants of Block F3 then used parts of their beds to pound on the second layer of the door. Their shouting became more and more rowdy. Not long afterwards, a night guard called Amirudin entered and approached F3 and the atmosphere calmed down. But after he left, the occupants of Block F3, the isolation cells and other cell blocks again began pounding the door even more violently.

Suddenly, the lights in F3 were extinguished, intentionally extinguished. Then in a threatening tone, they ordered all the lights in the block extinguished. Because we were afraid, we extinguished the lights. The atmosphere changed, becoming very tense and those of us in Block F5 thought "Why aren't the prison guards taking action against them [the one's rioting]?" Then from F3 a shout was heard: "Door three broken down 3X". Apparently it was a second level door that was broken down because the front door was still intact.

The children prisoners then broke down the front wall and crawled through while we in Cell F5 stayed close to the wall to avoid the stones being thrown. After they go out they ran to the isolation block and other cells and these then became their target. After both were broken into, they began breaking into other cells including mine, F5 and Sholeh's, F7. After breaking down the cell walls, they threatened that if the occupants did not leave the cell would be set fire to. By now all of the lights had been extinguished.

At that time, around 10pm, all of the occupants of Block F had each left their rooms. The atmosphere was very tense, there were those who had covered their heads, just like ninjas, others who shouted as if they were giving a command to attack Blocks A, B, C, D and E. I quickly searched for Sholeh and with him stood watching the drama. I was able to talk briefly with Sholeh about what had cause it, but neither of us really knew. But we were aware that we were in a very difficult position, if we became involved we would be accused of being the organisers and if not, would become the enemies of the furious prisoners. In the end we decided to join the rank but not touch anything.

As we were standing in front of the door to Block F, we heard Hamim, a prisoner who helped in the mosque say "Friends, leave here quickly, the registration room is on fire!" Hearing this Sholeh and I went out quickly and stood in front of the mosque. Meanwhile, all of the lights in the prison, except for the mosque and Block D began to shatter as the fire in registration spread. The fire continued to spread so we went into the mosque which Sholeh thought would be a safe place. The fire grew spreading to the legal aid office, the work room and part of block F. Watching the fire spread, I was very concerned about my books and prison diary which I had been recording for almost 12 months since I was jailed.

While we were in the mosque, there was a shout to attack block D, the section for women prisons and we quickly ran to block D to help Dita. There were already many people there but because the door to the women's section had recently been repaired they were having difficulty breaking in. Then the kitchen located alongside the women's" section caught fire. When the door to Dita cell was broken down I pulled her out quickly and took her to the mosque. By then tear gas had been fired into the prison and all of use had sore eyes and were coughing. This was around 12 midnight.

After returning to the mosque, we did not leave except to urinate. From the mosque we could see the flames spreading while windows shattered from the heat. The visitors room also caught firearms the mosque light was extinguished. That night heavy rain fell continuously but the prisoners continued to try to break through the main gate of the prison. But the attempt failed as troops outside repeatedly fired warning shots and tear gas.

Although the mosque was the safest place, a number of people dressed like ninjas caring sharp objects came in asking "Were are those Chinese?" Apparently they were taking the opportunity to attack the Chinese prisoners. A Chinese friend of mine, Budi was one of the victims. Meanwhile other ninjas were busy searching for other enemies. Suddenly a prisoner called Abdul Ajis said "Tomorrow morning everyone must confront the police. If you don't join in it means they are a traitor and will be killed".

At around 3am someone who had been shot in the arm entered the mosque. They said they had tried to escape, others said that along with several others they had wanted to surrender but it was believed they were trying to escape. The situation became even more tense, the sound of shooting continued to be heard.

Approaching 6am, a prisoner called Khudori, went to the front gate and surrendered. He was followed by Abah Mahfud. Both were accepted so the women prisoners were gathered together and taken out of the prison. Sholeh and I quickly left the mosque for Block F but could not enter because the air was too hot. Finally there someone using a loud speaker ordered all of the prisoners to enter block A. Sholeh and I chose to go into Block B. The authorities, police and army already had the situation under control.

While in Block B, all of the inmates of Block F were ordered out which they did. In front of Block B there were ranks of armed troops from the Mobile Brigade (Brimob). After leaving all the prisoners were ordered to form in to two ranks and to hold on the prisoner in front of us. Sholeh and I were then called out and put with the other prisoners. We were ordered to squat and walk like ducks past the Brimob ranks ready with batons. In front of me was Abah Mahfud and behind, Sholeh. As we were walking like ducks, my arm was hit by a rotan stick, the left and right sides of my stomach kicked until I was almost unconscious, and my hair pulled. According to Sholeh, nothing happened to him. Apparently the one who was hitting me already knew me because he asked "Where are your sunglasses" which I had taken off and put in my pocket.

Then we were ordered to squat in front of the prison guards. There, Sholeh and I were interrogated by Lieutenant Budi Utomo from Kodam (1) Brawijaya and a number of other plain clothed officers. Utomo is intelligence officer from Bakorstanasda (2) who was the most zealous in chasing and arresting our comrades in Surabaya after the July 27 riots in Jakarta. According to Utomo, since the PRD activists came to the jail, there were frequent riots. While he interrogated us, the "criminal" prisoners were beaten viciously. They were kicked, punched, beaten with sticks and helmets, in the stomach, chest and head. They beat them just like wild animals. After Utomo had finished interrogating us, a soldier arrived who then kicked me in the jaw and Sholeh on both sides of his chest. Even now, as I write this chronology, the left side of my jaw and left side still hurts.

We were locked up again, release and then interrogated specifically about the riot. Sholeh and I were not involved in any way in the riots and did not know the cause of the riots, but although we denied it, we were accused of being the brains behind it. During the interrogation, all of the prisoners were ordered from the block and ordered to walk squatting. Sholeh and I were handcuffed and as we walked once again my head was struck by a rotan stick and I was kicked in the back. We were then ordered into a waiting truck. We were ordered to sit on the floor with those not handcuffed placing their hands on their heads. The journey lasted around half-an-hour.

We were ordered out one by one. As each prisoner got out, a "bag-big-bug" sound was heard while someone asked "Where is Ajis, were is Ajis?" Sholeh and I were the last to get out. My heart pounded and I was very frightened, imagining what might happen to us. As it was our turn to get out, I could see the rotan sticks being held by the police. As I got out they began striking by back repeatedly. On the ground, the blows were so many they could not be counted, and I got the worst of it. It was not just by back that was hit repeatedly, but also my face. My nose hurt terribly, drops of blood poured from it, my lips were swollen, my eyes blue and bruised, my cheek broken. By the time I wrote this chronology my lips are back to normal and the bleeding has stopped. But my nose still hurts and my cheeks are beginning to heal. Sholeh has bruises on his back and his knees are hurt. His wounds are still not better and wounds like that usually take a long time to heal.

Oh, yeah, beginning last Friday, intensive investigations have been carried out by police. A number of people have been accused, while Sholeh and I have only just been questioned. Apparently they have not found any evidence that we were involved in the riot. And to our comrades and lawyers we state that "WE WERE NOT INVOLVED IN THOSE BRUTAL AND ANARCHISTIC RIOTS".

One Struggle, One Change - Democracy or Death

All of you, until we meet again, Coen and Sholeh

Notes:

1. Kodam: Komando Daerah Militer, Regional Military Command

2. Bakorstanasda: Badan Koordinasi Stabilitas Nasional Daerah, Territorial Body for the Coordination of National Stability

[Translated by James Balowski]

Student activists demand Minister of Religion resign

Info Pembebasan (Liberation) - June 27, 1997

[The following is a translation of a statement sent to Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET) by the underground Peoples Democratic Party (PRD)]

On Monday, June 23, around 50 students from a number of universities in Yogyakarta [Central Java] coming together under the banner of the Peoples' Anti- Violence Movement (Gerakan Rakyat anti Kekerasan, GERAK), held a free speech forum at the Gadjah Mada university, Yogyakarta. Although at the time students were busy with exams, the protests action against Minister of Religion Tarmizi Taher's sharp religious instruction [fatwa] attracted a lot of enthusiasm from students.

The students made three demands:

1. Withdrawal of Tarmizi Taher's statement
2. That Taher resign from his post as Minister of Religion
3. That Taher apologise to the Indonesian people, in particular to the grandchildren of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI)

According to one of the orators, Taher's statement which said that [to shed the] blood and lives of rioters is "halal" (1) is a tyrannical religious instruction. No religion has ever instructed its followers to arbitrarily kill a person. He also said that the ministers statement shows that the minister is neither wise nor just, because he does not see what was behind the mass rioting in Indonesia. That in truth the riots were so violent because the people had no other channel for their aspirations, most of all social inequality, corruption, collusion and the fraud by Golkar in the general elections.

Another speaker at the action said that the New Order is a regime which uses religion to legitimise itself. At this time the New Order is experiencing a crisis of its legitimacy. This is apparent from the fervor of the people's resistance and the swiftness of international protest. At a time like this, the New Order hides behind religion, in this case Islam, to safeguard its power. By attracting anti-PKI sentiment, the New Order hopes to again get the support of the Islamic community to destroy the pro-democracy movement.

However it seems that Islam can no longer be tricked by the military regime of the New Order. Islam has already been tricked by the New Order, that is using the military to overthrow the Sukarno government and murder PKI members and sections of the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI). As a consequence the people and western countries become afraid of Islam in Indonesia and the Islamic movement is suspected of being a fundamentalist movement. However after the New Order gained power, Islam itself was isolated from politics. Furthermore, many Islamic people were butchered by the military, such as communities in Aceh, Lampung, Tanjung Priok, Sampang, Haur Koneng and other places (2). The students hoped that Islam would not be used like this a second time.

When the regime is cornered, the people who became the regime's accomplices rant and rave about the intimate relationship between the Islamic community and the government. In reality this is nothing more than lies. The ones with an intimate relationship with the authorities are only the "yellow ulamas" (3), who have already been coopted by state pary Golkar. However, the PPP (United Development Party) which has a basis in the Islamic community continues to be blocked by the authorities. A number of PPP regional offices have been attacked by Golkar, many participants in PPP campaigns were shot by the armed forces and PPP was cheated in the elections.

Several days before, the Yogakarta Islamic Student League (Liga Mahasiswa Muslim Yogyakarta, LMMY) released a statement demanding that the religious instruction be withdrawn and Tarmizi apologise. The accusation that grand-children of the PKI were the one's who caused the riots was rash and hasty. According to LMMY, in Islam there is no concept of "hereditary sin". So while those people who became members of the PKI may be considered at fault, we cannot also blame the grand-children of the PKI who know nothing of this.

A women who was present at the action said that Tarmizi's statement showed that the minister is a person who has a grudge against the PKI, and is now slandering their grand-children. The minister of religion has never carried out an investigation into whether it is true that the grand-children of the PKI masterminded the riots. However, without any factual bases the minister said that the grand-children of the PKI caused the riots. What is this if not slander.

An orator who appeared full of emotion said that Tarmizi's statement is not strange recalling Tarmizi's military background (Navy). In reality Tarmizi knows little about religion, particularly Islam. He is only a bureaucrat who's job is to oversee religion, to restrain and manipulate religion in Indonesia. So when he gave the religious instruction, it was very apparent that he is a fascist, what comes out of his mouth is only shots and murder.

This statement was released by:

Dewan Mahasiswa UGM (DEMA UGM), Gajah Mada Student Council Perjuangan Pemuda untuk Demokrasi (PPD), Youth Struggle for Democracy Komite Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Independen (KAMMI), Independent Muslim Student Action Committee

Several days before, students from the State Islamic Religious Institute (Institute Agama Islam Negeri, IAIN) Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, also held a protest action against Tarmizi's religious instruction.

Notes:

1. Halal: Islamic term meaning to be allowed, permitted, kosher

2. This refers to a number of incidents in which Islamic movements/groups have been violently suppressed by the military. Aceh refers to the separatist movement in North Sumatra in which (depending on the particular source) as many as 2,000 may have been killed in the early 90s. Lampung refers to the killing of as many as 100 people in 1989 when troops attacked a what the government called a "deviant" Muslim sect in a village in Lampung, South Sumatra. Tanjung Priok refers to 1984 killings of Islamic protesters during a rally in the North of Jakarta. Sampang and Haur Koneng were also incidents where members Islamic groups were killed by the military.

3. Ulama Kuning: "Yellow Islamic leaders/teachers/scholars", ie who have been coopted by the regime.

[Translated by James Balowski]

East Timor

David Alex obituary

The Guardian - July 1, 1997

The guerrilla leader David Alex who has died aged 50 after being captured by Indonesian forces, had fought in the mountains of East Timor since the Indonesian army landed in the former Portuguese colony in 1975. He was fourth in the resistance's military hierarchy and was feared by Indonesian officers for his daring raids. He had been hunted for many years.

He was a tiny man, his body scarred by old wounds and racked with ailments resulting from 22 years of living in the bush, but his moral authority was immense; his men called him katuas (the elder or father).

Born Alex David Daitula of a noble Timorese family near the coastal town of Baucau, he studied at the Salesian college of Fatumaca and became a schoolteacher. When the 1974 Lisbon coup paved the way for decolonization, he was one of the first in the Baucau region to join the independence movement, Fretilin, working on a literacy drive run by local teachers.

The outbreak of civil war in August 1975 led to the collapse of that program and the subsequent infiltration of Indonesian troops over the border from Indonesian (West) Timor, where he was in the front line of fighting. After the paratroop landing in the capital, Dili, on December 7, he was sent back to Baucau to await the Indonesian landing. He was wounded and seven of his companions were killed.

In the years that followed, the resistance suffered successive reverses. It was then led by Nicolau Lobato, a proud, moderate nationalist, whose task was hampered by the masses of refugees who had fled to the mountains behind the guerrillas. Lobato was killed in late 1978 and hordes of starving people surrendered to the Indonesian Army. Other leaders were captured and killed and nothing was heard of the resistance for another two years. In 1980, documents smuggled from Timor showed the movement was still alive. Jose Alexandre Gusmao (Xananna) described how "50 fugitives of the east" had rebuilt the organization from scratch. Among them was Alex, who became increasingly important in the struggle, commanding a zone around his birthplace. An Indonesian military handbook captured in 1982, authenticated by Amnesty International, set out guidelines for a new psychological warfare policy, described the resistance structure and profiled Alex, saying he was one of the resistance's most able leaders who had widespread popular support.

One of the last outsiders to see Alex alive was the British film-maker, Dom Rotheroe, who made contact with him in August last year to shoot a television documentary. Rotheroe spent several weeks with the guerrillas and filmed Alex commanding an ambush in which two Indonesian soldiers were shot and one guerrilla died.

As the most accessible of the resistance fighters, Alex had been photographed and filmed many times, but Rotheroe returned with the first full-blooded portrait of the wiry veteran. He emerged as a disciplined, tough character impelled by nationalist beliefs, commanding the operation with total fearlessness.

In a briefing before the ambush, his words anticipated his death last week. "As the Portuguese say: What you give you get back", he told his men, " Bear in mind that if we set out to kill others, others can injure or kill us, too. That's nothing new for us.. If someone's killed we must accept it."

He was critical of external delegates of the resistance, vehemently denouncing the renegade wing of Fretilin that had begun talking to the Indonesian government, but also attacking the more orthodox mainstream, whom he saw as having abandoned those doing the real fighting.

"For them, it makes no difference whether the war ends today.. or in 20 or 30 years", he declared. "They don't suffer the daily consequences, which we feel like a thorn in our sides." Lack of external financial support contributed to Alex's death: he was forced to engage in ever more frequent contacts with the towns because of his dependence on supplies and was captured in a suburb of Baucau.

Indonesia's hunt for him quickened after Alex's successful disruption of elections on May 24 - 14 people were killed - and leading Western military analysts called for a re- evaluation of the resistance threat.

The exact circumstances of his death are unclear: the Indonesian military commander Colonel Slamet Sidbutar says he bled to death from injuries but representatives of the resistance say he was tortured or poisoned. After his capture he was taken, wounded, to the elite Kopassus commandos in Baucau, which has a notorious reputation as a torture centre. He left there by helicopter for Dili and was taken to military intelligence headquarters, where he was held for about 3 hours. He entered the military hospital at about 7pm.

A resistance source reported that he had bullet wounds in a leg and an arm, and a graze in the stomach area, but his condition was stable. His room was isolated and next morning the Indonesian military authorities announced that he had died from loss of blood. A quick funeral followed, after his family was denied access to the body, which was formally identified by an ex- guerrilla.

[This unsigned obituary was reprinted in Sydney Morning Herald, July 1, 1997]

Military to step up pressure against Timor separatists

Deutsche Presse Agentur - June 19, 1997

Jakarta – On the eve of U.N. sponsored peace talks in New York, Indonesian military commanders in East Timor on Thursday vowed to crack down on what they described as increasingly "brutal" tactics employed by the disputed region's separatists, a local newspaper reported.

Regional commander Colonel Slamet Sidabutar made the announcement, the Indonesian Observer said. Meanwhile, foreign ministry officials in the capital Jakarta said they expected nothing spectacular from the talks, which are to focus on the sovereignty of the former Portuguese colony.

At least 36 people have been killed in clashes between the military and the East Timor separatists since May. The rebels have been fighting for independence since 1976, when Indonesia occupied and annexed the province. The United Nations has refused to recognize Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.

Sidabutar told the newspaper "the rebels are becoming more inhuman and brutal" and that the military would step up its attacks to preserve peace and order.

Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas and Portuguese counterpart Jaime Gama will meet in New York over the next two days to discuss the conflict. It will be the first such meeting since East Timor activists Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo and Jose Ramos Horta received the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize.

Col. Salamat installed as East Timor military chief

Jakarta Post - June 14, 1997

Dili – Col. Salamat Sidabutar took over his new post as chief of the Wiradharma military command yesterday and pledged to crack down harder on Fretilin separatists.

Salamat, who replaced Col. Mahidin Simbolon, received a command baton from the Udayana regional military chief of staff, Brig. Gen. Syahrir M.S., who led a hand-over ceremony on behalf of the region's military commander, Maj. Gen. Abdul Rivai.

Rivai was in Jakarta to attend a ceremony for the handover of the post of Army chief of staff from Gen. R. Hartono to Gen. Wiranto.

Rivai told Salamat, in a speech delivered by Syahrir, to make his troops more alert for security threats from the separatists.

Four people were killed and 24 were injured earlier this month when suspected Fretilin rebels ambushed a truck carrying soldiers and police who were on election safeguard duty in Quelikai, 130 kilometers east of here.

There has been a recent spate of attacks, allegedly by separatists, on police and civilian targets in the former Portuguese colony.

Salamat said he would maintain order according to the law.

"Mentally and physically we have to be prepared for security duties, lest we become victims (of the rebels)," said Salamat, a former group commander in the Army Special Forces.

He said his quest for success would rely greatly on people in East Timor trying to uphold national unity.

Salamat played down Fretilin's strength, saying that it still had few members.

"I don't believe their strength has increased. It's common that a disruptive group lives in a society," he said.

Governor Abilio Soares, his deputy J. Haribowo, chairman of the province's legislative council Antonio Freitas Parada, East Timor police chief Col. Jusuf Mucharam and Catholic leaders attended yesterday's ceremony.

Social unrest

Rights chief senses a mood for change

The Australian - June 30, 1997

Interview by Greg Sheridan – The Indonesian political system does not reflect the wishes of the people and this has led to much of the recent violence in the country, according to Marzuki Darusman, vice-chairman of the Indonesian Commission on Human Rights.

In a remarkably frank interview, Mr Darusman saiid the Indonesian Govt's manoeuvre to oust opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri from the leadership of the PDI had been a 'real setback' for democracy in Indonesia.

'One can trace the whole result of the election to the July incident and the moves to marginalize the PDI', he said.

'We can't just dismiss the loss of the PDI as a normal result. The removal of Megawati was a government-endorsed effort to render the PDI completely ineffective. It reduced it virtually to a non-party. And people interpreted it as President Suharto just being worried that Megawati would contest the Presidency.'

The demise of the PDI created the danger, Mr Darusman said, of a renewed polarization in Indonesian politics between the nationalist governing party Golkar and the Islamic-based PPP.

He also said that while people were not prevented from exercising their vote in Indonesia's recent election, there was 'widespread' multiple voting and election-linked violence.

While he would not challenge the legitimacy of the election, he commented that ' the political parties seem to have accepted the election results, which do not reflect the real views of the public'.

He sees the incidence of widespread ethnic, religious, communal and other violence across Indonesia in the past 12 months as fitting into this pattern: " There is a general restiveness, although it's difficult to generalize, these things do have local contexts and local causes. They have a way, nonetheless, of expressing the mood of the country, a mood of expectation, a mood of change, a feeling of being hemmed in by the political structure."

"It's a situation in which people try to find a way of giving expression to their feelings - a way the existing structure doesn't accommodate."

Mr Darusman also believes Indonesians would like to be able to have a say in the choice of their president: "If you conducted random polling right now Mr Suharto would probably win but if you try to probe more deeply the preoccupations of the public the feeling is there that it's time for a change". "This issue has never been as clearly articulated for people as that but the deeper question is looming larger in people's minds - wouldn't it be possible to have a change in national leadership?"

Nonetheless he does not believe that conflict over the presidential succession will lead to violent conflagration or breakdown in Indonesia: "There is an unwritten consensus that the country should not start from the beginning again."

Mr Darusman acknowledges there have been moves to curtail openness in the Indonesian system, as well as contradictory moves towards greater openness.

"There has been a contrasting picture but it now takes a much greater effort on the part of the government to convince the public that its actions are necessary. There is a test between the Government's will and the people's expectation. Public opinion will be a limiting factor on the Government."

Since its founding in 1993, the Indonesian Human Rights Commission has been seen as credible and courageous, although Mr Darusman, a former Golkar parliamentarian, says the commission is aware of the 'unseen boundary lines' it must not cross.

Jakarta's intelligence chief sounds warning

The Straits Times - July 1, 1997

Derwin Pereira, Jakarta – Indonesia's intelligence chief has predicted that more violence could hit the country in the run-up to next year's presidential election, warning that the recent riots have yet to reach a climax.

Head of the State Intelligence Co-ordinating Body (Bakin), Lieutenant-General (Ret) Moetajib, was quoted in news reports yesterday as saying that Indonesia was vulnerable to such unrest, given the sprawling archipelago's multi-ethnic character. "We are many ethnic groups living on thousands of islands, with different religions and traditions," he said, adding that this could be exploited by groups bent on unseating the government, as the country braced itself for the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) next March.

The MPR elects a president and vice-president and adopts new state policy guidelines.

Said Lt-Gen Moetajib: "Maybe they won't stop until they achieve their target. Their target is not only to disturb the MPR session, but also to replace the political system."

He said such groups worked by distributing illegal brochures and stoking dissatisfaction with the government among the people, to the point they would resort to violence.

As an example, he cited last December's riots in Tasikmalaya, Central Java, which began with a rumour that a Muslim school boarding teacher had been tortured to death by police.

"All of us are part of a big Indonesian family. So why do we attack each other and burn each other's property?" he asked, noting that most of the riots were instigated. Many Indonesian cities have recently been hit by politically and religiously motivated riots.

In Java, the cities of Situbondo, Tasikmalaya and Rengasdengkok were hit badly over the last year, as were Pontianak and Banjarmasin in Kalimantan.

Post-election political tensions have died down, but rumours of impending riots persist in areas like East Java. The Jakarta Post yesterday quoted the authorities as saying they heard that riots were likely to break out simultaneously in Madura, Jember, Situbondo and Pasuruan on July 7. These are all strongholds of the Muslim-oriented United Development Party (PPP). These areas have already seen violence this year in the form of clashes between the ruling Golkar party and the PPP.

A senior military intelligence officer told The Straits Times that the Indonesian armed forces (Abri) was anticipating "periodic bouts of violence", particularly in Java – on the same scale and intensity as the ones that took place earlier this year.

"The political temperature will be hottest in Java over the next few years," he noted.

The source said military investigations revealed that a number of "left-wing intellectuals", funded by "external organisations", were penetrating Islamic groups and university campuses to bring about radical change.

He said: "They are operating under the umbrella of Islam to bring about radical change because Islam has the widest reach in Indonesia.

"They are exploiting not just socio-economic differences and ethnicity, but also religion. They want to bring down Suharto at all cost."

The source did not name any groups, but news reports quoted Lt- Gen Moetajib as saying that elements of the now-defunct People's Democratic Party were behind the riots. Security forces detained several members of the party last July for subversive activities and linked them to the banned Indonesian Communist Party.

Arms/armed forces

Indonesia eyes French, Swedish and Russian fighter planes

Agence France Presse - June 27, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian airforce is considering fighter planes from France, Sweden and Russia as possible alternatives for the US F-16 fighting Falcons that Jakarta has refused to buy, a report said Friday.

The Indonesian airforce was considering France's Mirage-2000, Sweden's JAS-39 Grippen and Russia's Sukhoi SU-30, Airforce Chief Air Marshal Sutria Tubagus was quoted by the Suara Pembaruan evening daily as saying Friday.

"We are still studying the capabilities of those airplanes, including their sparepart support," Tubagus said, adding that "we will compare them to see which is the best for us if we really intend to buy new airplanes."

He did not elaborate.

State Minister of National Development Planning Chairman Ginanjar Kartasasmita said last week that Indonesian officials, under the orders of President Suharto, are negotiating the possible purchase of Russian fighter planes and other defence equipment.

Kartasasmita said then that the purchase could include fighter planes, radars and guided missiles.

Indonesia earlier this month cancelled its planned purchase of nine US F-16 fighter planes citing "wholly unjustified criticisms" in the United States Congress against Indonesia. Jakarta, which also withdrew from the US Expanded International Military Education and Training (IMET) program, said it objected to US criticism over the country's human rights conditions, particularly in East Timor.

Indonesia annexed the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1976, a move never recognized by the United Nations. Since then the Indonesian military has frequently been accused of committing human rights violations in the territory.

Indonesia warns of risk to UK arms exports

Financial Times - July 1, 1997

Peter Montagnon, Hong Kong – Britain would lose its lucrative arms trade with Indonesia if the Labour Government insists on a broad link between human rights and equipment sales, Mr Ali Alatas, Indonesia's foreign minister, warned yesterday.

'If arms sales are linked by any country to what we believe are extraneous issues, then we will simply find other suppliers,' he said. 'It's not for nothing that they call it an arms bazaar.'

Mr Alatas said he had discussed Britain's present review of its defence sales policy with Mr Robin Cook, foreign secretary, at the Hong Kong handover ceremonies. He said Mr Cook had assured him the review was not specifically directed at Indonesia and that existing contracts would be met.

Separately, Mr Cook confirmed that the policy on defence sales was under review. 'We are currently reviewing our criteria for arms sales on an overall basis,' he said. 'It may well turn out to have implications for a number of countries, of which Indonesia may be one.

'That does not mean we do not wish to have a perfectly proper commercial relationship with Indonesia, which is not just in the interest of Britain but also in the interest of Indonesia.'

Britain supplies Indonesia with Hawk fighter aircraft as well as other equipment including riot-control gear. Indonesia has said the equipment will not be used for repressive purposes or in East Timor.

Suspicion among human rights groups that British equppment has been used for internal repression has made the sale controversial in the UK. Mr Alatas denied that allegations, but said Indonesia could not accept any requirement that it made broader undertakings on weapons intended for external defence.

His firm line follows Indonesia's decision in May to scrap the purchase of F-16 fighter aircraft from the US, following congressional efforts to link the sale to Indonesia's human rights record.

Asked if he has been reassured by his meeting with Mr Cook, Mr Alatas said he was 'at least better informed'. He said any dispute over arms sales would not lead to British exporters being disadvantaged in civilian markets.

'Both sides know very well we have a very solid economic relationship.' Mr Alatas added: 'Britain is the second largest investor in Indonesia.'

Economy and investment

Suharto's "South-South' forestry colonialism

George J. Aditjondro - June 20, 1997

A new trend of "South-South colonialism" has emerged, where Southern companies are making heavy investments in the forestry sector of more backward Thirld World countries. In Denis Gray's article, "How Asia's logging companies are stripping the world's forests" (Sydney Morning Herald, August 31, 1996), several examples of this new trend was mentioned.

One Indonesian company mentioned is MUSA, which has a 60,700- hectare concession in Suriname. As far as Indonesian companies concerned, this is an understatement, since many other Indonesian companies have began logging, plantation, and paper and pulp operations in other "Southern" countries.

It is also an understatement by not exposing the high-power backing which MUSA enjoys in Suriname and in Indonesia, because it is owned by a foundation linked to President Suharto's relatives in his home village in Yogyakarta, with branch offices in Suriname, Hong Kong, and Singapore.

The following article briefly outlines the numerous overseas forestry-related industries owned by Suharto's extended family and their cronies, and the major patterns that emerge from the metamorphoses of those Suharto-linked forestry interests.

ASEAN as the Suharto siblings forestry's 'playground'

Some of the Suharto siblings have treated the members and prospective members of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), as their "forestry playground." The first Indonesian investor in Burma's forestry sector is PT Rante Mario, one of the numerous companies under the Humpuss Group, controlled by President Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo Mandala Putra, also known as Tommy Suharto.

Through a joint venture with a Burmese state company, Myanmar Timber Enterprise (MTI), PT Rante Mario is planning to build a wood processing industry with an investment of US$ 75 million (Bt 1.8 billion). In the first five years (since 1994), this joint venture will only produce logs and lumber. After that, it will go into plywood production.

"Rante Mario will become a test case in involving foreign investors in Myanmar in forest management," said Herry Sunardi, general director of PT Rante Mario in an interview with an Indonesian business magazine, Swasembada, in December 1994. "If this projects succeeds, then other investors will be attracted, and that is when Myanmar will be a challenge to Indonesia's timber export market," adds the Humpuss Group executive.

Sunardi bases his argument on his data of Burma's excellent forestry potentials. According to him, from Burma's total forest of 66 million hectares, 32.4 million consists of high-density forest. The Humpuss executive's data, however, contradicts some other sources. According to WWF data, Burma's natural environment is already worse off than Indonesia. Burma has already lost 71per cent of its natural habitat, compared with 49 per cent in the case of Indonesia.

Area wise, Indonesia still has nearly 750,000 Km2 of natural habitat, while Burma only has nearly 226,000 Km2. So, one can say that to conserve Indonesia's own natural forest, President Suharto is allowing his beloved youngest son to destroy a friendly nation's forest.

In the spirit of capitalist competition and the notorious spirit of Suharto sibling rivalry, Tommy's sister Siti Hediyati Haryadi, also known as Titiek Prabowo, has opened her own timber concession in Cambodia. Her joint venture partner there is a Sino- Indonesian businessman, Jopie Widjaja, who shares several other joint ventures with the Suharto children back home in Indonesia.

Hence, it is no wonder that Suharto so vehemently opposes any "Western interference" in ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations)'s "domestic affairs", especially after Burma, Cambodia, and Laos have been accepted into the ASEAN fold, rounding up the "ASEAN 7" – Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, and the Philippines – into "ASEAN 10".

Other global forestry interests, linked to Suharto's children and their in-laws

While Tommy and Titiek operate directly in the global forestry sector, two of their siblings, Bambang Trihatmojo and Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, or Tutut, operate more indirectly in this field. Bambang, who controls his own business empire, the Bimantara Group, is a major shareholder in another conglomerate, the Barito Pacific Group. This group is led by a Sino-Indonesian businessman, Prajogo Pangestu. In the group's bank, Andromeda Bank, Bambang owns 25 per cent shares, Prajogo 50 per cent, and another Sino-Indonesian businessman, Henry Pribadi, also per cent.

Meanwhile, Tutut, who controls another business empire, the Citra Lamtorogung Persada Group, has stakes in a partnership of the Barito Pacific Group with Marubeni and Nippon Paper in South Sumatra, PT Tanjung Enim Lestari Pulp & Paper (TEL). The US$ 1 billion venture plans to open half a million hectare of forest, which will be planted with eucalyptus for pulp production, thereby evicting hundreds of indigenous people from their ancestral land.

Under Prajogo Pangestu's leadership, Barito Pacific has ventured into various forestry operations in Malaysia and Papua New Guinea. Two years ago, Barito Pacific swapped shares with a Malaysian company, CASH (Construction and Supplies Houses Berhad) for M$ 1.3 billion (Bt 13 billion). Funds generated from this share-swapping deal was going to be used, to party finance the South Sumatra paper and pulp operation.

Fortunately, the CASH-Barito Pacific deal was not approved by Malaysia's Securities Commission. So, for the time being, the South Sumatran people have not been evicted totally from the concession area of PT TEL.

Apart from CASH, however, Prajogo Pangestu already owns three other overseas forestry operations, namely Rindaya Wood Processing in Malaysia, Lombda Pty Ltd in Papua New Guinea, and Nantong Plywood Industry in Shanghai, China.

Prajogo Pangestu's Barito Pacific Group is not the only Indonesian conglomerate through which the Suharto family has expanded its forestry-related businesses in the ASEAN region. The kids also own shares and have joint ventures with other top Indonesian conglomerates, such as the Sinar Mas Group and the Raja Garuda Mas (RGM) Group, which are heavily involved in the ASEAN region.

In 1991, a joint venture between Sinar Mas and VegOil Philippines in food processing was approved by the Philippines Board of Investments. It involved an investment of 4.2 million pesos.

In the same year, a Sinar Mas Group member company, PT Global Agronusa Indonesia (GAI) opened a 5,000-hectares banana plantation on the island of Halmahera in North Maluku (Moluccas). This largest Indonesian banana plantation was a joint venture with the Philippine-American fruit giant, Del Monte. However, for various reasons, the joint venture was terminated in 1994, and GAI began to export its bananas by itself to China, via Hong Kong.

RGM has also established a joint venture with a Malaysian- Philippine plantation company. Through its wholy-owned subsidiary in Singapore, Asia Plantation Holdings Pty. Ltd, RGM had acquired 40% shares of NDC-Guthrie Plantation in 1992. This company itself is a joint venture of the National Development Corporation of the Philippines and Kumpulan Guthrie Sendirian Berhad of Malaysia. Apart from that, RGM also acquired 40% shares of NDC-Guthrie Estate. These two companies were involved in palm oil plantations and oil palm milling in Malaysia.

Hence, it was not a big step further for RGM to announce its involvement in the disastrous Bakun dam project in Sarawak, which will displace more than 10,000 indigenous people. In March 1996, it began constructing a US$ 1.3 billion joint-venture with Ekran Berhad in Bintulu. RGM owns 55% of the venture, which in its first phase will produce 750,000 tons of pulp per annum. In the next phase an integrated pulp and paper mill will produce 300,000 tons of uncoated paper per year.

Recently, RGM has decided to become a partner in an Indonesia- Australian-Spanish joint venture in coal mining in South Kalimantan, under the name of PT Adaro. The other Indonesian partner in this joint venture is the Tirtamas Group, owned by Hashim Djojohadikusumo and his sister-in-law, Siti Hediyati Hariyadi, or Titiek Prabowo. Titiek, is Suharto's second daugther, and is married to the rising star in the Indonesian army, Mayor General Prabowo Subianto, the Fort Benning-trained commander of the Indonesian Army special forces, Kopassus. Which means that the PT Adaro joint venture – and Raja Garuda Mas in particular – can rely on the Red Berets' muscles – and M-16 guns – to protect their mining and forestry interests in Indonesia.

Meanwhile, RGM' joint ventures with Ekran Berhad and NDC Guthrie in Malaysia are part of the group's strategy to become a global player in pulp and paper. It has been listed on the Singapore and New York stock markets under the name of Asia Pacific Resources International Holdings Ltd. (APRIL). As it stated in one of its media advertisements, the Raja Garuda Mas Group is now one of the leading industrial groups in the Asia- Pacific region, with assets in excess of US 4.5 billion and a skilled workforce of over 56,000 people.

A similar strategy has been adopted by Sinar Mas, which has listed its paper and pulp division on the Singapore and New York stock markets under the name of Asia Paper & Pulp Co. (APP). With their paper and pulp mills in Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, China, India and the Philippines, these two Indonesian giants have shaken Australian paper producers' hegemony in the region.

With all these business connections between the Indonesian and Malaysian elites, it is also no wonder why Mahathir is as vehemently opposed as Suharto against international criticism of their respective countries' environmental records.

MUSA, the Suharto family's major global forestry vehicle

Suharto is indeed a very family-type person, who always wants to please all his family members. Not only his immediate family, but even his relatives in his home village in the province of Yogyakarta. The notorious MUSA (Mitra Usaha Sejati Abadi), which was mentioned in the Sydney Morning Herald article, is owned by Yayasan Kemusuk Somenggalan, a family foundation of Suharto's relatives in his childhood village.

This group has developed its forestry interests by taking over – or merging with – several timber companies, belonging to other Indonesian business conglomerates, which had financial difficulties when they had to develop their own timber processing factories. Two groups in particular merged some of their timber concessions with MUSA: the Porodisa Group, owned by the Sumendap family from North Sulawesi, Indonesia, which also owns the private Bouraq Airlines; and the Meratus Kalimantan Timber Group, which was owned by the Sutrisno family. Irawan Imoek, son of Imoek Sutrisno (Lauw Kong Yen), now works for the MUSA group in Surinam.

MUSA, which first came to Suriname in 1993, has had big ambitions in this country, with a large ethnic Javanese population and corrupt ethnic-Javanese politicians. Despite protests from the indigenous Afro-Maroon people, it soon managed to obtain logging rights of 150,000-hectare in the Apura district in West Suriname, without the approval of Suriname's parliament. MUSA's investment approval was obtained after visits to Indonesia by Suriname's Minister for Social Affairs, Willy Soemita, who is of Javanese origin. A subsequent visit of Suriname's president, Mr Venetiaan, to Indonesia in 1994, had established a 20-years cooperation agreement between Indonesia and Suriname in the field of forestry. Finally, Soeharto himself made a trip to Surinam in October 1995.

All these trips between Jakarta and Paramaribo were made in the name of "South- South cooperation" between fellow members of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), which is currently headed by Suharto.

Despite international protests from the world rainforest movement, MUSA continuosly attempted to expand its operations in Central and South America, from Surinam to Guyana, with plans to open its timber operations in Brazil's Amazon forests as well. In many of these operations, MUSA officials knock the doors of local politicians together with the Malaysian Berjaya Group.

The Berjaya Group, by the way, has its own business links with the Suharto family, especially with Bambang Trihatmojo, through a Singapore-based healthcare company, Parkway Holdings, which has built and runs several luxury hospitals in Indonesia. Apart from that, the Berjaya Group is well-connected with Malaysia's ruling UMNO party, and even has its own joint ventures with Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir's sons, Mokhzani and Mirzan.

Conclusion

From studying the history and the current 'global-trotting expedition' of the Suharto family-related forestry companies, five general patterns emerge. First, these companies initially accumulated their capital from timber concessions inside Indonesia, which were handed out in the first New Order decade to reward business people, military officers and civilian politicians, who had wholeheartly supported Suharto's disguised military coup d'etat in 1966.

Secondly, through Indonesia's leading role in ASEAN, these Suharto-linked companies expanded into the region through various joint ventures with companies linked to the ruling elites of the ASEAN – and soon-to-become ASEAN – countries, especially in Malaysia, Vietnam, and Burma.

Thirdly, with the rising political profile of Suharto as chairperson of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), these Suharto- linked companies began their foray into the Central American as well as Central African forests. In the case of Central America, Surinam was targetted as the initial stepping stone of a Suharto-linked forestry conglomerate, MUSA, by banking on Suharto's cultural affinity with Surinam's corrupt ethnic Javanese politicians. Fourthly, these globalization process of the Suharto-linked forestry interests fitted nicely into China's economic boom, pioneered by the late Chinese paramount leader, Deng Ziao Peng, and which has also been strongly supported by Sino- Indonesian business tycoons, whom in turned banked on their cultural affinity with the Chinese ruling elite.

Fifthly, in this globalization process of the Suharto-linked forestry interests, profits and capital accumulation have been the main driving motives, with a minimal consideration in conserving the world's precious rainforests and in respecting the indigenous inhabitants' cultures. This behaviour contradicts completely with the ideals of ASEAN and NAM, which were set up to uplift the welfare of the majority of the ASEAN and NAM peoples, and not simply to enrich their ruling elites.

So, after successfully fighting Dutch and Japanese colonialisms in the Indonesian archipelago, the political and economic elite which grew out of this independence struggle have become a new colonialist regime on a global scale, colonizing other "Southern" countries by irresponsibly harvesting their primary rainforests, in the name of "ASEAN solidarity" as well as "NAM solidarity."

When is a budget not a budget?

Digest No. 37 (Indonesian news with comment) - July 2, 1997

'Extra-budgetary' financing has always placed a question mark over the meaning of the Indonesian state budget. A new law might change all that. But only if it enjoys enough backing to overturn decades of departmental do-it-yourself financing.

Last December outspoken Golkar parliamentarian Tadjuddin Noer said official receipts bypassing the state budget and going straight into the bank accounts of individual cabinet ministers could be three times larger than the state budget. If true, that would make a mockery of all the serious annual discussion about the official budget, now just over Rp 100 trillion (US$ 50 billion). Other estimates are much lower - an official figure for funds held by individual ministers is Rp 8 trillion, under 10% of the state budget. Perhaps no one knows the truth.

One example often mentioned is the Reforestation Fund (Dana Reboisasi, DR), drawn from forestry concession license fees and managed by the Forestry Minister. This fund reputedly supports 65% of the department's expenditure. It has also been used to fund the development of new aeroplanes, of a huge private pulp factory owned by Bob Hasan, and of transmigration projects. Recent rumours said it was financing Tommy Suharto's hard-pressed 'National Car'.

Other examples include special funds to rescue the copra and the cloves industries, millions in small fees for cellular phones, TVs and radios to the Minister for Tourism, Post & Telecommunication, huge mining fees to the Minister for Mines & Energy, fishing royalties, 'development taxes' levied by a range of ministers, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca managed by the Minister for Religious Affairs at a cost of US$ 700 million a year, fees levied on companies by the YDSM welfare foundation chaired by the President himself, levies on electricity bills to pay for the Southeast Asia Games later this year, and levies on building contracts apparently paid into Golkar slush funds all over the country. State-owned companies (BUMN) also apparently did not report their incomes to parliament.

Cautious commentators preface these examples by saying they are only a small selection. They never mention military businesses.

Funds held by individual ministers are so untransparent it is often not clear if they are for personal or official use. They are a great source of corruption allegations in intra- cabinet rivalries. The last 18 months they have been publicly flung three times into the faces of their proprietors. Transport Minister Haryanto, Tourism, Post and Telecommunications Minister Joop Ave, and Mining Minister Sudjana have all faced such allegations.

In January Finance Minister Mar'ie Muhammad introduced a raft of five new taxation bills. Centre piece among was the Bill on State Non-Tax Receipts (PNBP). This has now become law and is being implemented with enabling regulations. It forces cabinet ministers to pass all their funds through central control. Another law puts the spotlight on uncontrolled levies in the provinces. But whether this brave attempt to regularise what has been practised since the beginning of the Republic remains to be seen.

More in line with the mysterious way things are normally done was an instruction by the President to Health Minister Azwar Anas mid- April to do what he could to uncover funds both inside and outside the country that by rights belong to the state. When revealed two months later, puzzled commentators could find no explanation for the instruction, which appeared to have nothing to do with health. They were, however, reminded of a similar presidential instruction a couple of years ago to recover a huge Revolutionary Fund that President Sukarno had reputedly stashed away in Swiss accounts in the early 1960s. That investigation yielded nothing.

[Gerry van Klinken, Editor, Inside Indonesia magazine.]

Call on Soeharto to end 'collusion' among companies

Sydney Morning Herald - June 26, 1997

Louise Williams, Jakarta – One of Indonesia's most influential economists has criticised the slowdown in deregulation and warned the Soeharto Government that it must address "collusion" in business to boost the competitiveness of Indonesia's exports.

Professor Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, one of the architects of Indonesia's "New Order" economic success, joined the World Bank in warning that risks lay ahead for the economy despite growth continuing at 7 to 8 per cent a year.

Professor Sumitro criticised, in particular, the slowdown in deregulation of various politically sensitive monopolies following the announcement this week that the next deregulation package would be delayed.

"After 15 years, during which the Government issued a lot of economic deregulations, the Government now appears to be reluctant to carry out new economic reforms," he warned during a seminar in Jakarta.

He said the Government should demonstrate the "political will" to eliminate high cost, monopolistic practices, alluding to preferential access to sectors of the economy for members of the political elite, including President Soeharto's family.

"With the foreign debt reaching $US109 billion [$145 billion] and the current account deficit at $US9.5 billion, it is a foregone conclusion that Indonesia needs to boost its foreign exchange earnings," he said.

Professor Sumitro said further deregulation was essential to enhance exports.

Privately, there has been considerable criticism within business circles of the "hidden costs" in Indonesia, particularly unofficial payments to circumvent red tape, as well as pressure to establish partnerships with politically well- connected local players.

Professor Sumitro's criticism was especially significant given his close ties to the Soeharto family through both his crucial role in early Soeharto cabinets and the marriage of his son, General Prabowo Subianto, to one of President Soeharto's daughter, Siti Hediyanti. Last week the World Bank warned that significant risks lay ahead for the Indonesian economy, citing potentially slower economic growth and deteriorating equity.

The World Bank addressed the politically sensitive issue of favouritism in business and the "hidden costs" of bureaucratic delays and poor contract enforceability.

"Such factors increase uncertainty and risks. They favour the well-connected over the efficient and they inflate costs," the World Bank annual report said.

"They engender cynicism and the perception of unfairness."

The World Bank said deregulation had slowed or had even reversed in some areas, tariff cuts were falling behind schedule and domestic regulations continued to affect both efficiency and inter-island equity.

"Only modest improvements have been made in the complex web of domestic restrictions, fees and levies," the report said.

The World Bank said, however, that overall growth rates remained strong and foreign investment was not impeded.