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ASIET Net News 21 – May 19-25, 1997
May 29 elections
PRD - May 21, 1997
[Response to the slander by ABRI Social and Political Affairs
Chief Syarwan Hamid, that the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) has
masterminded the riots and unrest during the election campaign.]
We, the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD), are once again accused by
the New Order regime of masterminding rioting and also of
infiltrating the election campaign by pushing for the formation
of a Mega-Star-the People Coalition. According to the New Order
regime, the PRD has been systematically planning the replacement
of the Suharto regime through the formation of a Peoples
Democratic Coalition using the momentum of the elections. The New
Order regime says that this is proved by the fact that leaflets
have been distributed in Jakarta, Bogor, Tangerang, Bandung,
Medan, Lampung, Yogyakarta, Solo, Semarang, Purwokerto, Surabaya,
Palu, Manado, and Ujung Pandang.
The PRD, whose leaders have been imprisoned by the New Order
regime, wishes to respond to the statements by the regime that
have been published in the mass media.
Firstly, we reject all accusations that we have masterminded the
rioting that has occurred during the campaign. But we will show
why the rioting has occurred. Secondly, we do not deny that we
circulated leaflets calling for a boycott of the election and the
formation of a Peoples Democratic Coalition and that we sent them
to other opposition groups. Thirdly, we do not deny that we are
planning the constituioonal replacement of Soeharto. Fourthly, we
reject being identified as the organisational producers of the
leaflet Mega-Star-the People Coalition that has been widely
distributed in the election campaign. But we support the contents
of that leaflet. Indeed we will show that the people do not
reject the program presented in that leaflet.
On the peoples democratic coalition and the replacement of
Suharto
As stated above, we do not deny that the PRD had circulated a
letter calling for the 1997 Election Boycott and a call for
opposition groups to form a Peoples Democratic Coalition and for
the replacement of Soeharto as president through the momentum of
the elections and the 1998 Plenary Session of the Peoples'
Consultative Assembly. This letter (No. 15/STA/KPP/A/III/1997 25
March, 1997) was sent to 15 pro-democracy figures in Indonesia.
This was an open letter and so it was printed in large numbers in
several major cities. Why did we do this? As we all know, the
elections are manipulated so that they are not an instrument for
channelling the aspirations of the people. This is even more the
case with the pushing aside of Megawati Sukarnoputri of the
Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). There is no way that the
elections will be a real "festival of democracy" as in the New
Order's slogan.
For us the basic problem is the 5 Political Laws of 1985 and the
dual role of the Armed Forces. This is what makes the elections
such a cause for concern. These laws and regulations have opened
wide the doors for criminal acts by those in power, while
shutting tight the doors to democracy. The 1997 election offers
no hope for improving the lives or of progressing
democratisation. The 1997 elections are just a means for those in
power to consolidate their position. It is as if they do not
hear, do not see, do not know that society has changed and that
the demands for democratisation grow louder and louder. The
statement by the dictator Suharto before the Indonesian Coucil of
Islamic Preachers (MUI) that the elections are not an instrument
for maintaining the status quo was just old and stale political
chit chat.
We, the cadres of the Peoples Democratic Party, say that it is
time for all the democratic forces to unite in action to
strengthen the struggle to establish full and genuine democracy.
The demands of the democrats are more widespread, more tumultous,
growing in size, heightening, and growing sharper and sharper
just as the credibility of the New Order dictatorship crumbles in
the eyes of the people and the world. Yet we still face the
problem of lack of unity among the pro-democratic forces. We
worry that without unity in action the democratic forces will
have difficulties in responding to the changing suituiation of
the country and the people and will hestitate in responding to
new and unpredictable developments. It will be a political sin
that history will never forget, if we are not able to quickly
respond to and understand the billowing desire of the people for
change - even more so, if the tide of change that comes forth for
the people ends up in creating waves of rioting and destruction.
In that leaflet, the PRD called on the opposition groups and the
people to unit in boycotting the elections. An election boycott,
besides delegitimising undemocratic elections, could also be a
platform for uniting the democratic movement. We all know that
the Uni Democracy Party (PUD) headed by Sri Bintang Pamungkas has
a program of boycotting the election. The Marhaen Peoples
Movement, headed by Sukmawati Soekarnoputri, has also taken the
same attitude. So has the PRD.
The boycott of the election was one of the steps that was
necessary to oppose the New Order regime. The demands that we put
forward were for the repeal of the 5 1985 political laws and the
dual role of the Armed Forces. Because there will never be a
democratic election that will be useful for the people while the
5 political laws and the dual role of the Arned Forces continues.
The New Order regime will not fulfill these demands. Because
these two things are the most valuable of the New Order's
political assets. If these two things are repealed then the
military-capitalist New Order dictatorship will be easily
overthrown by the democratic movement. But this is not important.
What is most important is that we convince the people that the
two greatest obtsacles to democratisation are the 5 political
laws and the dual role of the Armed Forces.
So that it will be the people themselves who pull down these two
pillars of the New Order dictatorship. Apart from this, from this
moment, the pro-democratcy movement must be preparing a
democratic political order. There needs to be a platform that can
be the basis for all popular forces to unite for democratic
political change. Such a democratic political order will require
the repeal of the 5 political laws and the dual role of the Armed
Forces. The political order that we desire is a Popular Multi-
Party Democracy, while the government that we want to replace the
New Order is a Popular Democratic Coalition government.
Popular multi-party democracy will return freedom to the people
to participate in politics, especially the freedom to form
parties. Nobody's rights to political participation should be
stolen, no matter what the ideology, no matter what the political
line, no matter what the political ideals, no matter what the
political program. This, in principle, is full liberal democracy
but with a strong popular nuance. In this case, liberal democracy
is not meant simply to glorify individual freedoms, but more to
take things in the direction of freeing political instruments
from the grip of a dictatorship so that they become the property
of the people. While a Democratic Coalition government would be a
coalition of different social classes, sectors and political
forces that each represented some part of the people from the
village to the national level. This is the character of a
democratic government.
We all see that Dictator Retired General Suharto must be
replaced. He has been in power too long and stole too many of the
peoples' rights. During the last 31 years there has been fatal
steps backward, especially in the area of democracy. General
Suharto's commitment to the people has not been proven. Rather we
all know that during his reign he has expanded his family and his
cronies' business dynasties while tens of millions of people live
under the poverty line in misery. The 1997 election has also
closed the door to the emergence of a new president, especially a
president from the pro- democracy movement. There is no way we
can win a presidency from the democratic movement under a system
like this. Only a democratic system, a multi-party system, that
provides an opportunity for a president from the democratic
movement. The Dictator Suharto always uses constitutional
rhetoric to save himself from the political demands of the
people. And using the same excuses, he has always smashed any
open democratic opposition that has emerged outside his grip.
Threat of prison, terror, kidnapping, torture or even murder are
often used techniques of the dictatorship's agents to secure the
status quo. Should the democratic opposition retreat because of
this? No! The democratic opposition need not fear the threats of
the Dictator Suharto and his followers.
The objective political situation demands change. Because all the
demands for change have never been responded to by the state, so
they have accumulated and now emerge in the form of riots and
social unrest. So both the frequency of the recent riots and
social unrest has not been an immediately spontaneous phenomena
but the result of a structural process. A great social gap within
society, impotent representative institutions and a repressive
stance by the Armed Forces are the source of the problem.
The collapse of the reputation of the New Order, the Armed Forces
and the presidential family also need to be considered. Given
these things, the opposition movement will easily win the support
of the people. The repressive acts of the authorituies simply
exposes them before the people. The people become surer and surer
in their knowledge of the regime as a cruel, dictatorial and
anti-democratic regime.
Why do we support a People-Star-Mega Coalition?
From the beginning we have always supported a political coalition
to pressure the New Order Regime. This is the case too with the
Mega-Star-People Coalition. But the Mega-Star-People Coalition is
also a specific thing. The Mega-Star-People coalition represents
the spontaneous demand of the masses for unity, a demand flowing
from their discontent. These demands emerged from a situation
where there is a gap between the progressive consciousness of the
masses and their political actions. A political leadership is
needed which is capable of taking advantage of the openings that
emerge. In the preceeding months, these openings could only have
been seized by the Megawati-PDI. But the absence of any clear
statement by Megawati, as a person in a position to lead
politically, has meant that the potential of the PDI-Megawati to
respond to the objective conditions created over the preceding
several months has not been realised (if we don't actually want
to say failed.) In this uncertain situation, the majority of
Megawati's supporters as well as many other critical minded
masses have sought there own way forward. They found their way to
the PPP. In these times of rapidly changing conditions, the PPP
filled this golden opportunity, separate from the question of
whether the PPP leadership is doing this consciously or not.
It is true that this "coalition" is not based on a formal
agreement between the national elite of the PPP or of PDI
Megawati. The offer by Moedrick Sangidoe of PPP Solo, followed up
by the Banjarmasin PPP, to nominate Megawati as President never
received any clear response. Megawati answered them with just a
smile, so there has been no de jure bonds, but just a de facto
"smile coalition" between Megawati and Moedrick. In other words,
the party leaderships have not discussed a formal coalition that
would accelerate and expand the national mass mobilisations.
Indeed such a coalition has the potential to absorb the critical
energy of the masses and unite it in an effort to get rid of the
Soeharto dictatorial regime if the leadership of the two parties
wanted it. But there is a real issue related to the question of
whether they want to do this or not, as political will is a
general question for the opposition as a whole in Indonesia.
Each the day the Mega-Star-People Coalition expands and shows its
potential for radicalisation. It is the specific radicalism of
the urban poor. We see this coalition emerging in the towns,
whether provincial or district towns. For the New Order these are
very unsettling developments. At first the government did not
band the coalition, seeing it as a better option than people
boycotting the election. Biut finally they did ban it. There were
three reasons for the ban. Firstly, the potential for the
coalition further radicalising and expanding the mass
mobilisation of the urban poor in the cities. Secondly, the
unification and coming together of the peoples discontent (from
all sectors and streams) in the one vehicle. Thirdly, an
explosion of votes for PPP in the cities which threatened and
endangered the GOLKAR majority that the government has targetted.
PPP President, Buya Ismail Hasan Metareum and the PPP leadership
seem to relish primarily the prospect of an increase in their
votes. Buya and the other PPP leadership are only interested in
gaining an increase in seats. To put it crudely, the PPP wants to
use the split in the PDI to increase the votes for the PPP. When
the Mega-Star-People leaflets started to circulate with their
seven demands, Buya appeared frightened, pale and reactionary.
Buya should not feel slandered. The leaflet was not issued in the
name of the PPP, but in the name of a coalition. Buya was also
too extreme -perhaps because he was frightened - in interpreting
the demand "Unite to replace Suharto" as a call for a coup. In
all countries, and especially at election time, a call to change
a president and nominate another candidiate is a normal thing. A
struggle to replace a president should not be interpreted to mean
a coup. On the contrary, such a struggle is a constitutional and
democratic struggle because it has been proposed in the context
of an election.
Buya and the PPP leadership should rather look upon the leaflet
as an aspiration of the people that has been passed on to or left
with his party. If Buya does not struggle for these aspirations,
then as a peoples leader, he must be said to have failed. And he
would have failed too as a democrat. There are criteria for
assessing whether somebody passes or fails as a democrat. The
program put forward by the coalition is a democratic program.
There is not one element of this program that stands outside the
conventional democratic framework that operates in democratic
countries. Buya and the PPP leadership have no grounds to reject
this program. These are the changes that the people want.
In reality, the Indonesian opposition has often disappointed the
people. Don't be suprised if the majority of the people and the
Indonesian youth view Buya, and the majority of other opposition
figures - including Megawati and Gus Dur - as hesitating and
failing to see the desire of the majority of the masses who want
change. The lateness in response of these politicians has
resulted in them adopting a confusing stance. They carry out more
and more unpopular acts. It is not impossible, for example, that
the people turn their backs and shift their support somewhere
else.
The PRD and the People support the program in the Mega-Star-People Coalition
The PRD has been accused of producing the Mega-Star-People
Coalition leaflets that contain the seven political demands.
Organisationally, we reject this accusation. But the PRD is not
going to waste time on the question of whether it was the
intelligence services who made the leaflet or a group outside the
PPP. The question for the PRD is whether the demands are correct
and represent the interests of the majority of the people. The
PRD supports 100% the Mega-Star-People demands. Its up to the
government if it wants to point out that these demands are the
same as those always put forward by the PRD. According to the
mass media more than 200,000 of these leaflets were distributed
and were handed out by the people themselves. All reports
indicate that the people photocopied and distributed the leaflets
themselves. The PPP elite and the government can reject the
leaflets. But on the ground, the people could not get enough of
them.
The May 14, 17 and 20 mass actions showed that the mass
participation was no longer 100% spontaneous and confined to
enjoying the 1997 "festival of democracy". The people understood
the risks involved in joining the rally. This is especially the
case after the Armed Forces had carried out exercises right in
front of the nose of the people in the middle of Jakarta just a
few weeks before. The demands that the masses chanted and the
posters they carried were themselves reminders of the risks
involved in participating in the actions. Look at the demands in
the leaflets and the demands chanted by the people; the need for
a coalition to oppose the Soeharto regime repeal of the 5
Political Laws end the dual role of the Armed Forces [i.e. in
politics as well as defence] end corruption, monopolies and
collusion raise wages and lower the prices of basic necessities
investigate the wealth of the presidential family and other high
officials
None of this stopped the people of Jakarta from joining the
campaign rallies. The increasing size of the march with every
step forward of the ranks shows how a genuine consciousness among
the masses to reject the continuation of the Soeharto regime has
developed. This is an aspect of the objective situation that
cannot be denied any more.
On the riots and unrest during the campaign
The PRD has been accused of masterminding the roting during the
camapaign. We reject this accusation. But the PRD has a
responsibility to explain why this unrest has occurred. Many of
the political developments, both organised and spontaneous, are a
part of an ongoing tension that is developing into a
confrontation between the dictatorship and the people. July 27
has been the maximum point in this confrontation to date. That
incident not only led to changes in the configuration within the
broad political elite [Megawati vs Soeryadi, for example], but
also contributed to the development of conditions that the
dictatorship fears most: the outbreak of political confrontation
by the masses and the rise of extra-parliamentary political
forces as a source of new political radicalisation.
The 1997 elections are of great significance in the history of
the New Order dictatorship. The continuance of the oligarchy as
the basis of a crony business empire is at stake now. Even so, as
a political force, the Soeharto dictatorship will work hard to
maintain these beneficial conditions. During the last 30 years,
the dictatorship has piled up untold wealth, distributed economic
and political power nepotistically, controlled parliament and
stunted the political parties and developed a loyal military to
defend its political and economic interests.
As we know the ovethrow of Megawati was a means to smooth the way
for the dictatorship to steal popular legitimacy through
manipulation of the ballot box. The PDI under the leadership of
Megawati was always an irritant factor for the success of the
elections, elections that the dictatorship always needs to win
with an absolute majority for its party: Golkar. The dictatorship
responded in a bloody and brutal way because Megawati has slowly
but steadily attracted great sympathy of the masses and had
absorbed the aspirations of the masses for change.
The unrest after unrest since July 27, in Tasikmalaya, Situbondo,
Sanggau Ledo, Rengasdengklok, and even Tanah Abang in Jakarta is
evidence of how the people have manifested their energy of
resistance. In the midst of heightening repression, the
radicalism of the masses has also increased. The Soeharto
dictatorship appears increasingly unsure as how to anticipate the
widening social unrest. It has no effective political strategy to
halt the trend towards confrontation by the angry and fed up
masses.
The Soeharto dictatorship appears unsure in facing this
situation. The populist sentiment is clearly very dangerous for
the crony business cliques and their families. The success of the
election is one way that the business cronies of the Soeharto
dictatorship can safeguard their situation in a "legal" and
"constitutional" way. As election day approaches, the
dictatorship faces the choice of more violnece or letting the
Mega-Star-People alliance flowering through the vehicle of the
PPP. Both approaches impose costs for the regime. A violent
response will provoke more widespread and even more extreme
social unrest as well as attract international condemnation.
Yet to allow the rise of the Mega-Star-People alliance at this
moment is the same as the dictatorship piercing its own heart.
Because such a coalition would draw together all the suppressed
aspirations of the oppressed sectors of the people and would
become a fertile vehicle for opposition to the dictatorship. The
experience of oppression is bound to develop a new political
character bring a new radical populism onto the Indonesian
political stage.
The intensifying anger of the people must be channelled though
organised political forces. The dictatorship must also consider
this. If not, then the people will answer in their own way. The
unrest that has ripped through Jakarta and other cities during
the campaign must be understood in this context. The naive
seeking of a scapegoat in order to hide the impotence of
Soeharto's dictatorial regime is no answer. Indeed the PDI
predicts that if the peoples' political discontent continues to
rise and become more exacerbated, while the Soeharto regime
stubbornly resists change, even greater social unrest will take
place. If the 5 political laws and the policy of the dual role of
the Armed Forces that suppress all organised democratic
politicval forces are maintained, then it will be the Soeharto
dictatorship that will be the "mastermind" of the explosions of
unrest that are bound to happen in the coming period.
[Translated by Max Lane]
Sydney Morning Herald - May 23, 1997
Louise Williams, Jakarta – Indonesia's deposed democracy
leader, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri, announced yesterday she would
boycott next week's national elections.
Her announcement came as the armed forces deployed 20,000
additional troops to secure the capital against further campaign
violence.
Ms Megawati told hundreds of cheering supporters she would "not
exercise her political right to vote" in the May 29 parliamentary
elections.
She was unable to call on her supporters to follow her example
without breaking Indonesia's strict political laws.
Throughout the campaign she has been careful to avoid any illegal
actions which would justify her arrest.
However, she specifically instructed her supporters not to vote
for the Indonesian Democratic Party or PDI, the party she once
led before being ousted in a Government- engineered internal
party coup last year.
And she issued a veiled threat to the Soeharto Government,
quoting her late father, Indonesia's founding president Sukarno:
"We love peace, but we love freedom more."
Ms Megawati said she had retained significant support and was
working to hold her backers together in an unofficial faction of
the PDI for a future challenge to the Soeharto Government.
Her disenfranchised supporters appear to be free to vote with the
remaining opposition block, the Muslim-oriented United
Development Party (PPP). The PPP has attracted hundreds of
thousands of supporters in election rallies, including scores
waving Megawati posters. One branch of the PPP has already formed
an informal alliance with Ms Megawati's supporters in the central
Javanese town of Solo, to maximise the anti-Government vote.
This alliance is significant as Solo is the home town of Ms Ibu
Tien, a former wife of President Soeharto, and has been
considered a support base for the Soeharto regime. The Jakarta
military commander, Major General Sutiyoso, warned that security
forces would crack down on any political groups attempting to go
out on the streets after the official campaign period, which ends
today.
All street rallies have been banned following the worst campaign
violence in 30 years, but many political analysts fear frustrated
PPP supporters may defy the military and hold a rally today.
Major General Sutiyoso said about 20,000 additional troops would
be stationed across the capital and outlying suburbs to maintain
law and order during the so-called five-day "cooling off" period.
A police spokesman said 100 people and 25 members of the security
forces had been injured on Tuesday night when "brutality and
violence had gone beyond a tolerable level".
The official death toll for the four-week-long election campaign
has reached 80, including a young bystander who died in central
Jakarta after being hit by a bullet when police fired warning
shots at a rioting opposition group.
Police said they had fired into the air during that clash, but
admitted injuring at least four people in the remote province of
Irian Jaya when warning shots were used to break up a crowd.
Democratic struggle
Press release issued by the PRD
May 29 elections
Megawati vows to boycott elections
Pent-up anger erupts in an unusually violent campaign
Far Eastern Economic Review - May 29, 1997
Margot Cohen, Jakarta – The partygoers brought their own weapons-rocks, bricks, knives, machetes, even snakes, were brandished in the final weeks of the general election campaign, dubbed the "festival of democracy." Riots and sporadic attacks spiralled in Jakarta and towns throughout Indonesia in the final days of the campaign before the May 29 elections. The unusual violence of the campaign repelled many voters, but others could sense some logic behind the lunacy. "The mass violence is a veiled reaction against political corruption and bureaucratic constraints," maintains Mulyana Kusumah, a criminology lecturer at the University of Indonesia. "It's a form of resistance."
At first, people just seemed to be having fun defying this year's ban on campaign parades of trucks, cars and motorcycles. Given the alarming number of accidents in previous campaigns, and recent riots with ethnic and religious overtones, the government was rightfully wary. But there was no stopping the grassroots gusto for convoys, particularly among restless youth. With one chance in five years to let off steam, they took to the streets with horns blazing and banners flying.
"They feel free on the road," says Andra Vaksiandra, an editor of the teen magazine Hai. That freedom extended to switching parties at the drop of a T-shirt. Youthful campaigners, their faces painted in gaudy makeup and hair shaved in the shape of party symbols, chanted, danced and lunged at TV cameras for their split second of fame.
Gradually, however, this bright carnival atmosphere darkened into dangerous shows of force. Most of the violence was not between factions of the Indonesian Democratic Party, the PDI, as some had predicted. Many voters have written off the PDI as an impotent force, due to the split triggered by the government's ouster of Megawati Sukarnoputri as chairman. Instead, the rivalry sharpened between the ruling Golkar Party and the Muslim-oriented United Development Party, the PPP.
While repeatedly calling for calm and fair play, party leaders seemed helpless to prevent their followers from turning on each other and the authorities. On May 20, no less than three clashes broke out in Jakarta, despite a PPP pledge that day to stop campaigning in the capital to avoid further violence.
Frustrated by the security forces' attempts to halt unscheduled marches, thousands assembled along South Jakarta's Warung Buncit thoroughfare and spent hours throwing stones, destroying street signs and setting fires. Police cleared the area with water cannons, tear gas and rubber bullets. "It's as though they learned from television to adopt the style of the intifada," observes Budi Susanto, a Catholic priest and political author.
On the same day in Pekalongan, Central Java, thousands of PPP supporters reportedly attacked a Golkar youth-wing office. Another central Java town, Temanggung, endured more than 10 days of demonstrations, destruction of property and the stabbing of a local PPP leader. In the city of Jogjakarta, another local PPP leader was beaten and his office trashed.
Even at the sparsely attended rallies of the PDI faction led by government-backed chairman Suryadi, violence erupted. Poisonous snakes were thrown on the stage at a PDI rally in Kediri, East Java. Thousands of PDI supporters ran amok in Irian Jaya's capital of Jayapura (see page 18).
"The youngsters cannot be restrained. They don't pay attention to party leaders anymore. They need to go to the streets," says Tugiran Kusumo, a pro-Megawati PDI leader in Semarang, central Java. Eventually, accidents during street convoys claimed more than 70 lives.
Why did the violence escalate? Some PPP activists say anger over perceived unfair treatment by the security forces transformed minor incidents into major irritants. A common example they cite: Motorcycles overloaded with helmet-less PPP supporters were stopped by police, while bareheaded Golkar followers went scot- free.
"If we report Golkar abuses to the authorities, the reaction is less than encouraging. But if one of our kids takes down a Golkar flag, he's immediately arrested," complains Mudrick Setiawan, the PPP chief in Solo, Central Java. Fellow PPP activist Herman Abdurrachman, a Jogjakarta lawyer, says he has proof that the ruling party recruited recidivist criminals to attack his party. For their part, Golkar supporters fault the aggressive tactics of PPP followers, who often became incensed if passersby did not flash the party's thumbs-up sign.
After more than 30 years of efforts to depoliticize Indonesians, the Suharto government is witnessing how quickly apathy can turn into brutality. Many teenagers involved in street protests, says social psychologist Sarlito Sarwono, "come from the lower level of society; many of them are jobless, or they work as servants, coolies or thugs. They don't have any idea of what politics is."
Kompas - 24 May, 1997
The 1997 general elections campaign ended with the occurrence of a number of riots in some fringe areas of the Capital. Riots also swamped Tangerang, Bekasi, Bangil (East Java) and Banjarmasin (South Kalimantan). No official records have come in yet on loss of life or people who suffered injuries, but dozens of buildings and vehicles have been wrecked by the brutal behavior of the crowds.
In Jakarta, rumors of impending riots had been circulating among the public since Thursday night, causing the atmosphere in Jakarta during the morning and the day to be oppressive. Shops in the fringe areas of Jakarta as well as riot-prone districts were closed tight. Not a few offices declared the day off or opened for half the working day only. The security apparatus were also on the alert at the corners of the sidestreets where lately riots have taken place, such as Otista, Mampang, Ciputat, Warung Buncit, Matraman, Kebayoran Lama.
Ciputat
In Ciputat, South Jakarta, crowds of thousands packed the H Juanda-Ciputat Raya roads, part of them wrecking and looting a billiard parlor. From about 30 looters, eleven were caught. Security agents were provoked into firing warning shots and tear gas to disperse the crowds. As a result, a number of people suffered injuries. A citizen frightened by the explosion of firearms fell three floors from the billiard parlor and broke his legs.
According to eyewitnesses, the riot started because of a rumor that there would be retaliation by the Pancasila Youth and the Functional Group mass against the action the day before of IAIN students and local residents who had disturbed the Golkar campaign.
The Development Unity Party mass then concentrated their campaign by circulating between the IAIN and the Ciputat market. As a further development, said eyewitnesses, stonethrowing began between the two elections participant organizations masses. The masses went on the rampage. They burned car tires in the Ciputat market area and in the middle of the road between the IAIN and the Ciputat Metro Police Sector.
In anticipation of a worsening situation, a truckful of anti-riot troops arrived around 15.30 West Indonesia Time from the direction of Jakarta. They went directly to the location near the gasoline station opposite the McDonald restaurant and the Ciputat market. From that point they moved to disperse the crowd by combing the road from the direction of Ciputat towards the IAIN campus. They volleyed warning shots into the air. Meanwhile, some helicopters flew low and circled around. Within ten minutes, the crowds had run away into the alleys. Around 16.20, a company- strength anti-riot unit came to assist. They arrived in five trucks plus a firefighting vehicle. The troops carried out a combing movement to disperse the crowd, which finally did so nearing dusk.
The mass riot around Ciputat on Friday during the day and in the afternoon, forced thousands of residents returning home to Pamulang to walk from the Pasar Jumat/Lebak Bulus area to Ciputat.
In Kebayoran Lama
In Kebayoran Lama, South Jakarta, some business locations were much damaged by the crowd nearing evening. Hundreds of people on the march threw stones at various places of business such as Bank Central Asia, Bank Bumi Daya, "Beringin" Padang restaurant, and a number of shop-home combos. The crowds also pulled up traffic signs along the road and piled them up in the middle of the road together with stones. Although the situation could be brought under control, until nightfall the atmosphere was still oppressive. Hundreds of police and soldiers were busy securing the location while preventing people from observing from close by.
The riot in this area then swept over into the Ciledug zone, among others in the Cipulir and Larangan areas. The crowd burned car tires in the middle of the road. The security situation was controlled in a relatively short time, but thousands of people along the Ciledug Raya road had trouble finding public transportation, forcing them to walk to their destinations.
A similar situation occurred around the ITC Roxy Mas shopping center. About two hundred people tried to undertake a long march but were prevented by security apparatus. A stonethrowing action ensued but could be halted by the agents, and the crowd was plugged into the alleys in the vicinity.
Tangerang also riotous
The final campaign round of the Development Unity Party (PPP) in Tangerang was also highlighted by riots. A crowd of thousands threw hard objects at a number of shops, banks, government offices, and wrecked hundreds of flowerpots on the sidewalks, traffic signs, and at least three cars.
Since the start of the riot around 10.00, all shops, stalls and other places of business in Tangerang, even up to the area of Serpong, Tangerang Regency, were closed by their owners.
In this final campaign which was estimated to have involved more than 100,000 people of the party with the star symbol, seven people in the parade had traffic accidents. One among them died from wounds suffered when he fell of a truck in the Jatiuwung area. The Metro Jaya Region Police Chief, Maj.Gen. Drs Hamami Nata confirmed that a number of rioters had been detained. He did not know exactly how many.
To ensure the safety of the campaign's progress which had been highlighted by an unending parade since the morning by the PPP mass, hundreds of security agents were stationed. The agents were also supported by two armored cars. Helicopters kept up continuous monitoring from the air.
The riots in Tangerang started unexpectedly. Among the crowd somebody started to throw stones at shops. As a result, the windows of shops and a number of banks in the Pasar Anyar area and the Daan Mogot road were broken. The crowd also damaged shops and banks on Gatot Subroto road and Merdeka road. In the Batuceper area windows of a number of shops were also broken by the crowd. The office of the Tangerang Regency regional government office also did not escape objects thrown by the crowd.
Bekasi
In Bekasi Regency, an initially limited retaliatory stonethrowing action spread from Kampung Pulo, Cikarang Subregency, to the shopping center and the Cikarang Market. Shop windows were broken, vendor stalls had their doors broken open. The Cikarang Subregency office of the Department of Education and Culture was severely damaged.
Damage was done to the Golkar Regional Directing Board building on Jalan Ahmad Yani. Security units later blockaded certain roads.
The Metro Bekasi Resort Police Chief when contacted by Kompas commented that issuing any statements on the general elections, was the competence of the Regional Police, not the Resort Police.
In Banjarmasin
The final campaign of Golkar, in Banjarmasin, was also colored by riot, between the Golkar mass parading with vehicles and the local residents.
The incident was triggered by two fingers held high by people in the parade, being answered by one.
As a result, 4 cars in the parade were wrecked, 6 motorcycles burned. Part of the Golkar Regional Directing Board office was burned. The residence of the Golkar treasurer had all its front windows broken. A HKBP church on Jalan Pangeran Samudera was burned by the crowd. Residences of several officials had their windows broken.
Supermarkets and department stores were stoned. The Sarikaya supermarket and movie theatre, Hotel Barito, were burned. Dozens of firefighting vehicles were mobilized, armored cars were stationed on street corners.
The Armed Forces Information Center Head, Brig.Gen. Slamet Supriadi, commented that the large-scale rioting by supporters of the Development Unity Party (PPP) in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan, has been planned from the beginning. Because that is a criminal act, the security apparatus will act firmly against the perpetrators in accordance with prevailing laws.
"The acts without morals which have exceeded the national bounds of tolerance have been carried out by the PPP supporters mass. We will act firmly against that," said Supriadi to Konmpas on Friday night in Jakarta. "The Armed Forces Headquarters deeply regret the occurrence of this incident while this nation is in the midst of promoting democratic life," he continued.
Bangil
In Bangil, East Java, a convoy of about 5,000 PPP supporters went on the rampage after Friday prayers. As a result, the police post in Bangil was wrecked, a truck of the Mobile Brigade was burned, three motorcylcles and a car of the police were burned, four private banks and three churches were damaged.
Also as a result, dozens of people suffered shot wounds when the security apparatus struck back. "People have died, but it is still not clear how many," said an official who did not want his name mentioned.
According to information gathered by Kompas, the incident started with a thousands strong PPP mass on convoy pending the final campaign in the town of Bangil.
A slapping by an anti-riot police agent before Friday prayers, was retaliated en masse afterwards. After being dispersed, the crowd in passing pulled out traffic signs and street lights. Four private banks were wrecked, Bank Gunung Adidana, BCA, BHS, Bank Artasenapati. The BCA bank was also burned.
As a result of this action a number were hit by shots from the duty personnel. At least eight people are being treated in the nearest hospital and five persons were rushed to the dr Soetomo hospital in Surabaya.
In Surabaya itself, the PPP ended its campaign in Taman Bungkul. Almost all shopping centers, offices and banks had been closed since the morning and tightly guarded by respective security personnel.
Straits Times - May 22, 1997
Derwin Pereira, Jakarta – The Indonesian Armed Forces (Abri) has denied any involvement in the country's election violence, suggesting instead that the banned People's Democratic Party (PRD) was behind the recent unrest.
Giving his assessment of the violence, Abri's chief of socio- political affairs, Lieutenant-General Syarwan Hamid, hit out at any notion that the military was profiting from the chaos.
"That is naive and simply does not make sense," news reports yesterday quoted him as saying. He said that if Abri wanted to create trouble, "all we have to do is sleep for two days".
"Every day our soldiers are in the field showing patience and restraint. No one has died because of an Abri shooting," he stressed, adding that "our soldiers are in the field to find the wisest ways to safeguard the election".
Military analysts and diplomats said that his rebuttal was in response to rumours and conspiracy theories circulating in Jakarta that the military had "engineered" the unrest.
"One theory is that Abri starts the fire and puts it out so that Indonesians will continue to be dependent on them for security," said one diplomat. Another conspiracy theory is that military- sponsored elements had infiltrated the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP) to stir-up problems at rallies. The apparent aim is to destroy PPP's credibility and gain political capital for the ruling Golkar party.
Analysts, however, doubted if Abri had any "vested interests" in creating problems.
Noted political observer Dr Salim Said said: "Conspiracy theories are always sexy. But the difficulty is proving them. It seems illogical that a pro-establishment organisation like Abri would want to bring down the government.
"In this instance, it is very clear that leftist elements in the form of the PRD are behind the recent violence. The PRD is also probably circulating rumours that the military is responsible for the riots."
Last July, security forces detained several PRD members for subversive activities and linked them to the banned Indonesian Communist Party. Nine PRD members, including its leader Budiman Sudjatmiko, were in jail but sources said many members were still involved in political activities.
A senior Indonesian military intelligence officer said that many PRD activists had gone "underground", making them difficult to trace.
Lt-Gen Syarwan said on Tuesday that Abri had evidence linking the PRD to the campaigns. "There are indications that the PRD has sparked all the riots. Their objective is to spoil the general election," he said. He indicated that the violence pointed to PRD's involvement.
The military had also learned of a series of meetings to foil the polls. Leaflets found during the campaign endorsed some of the PRD's aims such as replacing the current government and repealing political laws. He said that PRD members were disseminating malicious rumours to stir trouble.
ASIET - May 20, 1997
12.30 - Rain poured on the Cawang area and its surrounds. At this time, PPP masses were not yet visible in the areas of Otista, Dewi Sartika or Kalibata. The armed forces [ABRI] themselves had prepared three anti-personnel vehicles and wore stripped clothing and were fully armed, dispersed around the area of the Cawang toll road.
12.36 - The rain continued to poor and the PPP masses in Kalibata, Dewi Sartika, Cawang and Otista were still not seen. There were no formations in the street.
13.00 – The PPP masses were still not to be seen. The number of security personnel continued to increase and deployed on Jalan Otista and Dewi sartika.
13.24 - The PPP masses began gathering in the lanes (gang) along Kalibata and the Kampung Melayu bus terminal and in each lane there were around 10-30 people totaling around 600 people. Most of them wore clothing with PPP symbols such as T-shirts, hats and head bands. They also carried PPP flags.
The number of ABRI personnel trying to guard the lanes continued to increase. A striped truck with an orange roof at the Kalibata intersection, a black truck with an orange roof in front of the Suara Pembaruan office and in Cawang one more striped truck, military police and an anti-riot (Brimob) unit totaling 10. In Tebet [South Jakarta] in front of the Bank Republik Indonesia (BRI), there were already scores of Brimob on guard. In Gelanggang Remaja were two crowd control trucks. So far, no street mobilisations to be seen.
13.33 - At this time, the gathering of the masses was becoming obvious. In each lane and for the length of Jl Otista thousands of PPP members gathered similar to Jl Ambon (near to the Kampung Melayu bus terminal).
Every 15 meters along the length of Jl Otista and Dewi Sartika was guarded by around 4-7 anti-riot soldiers. The tight security could also be found at the mouth of the lanes, banks and petrol stations. The masses became more enthusiastic especially when ranks of soldiers went past. They shouted at them and abused them. So far, the mass ranks were still unable to be seen.
13.46 - The masses at Jl Dewi Sartika gathering in the lanes began to come together. As those in the different lanes each began to meat they discussed among themselves what might occur. What was most obvious, the gathering occurred 150 metres from the Cawang bridge.
Meanwhile, around 300 meters before the Kampung Melayu bus terminal, a very large mass gathering reaching 2,000 people started. They unfurled PPP flags, added to by banging on empty pans and chants of "One Star Two Stars".
The procession was still not visible, but all along Jl Otista flags and symbols were displayed by the masses in each lane. In a vehicle with a loud speaker, the police announced to the masses that this was not a campaign and parade day and because of this the masses were asked to return to their homes.
A gathering of masses which reached hundreds in front of the BRI. They also wore campaign clothing but did not shout or yell. A leaflet containing a photocopy from a report from the newspaper Harian Terbit was distributed from hand to hand. At that moment, a number of soldiers approached the PPP masses and asked them to remove their T- shirts. But the masses distanced themselves from them and went into the grounds of a cinema.
At Kalibata a similar incident occurred with PPP masses being asked to remove their T-shirts by ABRI soldiers. This incident occurred right at the Kalibata traffic lights. Because there were not many of them [PPP], they succeeded in stripping them. By this time around 1000 personnel from Brimob, military and military police had been deployed.
13.52 - The masses in Cawang grew larger. They stood in lines for the length of the street. The masses which had earlier gathered in the entrances to the lanes joined the rows of people in each of the streets.
The total number of soldiers in the Cawang area reached 200 personnel surrounding Cawang and blocking traffic going towards Otista or from Otista via Dewi Sartika. At Jl Otista, the largest gathering of masses was at Jl Mesjid Bendungan and reach 1,500 people.
14.07 - Three cars with PPP flags moved of to hold a parade. The Masses greeted them with shouts of "Viva Bintang". However they did not join in the parade because the soldier's security was extremely tight.
14.44 - A section of the masses with the courage to join the parade were intercepted by soldiers in the Cawang area and blockaded towards the direction of the toll road and a section was escorted. Thousands of the masses were in ranks along the side of the road near the Cawang pedestrian overpass. Police and soldiers continued to surround them and the number of personnel continued to increase reaching a total of 300.
14.53 - The masses gathered along the edge of Jl Dewi Sartika were forced back into the lanes and at the entrance to the lanes with scores of soldiers guarded them. Many of the lanes were baracaided with iron.
Lined up between Cawang and Tebet there were seven trucks full of soldiers and scores of military jeeps – some stripped others black – and fully armed.
Despite this, a section off the masses continued to gather on the edge of the streets while calling on their comrades by waving their hands to continue forward.
15.04 - At Jalan H. Yahya and Jalan Otista (300 meters before the Kampung Malayu bus terminal) the masses totaling hundreds of people began shouting and yelling abusing at each group of soldiers which passed. Security was extremely tight up to the Kampung Melayu bus terminal.
15.12 - A pickup full of PPP members with PPP campaign symbols began a parade. They shouted "One Star Two Star". They moved off in the direction of Cawang.
This parade got an extraordinary reception from the masses, who since earlier in the afternoon hand been standing and waiting. "Viva Bintang" reverberated again. Not caring about the soldiers gathered near them. The parade was not blocked by security personnel.
15.31 - A stone fight occurred in the area of Jl Ambon. The masses totaling tens of thousands loved of by foot on the East side of Jl Otista. They pushed and surrounded the troops back who in tern pushed and surrounded them. A marine truck full of was trapped in the midst of the masses. The masses asked the troops in the truck to get down. Shouts of "Viva Bintang" and "One Star Two Star" reverberated everywhere. The ranks were actually only spearheaded by around 15 people. But because of their courage in front of the masses they followed. Unfortunately the masses had no leadership. The brutally attacked the troops with stones.
15.43 - The troops began to loose patience. Viciously they attacked and beat those who were moving forward. They also fired tear gas twice. The masses appeared confused and ran into the lanes. According to an eye-witness around ten people were arrested and five PPP members wounded. At this time it is not known how many soldiers were victims of the masses' attack.
15.52 - The masses were seen moving off toward th Kampung Melayu bus terminal. Indian file they walked on the edge of the road and a group went through the small lanes (behind the roads) and began to gather again.
The PPP masses on the move got an extraordinary reception from the people at the Kampung Melayu bus terminal. From the pedestrian overpass the people continued to cheer for the victory of PPP. "Viva PPP" reverberated and they got the "thumbs up" from the thousands of people who had witnessed the riot.
16.01 - As time went by the gathering became larger and larger and began to wave flags and unfurl banners. Dan "Viva Bintang" continued to reverberated. At that time the masses in the area had already reached around 5,000.
16.05 - Another stone battle occurred with the military. Facing this, troops from a number of units (the largest were the marines and the army) fired their weapons. The masses were scattered again after hearing the gun shots as many as five times. Many of them immediately lay face down in the street.
16.30 - Thousands again gathered on the West side of the Kampung Melayu bus terminal waving PPP flags, after being called by a number of their comrades they maintained themselves in front of the troops. In front of the troops they waved flags and shouted anti-Golkar slogans.
16.43 - The stone war occurred again and a number of the soldiers were wounded. The soldiers with blooded faces were taunted and laughed at by the masses, most of all by those on the pedestrian overpass, who witnessed it clearly. Seeing this, the masses became even braver in confronting the soldiers and it became brutal as a number of soldiers at the front were punched.
The thousands of troops were in the area again dispersed the ranks of the masses by firing tear gas twice and ten times fired their weapons. The masses became disorientated and tried to save themselves. 16.48 - By their comrades who were still maintaining themselves in front, the PPP masses and their sympathizers were asked not to be afraid and hold their ground – don't be frighted – to confront the security forces. "Don't be afraid" and "Come on, keep going forward" was shouted in the mist of the battle with the soldiers who were trying to quieten the masses. In the end, thousands of the masses returned to the streets and immediately confronted the security forces. Flags continued to be waved, banners were unfurled and head bands continued to be warn.
At that time, eight marine trucks entered the area of the Kampung Melayu bus terminal and a army helicopter sounded a siren from the air.
16.50 - The fight started again and gun shots were heard seven times. This time the masses were not scattered but again reentered the lanes. In the streets were scattered left behind sandles and shoes, and stones which had been thrown at troops by the masses.
From the helicopter the soldiers warned the people of Jakarta to return to their homes and not disturb the flow of traffic.
17.04 - The masses who had entered the lanes again emerged from the lane openings and continued to try and throw stones at the troops. They also set fire to Golkar flags and vehicles.
After that, the troops renewed their attack and ran over those people who did not want to step aside to the side of the road.
17.15 - The masses continued to resist in the streets. Jalan Otista which had been closed a number of times was reopened by the soldiers and cars were allowed to pass. The intention of opening the road was to destroy the gathered masses who were still on the edge of the street.
(At the time of writing this chronology the masses where still gathered at the edges of the roads not wanting to go, as a result the troops continued to guard the area.)
[Translators note: "lanes" (gangs) refers to the narrow lanes which intersect city kampungs in Jakarta. "Bintang" refers to the symbol of the PPP, a star - James Balowski]
SiaR - 19 May, 1997
Jakarta, the army and anti-riot solders backup and allowed youths, members of a Golkar mass organisation to attack and destroy homes and shops of people who were believed to resident's of the pro "Mega-Bintang-Rakyat" coalition. The army also allowed the youths to attack and throw rocks at PPP convoys. This became the trigger for a Jakarta and surrounds for the last two days, Saturday (17/5) and Monday (18/5).
For two days the riot around Jalan Matraram Raya, the alliance between the army and "kolong" youths – a term for youths living in military complexes – were clearly seen. Unhampered, youths from the Zeni Berlan Complex are supporters of Golkar stoned local peoples' houses in Palmeriam were supporters of PPP live. As a result, not only local peoples' houses got attacked, but also surrounding shops. During the attack, the Berlan youths armed themselves with bricks and rocks, and a group of people with short hair and large bodies continuously gave commands and encouragement.
A conflict almost occurred between these youths which were backed up by anti-riot troops and soldiers from the marines who arrived later to help to secure the situation, because the marines prevented and dispersed the Golkar mass organisation youths who were busy stoning the residents.
"Dammit, why are they being left to destroy things" said a marine indicating the anti- riot and army solders in the location of the riot. A number of the marines were angry and pushed and pointed their batons towards the Golkar mass organisation youths. This obviously surprised the youths, while the army soldiers who were backing them up did not have the courage to do anything.
Near the Zeni complex on Jl Mataran is located offices of the Komite Nasional Pemuda Indonesia (Indonesian National Youth Committee, KNPI). During the riot on Saturday, the youths gathered at this office. Together they yelled "Viva Golkar... Just shoot them" when the anti-riot troops fired tear gas in the direction of the "Mega-Bintang" masses who were 3/ intercepted at the intersection of Jl Urip Sumohardjo, Jl Otista and Jl Matraman Raya. Before this, the "Mega-Bintang" masses held a march at around 3pm which started from Jl Dewi Sartika. They carried banners reading "Mega-Bintang Are The Peoples Aspirations So They Will Surly Triumph", "Ibu Mega in Prayer Blessings From You, I Entrust My Vote To PPP-Mega Yes", "Don't be Jealous, Mega-Bintang-The People are United". The masses were blockaded by fully armed anti-riot troops at Jl Otista in front of the Koinonia Church, Jatinegara [South Jakarta]. But the large crowd was able to break through the blockade.
The security forces had already prepared themselves in ranks at the traffic light intersection before entering Jl Matraman Raya. Approaching the masses though the rail bridge at Jatinegara, the security forces provoked them [the demonstrators] by firing machine guns into the air. The masses were also shot at with tear gas.
The crowd were forced to retreat. But unexpected by the security forces, the masses resisted with an intifada as don by the Palestine people facing the Zionist Israeli soldiers. A "war" occurred between the masses armed with rocks fighting the anti- riot police who rained tear gas on them. The battle ended as call to sunset prayers approached.
The security forces taking sides could also be seen on Saturday (17/5) when a PPP convoy passed the Kebayoran Lama Defence and Security complex which was also attacked and pelted with rocks by youths from the complex. Security personnel who were on guard just ignored this. The actions of the Defence and Security Complex youth which was ignored by Security Personnel then turned their anger on the "Mega-Bintang" masses. The result was that for the entire day, many shops, a bank, a police station and the South Jakarta Civil Service Institute offices were attacked and damaged by the masses.
"Don't blame us if we attack police stations and government offices. There is the source of all of the injustice and oppression that has happened until now", shouted a "Mega-Bintang" supporter during the rioting. The riot spread as far as Jl Ciputat Raya and Pondok Pinang.
The peoples' anger apparently was still blazing until the next day when it was Golkar's turn to hold a rally. In Pondokpinang, local youths stopped a Golkar convoy, then forced the Golkar masses to take of their shirts and other Golkar paraphanalia. "We don't want you to be fooled, for the sake of 15,000 Rupiah. You should joint with us to fight injustice, if that succeeds you will get two thousand times as much" said an older "Mega-Bintang" supporter giving instructions to remove the Golkar T-shirt worn by one of the youths. The Pondokpinang "Mega-Bintang" masses who were also angry set fire to Golkar banners and flags.
The worst rioting on Saturday was when thousands of "Mega- Bintang" masses returned home from campaigning – who were on foot or driving vehicles – tried to enter the area around the State Palace on Jl Merdeka Utara. Apparently the "Mega- Bintang" masses were to give "a show of strength" in front of the palace repeating the "success" of last May 11. The thousands of people were stopped by security forces before Jl Veteran. Anti- riot police and soldiers were forced to fire shots in the air and use tear gas to disperse the crowd. Not of the mainstream mass media reported the riot near Jl Veteran because of sensitivities about the security of the head of state and the presidential palace.
Although the riot had already approached the area of the state police, police chief Maj-Gen Hamani Nata who was observing the riot in the Jl Tambak area, told reporters that the riots which had occurred were a normal part of the campaign. "If it's not like that its not festive" he said. This was quite surprising, because the conglomerate Sofyan Wanandi had said that if riots continue to occur it was possible that in a specific time period it would cause concern to capital. "It is not impossible that capital flight will occur" he said at the time.
Hamami Nata's unclear statement, may indicate that there are efforts by the security forces themselves to create a "frame" towards a chaotic situation, which could rock the Suharto government which is already 30 years old. Like last week (Friday, 16/5), when thousands of Megawati supporters held a "Golput" [White Movement, boycott] rally in Bogor [West Java] and held an action removing Soerjadi [the government installed head of the PDI] supporters T-shirts, yelling not just: "Viva Megawati", but also "Viva Red- White Armed Forces", watch out for the military leadership and the police guard". At this action appeared the paranormal Ki Gendeng Pamungkas and Permadi SH.
Apparently the period approaching 1998 is a transitional period to advance toward an Indonesia which is more democratic. According to a SiaR business source, more than 70 percent of capital is by stages being moved overseas. Friction is occurring between the civil and military elite. Sofyan Wanandi's warning, the attitude of the marines who were not compromised in confronting the Golkar mass organisations, along with the Bogor incident are a number of phenomena which indicate that friction is already occurring within the civil and military elite.
[Translated by James Balowski. "Mega-Bintang" refers to an alliance of Megawati Sukarnoputri supporters and pro-Megawati PPP members (Bintang - a star, the symbol of PPP)]
Commentary by Peoples Democratic Party - May 20, 1997
The election campaign of the United Development Party (PPP) of the 14 May, 1997 succeeded in mobilising the critical masses on a broad scale. [Estimated at 1.5 million in Jakarta.] This campaign action was also characterised by the participation of supporters of the Megawati-PDI. The elements participated in the PPP campaign carrying banners and placards reading: A democratic coalition of Mega-Bintang-the People for Democracy.
The May 14 rally showed that the mass participation was no longer 100% spontaneous and confined to enjoying the 1997 "festival of democracy". The people understood the risks involved in joining the rally. This is especially the case after the Armed Forces had carried out exercises right in front of the nose of the people in the middle of Jakarta just a few weeks before. The demands that the masses chanted and the posters they carried were themselves reminders of the risks involved in participating in that day's rally: the need for a coalition to oppose the Soeharto regime repeal of the 5 Political Laws end the dual role of the Armed Forces [i.e. in politics as well as defence] end corruption, monopolies and collusion raise wages and lower the prices of basic necessities investigate the wealth of the presidential family and other high officials
None of this stopped the people of Jakarta from joining the campaign rally. The increasing size of the march with every step forward of the ranks shows how a genuine consciousness among the masses to reject the continuation of the Soeharto regime has developed. This is an aspect of the objective situation that cannot be denied any more.
Yet, as regards in which direction these political actions should go, there remains a yawning gap. The question of where the movement should go is an essential question. Even the mobilisation of millions of people will mean nothing if it brings no fundamental change for the people, only more votes for the non-Golkar parties (in this case the PPP) in the elections.
In a situation where there is a gap between the progressive consciousness of the masses and their political actions, a political leadership capable of taking advantage of the openings that emerge. In the preceding months, these openings could only have been seized by the Megawati.-PDI. But the absence of any clear statement b Megawati, as a person in a position to lead politically, has meant that the potential of the PDI- Megawati to respond to the objective conditions created over the preceding several months has not been realised (if we don't actually want to say failed.) In this uncertain situation, the majority of Megawati;s supporters as well as many other critical minded masses have sought there own way forward. They found their way to the PPP. In these times of rapidly changing conditions, the PP is now filling this golden opening, separate from the question of whether the PPP leadership is doing this consciously or not. The structure/vehicles that are useful for mobilisations have increased in number/have opened up again. Indeed they are even more open now with "Mega-Bintang" as a result of the spontaneous PDI masses and the local committees of the PPP. This is not based on any consensus among the national elite of the PPP or PDI-Mega. In other words, there has been no discussion of a formal coalition between the party leaderships that would hasten and broaden the national mass mobilisations. In fact such mobilisations could be lead further to an overthrow of the regime, if there was the will. The lack of a political will on this is a problem for the Indonesian opposition as a whole. This coalition may only be able increase the votes of the PPP, perhaps to defeat GOLKAR. But it must remembered that the effort to increase the anti-GOLAR vote is not unrelated to the struggle to overthrow the regime. This itself - the issue of ending the "single majority of GOLKAR "1 - is also a practical issue which can take the masses' actions closer to overthrowing the regime.
So the emphasis of our propaganda now must aim to take the masses' actions further (propagandise about strategy and tactics). In other words, our emphasis should not now be on agitating about the negative character of the Suharto regime (because the consciousness/sentiment on overthrowing the regime is genuinely widespread among the masses).
So that the slogan Mega-Bintang is not enough. This must be pushed to be extended to: Mega-Bintang-the People, to emphasise the need for a broader and stronger coalition. Because there will be two clearly defined blocks: the regime vs the people.
And the stages in the actions that go with this slogan are defined by different moments:
1. during the campaign. In the fifth round of campaigning in Jakarta, the Mega- Bintang was able to mobilise one million people; in Solo 100,000 just from the Mega forces, seeping through the boundaries on the campaign areas2. This can be directed by Mega-Bintang-the People to end the "single majority". But if the divisions between the geographical areas can be penetrated and centralisation of the masses can be realised, then there is no other way to go than to take things to the next stage, namely, the overthrow the corrupt Soeharto regime..
2. The next openings is at the time of voting and after the counting of votes (with the Golkar victory, of course). The vehicles for gathering together the masses will be the Election Monitoring Command Posts, that will be directed towards rejection of the election/the election results (i.e. boycott), but with taking into account how this gathering together of the masses can be mobilised for overthrowing the regime. The main problem of this moment is how to awaken the peasants. It is in the villages where GOLKAR will get some real votes, they may be prepared to give up their votes in the cities and towns.
The PRD's position should be to propagandise among the masses about the real possibilities (the necessity) and the appropriate time for boycott actions and actions aimed at overthrowing the regime. This must be done right in the midst of the masses, while never mentioning the PRD. Although the PRD will also need to issue statements in its name on this. Our next problem, both short and long term, is to form as many and as broad a number of legal organisations to make it easier to organise and mobilise the spontaneous masses that will join the struggle. It does not matter how reformist (in program) these are (because, in reality, mass consciousness is genuinely at the stage of wanting to overthrow the regime). The history of the overthrow of Marcos and Soekarno, for example, provide lessons about how various mass organisations, with various interests and characters (from moderate to radical) can be centralised, directed, for the overthrow of a power - but always on the basis that the consciousness needed to overthrow the regime is already widespread.
Besides this, we need to make sure that in the coming period (should we not be able to overthrow the regime now), if we recover the momentum, then the masses will not be so easily mislead by the political elites, for example, just used to get an increase in votes. Or, another way of saying it, the mass mobilisations must pressure/force the PPP and PDI-Mega leadership to run in the direction of overthrowing the regime.
It is difficult to guess at conditions after the campaign or the elections. All we can do is sketch out the scenarios above. The important thing for us now is to work out and implement our short term strategy and tactics, based on assessments of the objective conditions and the results of our work in maximising our propaganda and political instruments. Especially given that the quality of our opposition forces is lower than that in Nepal, India or Latin America. We can see: the offer of a Mega-Bintang alliance from the Solo PPP committee directly to Megawati was only answered with a SMILE. Can we call this the SMILE Coalition. Is it proper for the genuine wishes of the masses be answered with just a smile?
The legality of the campaign makes it possible t mobilise the masses onto the streets, what about after the elections?
At the moment there is no way to determine for sure the longer term strategy/tactics, except for the scenarios about possible openings that have been mentioned. Not that its necessarily wrong to have such long term strategy, but it is not a part of fulfilling the criteria of the vanguard which is to respond as quickly as possible to the short term openings that arise. The voting period and afterwards will produce nothing if the people do not stay in the streets. We can only determine the strategy and tactics after the voting, after we see the results of the period that has just preceded. We can perhaps imagine what will happen, but all such things can only be carried out if we maximise our political instruments.
So, for now, we must win the masses to the idea of a democratic coalition. This can also hold back the conservative tendencies of the PPP. If the PP is let run off by itself, it could be dangerous.
So the priority in political instruments are the legal organisations/ committees/election command posts must be mobilised to launch actions supporting the Mega-Bintang-Rakyat coalition. The addition of PEOPLE is to give a perspective a broadening struggle that can develop to the level of de- legitimising the elections and overthrowing the regime. We must start popularising the Mega-Bintang-People through all means possible.
The fact that there is only one week left of the campaign is not a major matter. Even with little time left, the opening must be maximalised. The gathering together of the people and propaganda must no stop. The gathering of mass support for the Mega- Bintang-People coalition must head towards ending the GOLKAR "single majority".
If defeated in the elections, the organ, such as the election monitoring command posts will work to reject/delegitimise the elections, and push things towards overthrowing the regime. Especially as the proof of cheating is already available.
Endnotes
[Translated by ASIET]