Democratic struggle

Students' poll shows growing protest vote

South China Morning Post - April 12, 1997

Jenny Grant, Jakarta – Students at one of the most prestigious state-run universities are expected to join the swelling ranks of protest voters at the May 29 election, according to a recent poll.

The university senate survey of 500 students at the University of Gadjah Mada in Yogyakarta, Central Java, found 36.6 per cent would cast a blank protest vote. The campus has 32,000 students.

Blank voting is known as golput in Indonesia.

"This is the political attitude of many students. We cannot take part in an election where there is no fair play and no independent monitoring," said Prabowo, a student leader at the university.

More radical students at the university have called for a total boycott of the election, which they claim is orchestrated by the Government.

"We don't just want to golput, we want a total boycott," said Mr Prabowo, one of 32 students arrested in early April for holding two days of anti-election demonstrations at the campus.

President Suharto and leading military figures have warned of action against anyone urging a poll boycott.

A group of activists from the People's Democratic Party who called on Indonesians to boycott the elections are now standing trial on subversion charges. The leader of that group, Budiman Sudjatmiko, was a former student activist at the university.

But poll watchers say golput is a political right.

"It's not illegal, you have the right not to vote in Indonesia," said Johannes Princen, human rights lawyer and co-author of a report on procedural violations in the 1992 elections.

Analysts predict a golput vote of about 10 per cent as supporters from the Indonesian Democracy Party and the Muslim-backed United Development Party protest against alleged government interference in their parties. The Jakarta Administrative Court has rejected a lawsuit by ousted Indonesian Democracy Party leader Megawati Sukarnoputri challenging her interrogation by police about a gathering at her home, her lawyer said yesterday.

Dita Sari courtroom in moving protest

Peoples Democratic Party - April 10, 1997

On April 7 members of the Struggle Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights (APDHAM) entered the courtroom where Dita Sari and Coen Pontoh were being tried. It was the day on which they would read out their defence speeches. At 10.00am Dita and Coen arrived at the court where Dita handed out flowers to the judge, prosecutor and those in the gallery. The judges opened the sessions and Dita was granted permission to read out the PRD Manifesto. Her reading was punctuated by frequent shouts and applause of support. After 15 minutes Coen Pontoh took over and finished reading the PRD Manifesto. Dita then read a 51 page statement setting out the PRD political struggle.

People in the gallery began singing the Hymn of Blood, a much loved strong of struggle. The judge threatened expulsion of troublemakers.

Dita began to cry as she near the end of reading her speech. The crowd went completely silent as they listened.

The judges called an adjournment after Dita finished. The APDHAM activists all stood up and formed a solid group in the middle of the courtroom. Coen Pontoh raised his fist shouting several democratic slogans and then led the APDHAM activists in singing Blood of Struggle again. Most people were seen to be in tears, including Dita, Pontoh and their families. This was followed by the singing of more songs and chants of "Free our comrades". Dita and Pontoh were lead out of the courtroom.

Outside the APDHAM activists gathered again putting on headbands and raising up posters with the slogan "Democracy or Death!". East Timorese youth, students and Megawati supporters joined the group as several activists made speeches. The security apparatus gathered but the rally refused to disperse. There were more speeches and activists handed out leaflets to everybody attending the trial.

The session resumed where Coen Pontoh read his defence statement, followed by that of the defence lawyers. The security apparatus then quickly dragged Dita away out the back door to a waiting van. But before she was dragged inside she handed out flowers, then raised her fist shouting" Long live The PRD!" "Long live democracy!" "Long live the Maubere people!" [Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor received this report direct from the PRD underground.]

Before being questioned, three PRD accused "Walk Out"

Kompas - April 11, 1997

Jakarta – Three of the accused in Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) subversion case, Budiman Sudjatmiko, Garda Sembiring and Ignatius Pranowo, who are being tried separately, carried out a walk out, before being question by the Central Jakarta State Court on Thursday (10/4). Meanwhile, in the trials of PRD members in Surabaya, the prosecution is still demanding that the accused Dita Indah Sari and Coen Husein receive 8 and 6 years respectively. In Jakarta, Budiman did not object to being questioned, but he asked that a defence witness, Vedi Hadiz, a labour expert give evidence first. The judge was of the opinion that the questioning of the accused could not be delayed any longer.

"I do not object to being questioned, however it is my right as the accused to be given consideration. Because of that, I want the defence witness who is already present to be questioned first", said Budiman. However the judge rejected the request and the accused asked permission to leave the court room. The defense team followed. Without the accused and the defence lawyers, the hearing continued. The prosecutor was asked to read the accused statement from the Preliminary Investigation Report (BAP).

Meanwhile the accused Garda Sebiring refused to be question because his was forced to attend by the prosecutor. He had made other arrangements which had already been agreed to by the judge in the previous session.

Because of this, he asked to prosecutor to apologise for forcing him to attend. The judge then ordered him to be questioned in the following session, but because the request was refused, Garda left the court room. The defense lawyer stated for the reading of Garda statement from his BAP.

A walk out action was carried out by Pranowo who is being tried together with Jakobus Eko Kurniawan and Suroso. Pranowo continued to question the nature of his detention which the judge said was just an administrative issue. Pranowo refused the explanation and left the court. The other defendants and defence lawyers continued with the trial.

In the South Jakarta state court, PRD general secretary Petrus H Hariyanto explained that the PRD were not a communist party. "The PRD does not intend to establish a communist state. What we want is a state with a multiparty system. Communism [is a system] of a sole party", he said in his testimony.

Petrus admitted to know of the efforts to discredit the PRD. Some time before the July 27 incident, he said, the authorities had been campaigning in the mass media [accusing] the PRD of being communist and action would be taken. The PRD had sent written objections to the press. At the time of the attack on the PDI offices and the riot which followed, he also obtained information that the PRD would be scapegoated as masterminding the riots. Because of this, he ordered the PRD secretariat to be emptied.

In Surabaya, the public prosecutor has told the court that Dita Indah Sari (25) and Coen Husein Pontoh (28) have been proved to have carried out acts of subversion and criticised the state ideology. The prosecution is demanding Dita be jailed for eight years and Coen Pontoh six, minus the time they have already spent in jail.

Meanwhile in a separate court, the accused Mochamat Sholeh (23) and his defence team presented his defence speech against the demand that he be sentenced to five years in jail.

Sholeh acknowledged as a student [he was] not like the "66 generation" (Angkatan 66) students [Students who campaigned against president Sukarno and the Indonesian Communist Party]. "That I am found guilty is a risk and [I give this speech] before God. In truth laws are created for justice. For the poor people, we apologise because we cannot continue to struggle to help them", he said. Sholeh was convinced that "one struggle, one transformation will surely triumph".

[Slightly abridged translation from Kompas - James Balowski]

Defence team asks for Dita and Pontoh to be freed

Bali Post - April 8, 1997

Surabaya – The Jatim Indonesian Legal and Justice Defence Team (TPHKI) handling the defence of the subversion case against two Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) members Dita Indah Sari and Coen Husein Pontoh have asked that the judge free the two accused.

In the continuing trial at the Surabaya state court, Monday (7/4) yesterday, TPHKI, lead by Trimoelja D Soerjad considered that the it had not been proven or determined that the accused had carried out criminal acts. TPHKI was of the opinion that thre was not one glaring element of subversion which could be proved by the public prosecutor, so the two accused should be freed. TPHKI prepared a 51 page defence titled "DN Aidit [Chairperson of the banned Indonesian Communist Party] roars with laughter from his grave", while Dita and Pontoh prepared there own defence. Dita's 51 page defence is titled "Towards the Political Struggle" and Pontoh's 68 page defence is titled "Towards an Indonesia which is Democratic and of Peoples' Sovereignty".

Before presenting their defence, Dita who [the prosecution] has demand 8 years and Pontoh 6 years in jail, were able to give out red roses to trial visitors. They also both give flowers to the prosecutors, the judge and security personnel. TPHKI in their defence were of the opinion that the prosecutors accusation was excessive and caused the trial to become confused. "What has been proven is apparently the excessive concern of the prosecution with regard to the spirit of these two youths who so hardworking in upholding democracy and justice in this country" said the defence lawyer in their speech.

Aside from presenting the defence, the defence team included a statement by the National Human Rights Commission regarding the "Gray Sunday incident of July 27, 1996 with an appendix of a list of victims who died or were wounded.

They questioned why the accusations of subversion against Dita and Pontoh only appeared after the July 27 incident? The evidence, the dates on government investigation orders dated 30 July, 7 August, 17 September and October 4. Meanwhile the defence of M. Sholeh will begin on Tuesday (8/4) today.

Sticker distributed calling for "failure" of elections

Kompas - April 8, 1997

Surabaya – A sticker calling for the failure of the 1997 general election has been distributed in Surabaya. Measuring 10x20 centimeters it was distributed in schools and stuck the walls of houses and offices.

"A number of the stickers have been removed, however they reappeared several hours after they were cleaned" said the Suarabaya head of social and political affairs, Drs Budyantho, Monday (7/4).

The sticker included the sentence "Reject the 1997 General Elections". The authorities had already found around 100 stickers. Although the stickers were removed during the day, the next morning a new and similar sticker appeared.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - James Balowski]

Julius and Saleh of PUDI released conditionally

Kompas Online - April 4, 1997

Julisu Usman and Saleh Abdullah, activists from PUDI, were released on 3 April after being held by the Attorney-General for 29 days. This was confirmed by their lawyer, Irianto Subiakto of the LBH, who said they had been released on the surety of their families.

Their release has come as quite a surprise as this is the first time that people who have been held under the subversion law have been allowed out, said Abdul Haki Garuda Nusantara, director of ELSAM.

But a request for the release of Sri-Bintang Pamungkas, chair of PUDI, has not been granted. In fact,. he has challenged his arrest in court and the case is now being heard. in the South Jakarta district court. Irianto Subiakto was not able to say why Sri-Bintang had not been treated in the same way as the other two. 'Let's hope his release will follow, but the people investigating his case would need to be asked about this.'

Irianto said that Julius and Saleh had not been unconditionally released. They are required to report to the Attorney-General's office every Monday,' said Irianto. 'And whenever they are need for questioning, they will have to present themselves.' The lawyer reckons that if the authorities have seen fit to release Julius and Saleh, then they should also release Sri-Bintang. 'There's no reason for the authorities to keep him in custody now that they have released the others,' he said.

Sri-Bintang has made it known through his brother Ridwan that he is willing to fight on alone should his two colleagues be released.

Head of Public Relations at the Attorney-General's office said the two men had been released because of the progress made in the investigations. 'We consider that it's no longer necessary to hold them, but the case as a whole is still under investigation,' he said. If the two released men fail to comply with the conditions of their release, they will be taken into custody again, he said.

He strongly denied that the releases had anything to do with outside pressure. They were allowed out because we received surety from their lawyers and their families, the official said.

Asked whether the two released men were allowed to issue political statements, the official said that they can do so, provided it's not in contravention of the laws in force.

The two released men told reporters that they were still regarded as suspects and must report every Monday. Asked whether they would still stand by their political position, they told journalists that they certainly would. 'One of the points in our political programme is to press for a rise in wages for civil servants and members of the armed forces from the lowest ranks upwards.' They denied that the decision to release them was part of a strategy to split their party. 'We are not beholden to any outside forces. The unity between depends solely on ourselves,' they said.

East Timor

Referendum: Route to Timor independence without shame

The Nation, Bangkok - April 11, 1997

Jakarta – When thousands of people gathered in Dili on Christmas eve last year to welcome home East Timor Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo from Oslo, where he had been awarded the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize, posters of Xanana Gusmao fluttered from all sections of the crowd.

Xanana, the 49-year-old leader of the pro-independence Fretilin has become a national symbol for the East Timorese struggle. A former seminary student, a teacher and a poet, Xanana spent 17 years leading the armed resistance in the East Timor jungles before he was arrested and imprisoned in 1992.

In the mid-1980s, he became leader of the East Timor national front, representing an alliance of opposition organisations in East Timor which is called the Council of National Resistance of the Maubere (CNRM).

The Indonesian military caught him a few months after the bloody Dili massacre in November 1991 during which more than 200 East Timor pro-independence protesters were gunned down by Indonesian troops.

According to Xanana, the CNRM 1992 Peace Plan sets out a way in which East Timor can gain independence without causing Indonesia "shame."

The London-based Index on Censorhip magazine together with the Jakarta-based Institute for the Studies on Free Flow of Information recently conducted an interview with Xanana. The following are excerpts:

Q: What comments do you have regarding the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Bishop Belo and Jose Ramos Horta?

A: It is perfectly fitting for these two leaders of East Timor to be given the prize. They represent the aspirations of the people who, throughout this prolonged conflict, have craved a true and lasting peace.

Q: What influence will the Nobel Prize have on East Timor?

A: In our struggle, in which the Maubere people are few and lack the strength to oppose the power of a modern military, the moral aspect plays a very important role. Even minor victories encourage the "fighting spirit" which breathes life into the national consciousness of our people. The Nobel Prize is clearly an international acknowledgement of our struggle. Because of that our people see this Nobel Peace Prize as a sign that their sacrifices have not been in vain.

Q: What do you see as the most fundamental problem facing East Timor?

A: The basic problem is that there is no single international solution that is acceptable to all sides. Jakarta always rejects our peace proposals for illogical, and at times, apparently stupid reasons. Human rights violations also continue to be a serious issue, because the most fundamental human rights violation is the violation of the right of our people to decide their own fate. The East Timorese people have never been given the freedom to say freely what they want for their political future. Other problems are consequences of the illegal and criminal military occupation. The problem is not the lack of freedom, but the cause of the lack of freedom.

Q: What role does the Indonesian media have in the struggle in East Timor?

A: What happened to TEMPO, Editor and DeTik weeklies made me understand the situation of the media in Indonesia. The days of professional and independent journalists are gone and all we see now is political subservience. I believe that the journalistic world in Indonesia feels that it has failed to accomplish its mission in society and has besmirched its reputation in the eyes of the world. I have followed the case of TEMPO and, more closely still, the PDI [Indonesian Democratic Party] case. I saw the disappointment of the Media Indonesia [daily] readers when the newspaper was forbidden to write about Megawati Sukarnoputri. The Indonesian press' room for manoeuvre these days is about as wide as my prison cell.

Q: What does the Indonesian government need to do for East Timor?

A: If the Indonesian regime imprisons and tries its Indonesian critics, imprisons and tries people who are attacked, and allows to go free those who cause disturbances and attack and provoke riots, do you really think we can hope for something different or special for East Timor?

Q: What are your suggestions for a solution to the East Timor issue?

A: If you read the CNRM Peace Plan you will see the kind of freedom we want for East Timor. The issue of a referendum is the principal one, and there cannot be at truly just solution if UN norms are not applied. But, supposing the East Timorese people chose integration, there won't be any freedom there if the Indonesian people continue to be oppressed and denied freedom. The referendum must be carried out under the aegis of the UN and international supervision in order to prevent it from becoming a farce, like elections in Indonesia. With the forthcoming elections, for example, the comedy started last year with the ouster of Megawati by that clown Soerjadi, the arrest of the PRD [People's Democratic Party] activists and with the judicial review of unionist Muchtar Pakpahan's case by the prosecutor, and so on.

Q: What are the limits to your freedom at the moment?

A: My freedom is only as limited as my will to struggle.

Q: Is it true that you are forbidden from speaking to the outside world?

A: Yes. The Indonesian government is really afraid of me speaking the truth and explaining to the Indonesian people why the annexation of East Timor is illegal and criminal. What is surprising is that the government knows that what I say will never be published [in Indonesia]. Yet even so they are afraid of me, in the same way that they fear opposition figures like Ali Sadikin, Abdurrahman Wahid, Sri-Bintang Pamungkas, Megawati, George Aditjondro, and all their critics who honestly wish to see political change in this country.

Six killed by resistance in Vikeke

Various - April 10, 1997

According to reports today from AFP (in Jakarta) and Reuter (in Dili), the resistance has killed six and wounded five others in two ambushes in East Timor. The exiled CNRM confirmed the attacks and said the death toll was probably higher, but sources in the Indonesian-occupied territory doubted whether the resistance was involved.

East Timor deputy military chief Col Sukoco said the dead included two regional officials, one the head of Viqueque's district administrative affairs department, Eugenio da Costa, according to the Jakarta Post.

Local sources said da Costa was also local head of Garda Paksi, a military recruited pro-Indonesian youth group that has been involved in many clashes East Timor groups.

Armed attackers shot at a car carrying officials in Viqueque. 'All but one of the six was found dead with bullet wounds,' Sukoco was quoted as saying, adding that the other casualty died from stab wounds on the way to hospital. The other four dead were security guards. Two others in the car were wounded.

A second attack was on a construction firm's lorry later on Monday in the same area. Three people were injured.

A CNRM spokeswoman in Darwin confirmed that two ambushes were carried out Maria Suarez said: 'We are waiting for exact details but when the Indonesian military says that people have died, the numbers are always considerably more than they admit.'

Roving squads of masked men in black have in the past terrorise several towns, targetting pro-independence sympathisers and their families. The source said many people have had to flee towns in the Viqueque district due to terror from the Garda Paksi in the past two months.

In February brawls erupted between Garda Paksi and local youths in Viqueque.

Da Costa had in the past already been the target of several attacks, the Kompas daily quoted the district chief as saying.

According to Reuters, Indonesian soliders are searching for the guerrillas who killed a senior official, an aide and four security guards.

At least another five were injured in the attack and in another ambush near Viqueque on Monday.

'We have launched a search to capture them. Four platoons of troops have been deployed in Viqueque to find the rebels,' one official told Reuters. 'We believe there are fiften of them who conducted the attack and their rifles included M-16s which they stole from military posts.'

Residents said the dead were buried Tuesday.

Antara news agency quoted the survivors as saying they could not recognise the attackers who wore masks.

Troops 'killed 4 protesters'

South China Morning Post - April 11, 1997

Agencies in Dili – Independence leader Jose Ramos Horta said he had evidence troops killed four students who clashed with police in the East Timor capital of Dili last month as they tried to get a petition to a UN special envoy.

The Nobel Peace laureate said two of the four were killed after they later went to Jakarta and broke into the Austrian Embassy in a second attempt to see the envoy, Jamsheed Marker.

He said the two were among 33 East Timorese youths detained for several days after the break-in. They were murdered soon after their release a week ago, he said.

"I have with me photographic evidence of the Indonesian Army's brutality," he said in a speech delivered on his behalf by the Pax Christi non-governmental organisation to the UN Human Rights Commission meeting in Geneva.

"This happened under the nose of the Special Representative of the Secretary- General," said Mr Horta, who left Geneva on Tuesday.

Of the clash at a Dili hotel on March 23, he said: "We now have evidence that [two] students were killed [there] and at least 20 seriously injured." He said he had received a list of 19 people still missing.

Military spokesman Colonel Sutan Iskandar denied the allegations, saying none of the students had been hurt.

Mr Horta said he was confident the 53-member forum would adopt a European Union resolution criticising abuses in the former Portuguese colony annexed in 1976.

Indonesian soldiers were searching for East Timorese guerillas who killed a senior government official, an aide and four security guards in an ambush, military officials said yesterday.

A further five people were wounded in the attack and in another ambush on Monday at a village near Viqueque, 120 kilometres south of Dili.

The military said the attackers belonged to the Fretilin guerilla movement, which seeks independence for East Timor.

25 East Timorese still under custody in Indonesia

Lusa - April 2, 1997

Lisbon – The Indonesian police has still under custody 25 out of the 33 East Timorese students arrested last week after breaking into the Austrian embassy, sources told Lusa.

Sources at the East Timorese resistance, speaking to Lusa on Tuesday, denied the announcement made on Monday by an Austrian diplomat that all the students had been freed, saying that 25 of them were still under custody.

The youths entered the Austrian embassy on March 27 to stage a demonstration in support of East Timor's self-determination right and seek a meeting with the United Nations (UN) envoy visiting Indonesia, Jamsheed Marker.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the UN still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Lisbon has demanded that East Timor be given the right to self- determination.

The UN has sponsored talks between Portugal and Indonesia in the last 15 years but they have failed to produce any results.

Two East Timorese youth activists killed

ASIET - April 5, 1997

ASIET has received the following message (abridged translation) from the East Timorese underground in Java

Statement begins: Suharto regime murders more Maubere people

After 22 years of occupying the East Timorese nation and massacring the Maubere people, the Suharto regime is still not satisfied. The Suharto regime still wants to kill those who oppose Integration. Two of the 33 East Timorese who occupied the Austrian Embassy on 25 March have been killed. They are Zeka (26) and Casimiro (22). After their release, the regime continued to harass the Timorese because they had embarassed the regime in front of Mr Jamsheed Marker from the UN. In the mind of the regime, anti-Integration East Timorese must be wiped out.

But the East Timoree youth are not discouraged by these scarifices. In east Timor, they have tortured 48 of those who demonstrated at the Mahkota Hotel.

They left the Austrian Embassy with the agreement of the Ambassador and the International Red Cross. But on arrival at Metropolitan Police Headquarters they were interrogated for 24 hours and many were tortured.

On March 29, they were released from the police headquarters. Casimiro and Zeka were students from Malang, East Java and so they joined the group that travelled to Jogja [on the way to Malang] after being released.

After one week in Jogja, Zeka and Casimiro left for Malang from Jogja by motor. Government agents in civvies rammed their LAndrover into the two East Timorese killing them both. This occurred at about 3.00am on April 2.

There has been no police action taken on this so East Timorese youth a preparing for an action at East Java police offices.

Jailed protesters may have been beaten, Belo says

Sydney Morning Herald - April 5, 1997

Paul Mcgeough and agencies – Dozens of young East Timorese detained since the military broke up a peaceful demonstration in Dili two weeks ago are still in prison, some showing clear signs of being beaten by their captors, the Most Rev Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo says.

After visiting the Dili prison where the protesters were held yesterday morning, the outspoken bishop, a co-winner of last year's Nobel Peace Prize, said that all but six of the prisoners had been removed to the provincial police headquarters - apparently for further interrogation.

"So I wasn't able to see them," Bishop Belo said.

"But the faces of some that I did see were injured as if they had been beaten."

Trouble erupted at the Mahkota Hotel, on Dili's waterfront, on March 23 when about 50 young protesters entered the hotel, seeking to give a message to Mr Jamsheed Marker, the personal envoy in East Timor of the United Nations Secretary General, Mr Kofi Annan.

Independence activists accused the Indonesian military of firing live rounds and using bayonets on the protesters. Police said the demonstrators had injured themselves breaking hotel windows.

Forty-eight people were arrested following the protest, police said. Later they said only 24 remained in custody.

Church sources expressed concern over the fate of two women who were arrested and were later seen apparently beaten and with their clothes dishevelled.

Mr Marker, who was on a three-day visit to East Timor, did not meet the protesters but when he returned to Jakarta last week 33 East Timorese broke into the Austrian Embassy demanding to meet him.

Three were allowed to do so, giving him a petition calling for the release of all East Timorese political prisoners as well as "the participation of real representatives of the Timorese people" in tripartite talks on the fate of East Timor between Indonesia, the UN and Portugal.

In Washington on Thursday President Bill Clinton reiterated US concerns over human rights abuses in East Timor in talks with Portugal's Prime Minister, Mr Antonio Guterres.

May 29 elections

Gianyar PDI Secretariat besieged by pro-Megawati supporters

Bali Post - 12 April, 1997

Gianyar – Scores of pro-Megawati PDI supporters in Gianyar besieged the pro-Soerjadi Secretariat during a protest on Friday (11/4). Wearing religious attire they drove around the offices on motorbikes and protested, refusing to accept the existence of [Soerjadi's] version of the congress.

An uproar broke out when the head of the pro-Soerjadi secretariat, Wayan Mastra, came out to face the crowd when his foot was run over by a motorbike. Fortunately, scores of security personnel are still guarding the front of the offices in the hope that the action would not spread.

After yelling protests, the demonstrators moved of and sat along the side of a street not far from the offices. "We are waiting for our friends from Denpaser [the capital of Bali] who will pray at the Lempuyang [temple]", said one of the pro-Mega PDI cadre. Not long after, they left in an Easterly director towards the pro-Megawati "secretariat".

A pro-Megawati PDI figure, AA Tranggono, said the demonstrators considered the formation of the PDI resulting from the [Medan] congress lead by Soerjadi and being illegitimate. "We don't want them here", said one PDI leader. According to Tranggono, "This demonstration is proof that the masses do not support the pro- Soerjadi PDI".

They later formed a convoy of vehicles and traveled though the Gianyar district towards the Lempuyang temple, Karangasem. Police monitoring the procession said they were taking no special precautions.

[Abridged translation from Bali Post - James Balowski]

Boycott is our only real choice, say frustrated students

Sydney Morning Herald - April 5, 1997

The Government seems to be widening its crackdown on political dissent but students argue that this tactic will simply cripple the next generation of leaders, writes LOUISE WILLIAMS from Yogyakarta, central Java.

Around a grubby cafeteria table a group of students are debating their first opportunity to vote in the upcoming national elections. The most useful choice they can make, they conclude, is to throw their vote away. Instead, they say, they will hold a mock election on their campus in the central Javanese city of Yogyakarta to criticise the Soeharto Government's electoral process, which ensures victory for the ruling Golkar group and offers little in the way of alternative candidates.

For two days this week hundreds of students breached a government ban on pre- election rallies to express their support for opposition leader, Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri (pictured), who has been banned from contesting the elections. At least five students were beaten unconscious in battles with police, scores arrested and eight charged with inciting the public not to vote.

"I don't want to vote because it is of no use. Most of the students will boycott the elections," said one young man. "It is only a short-term solution, but it is an expression of frustration. The gap between what the Government says about the role of the young generation and the reality is huge."

Political restrictions on students, they said, have crippled the next generation of leaders by limiting any useful public debate or acknowledgment of social problems. At the same time, they complained, school students are recruited to campaign for the ruling Golkar party.

"In Indonesia the reality is corruption and abuse of power in our political system. We don't know this from reading the papers, but we know it from our daily life," the student said.

A recent survey in the prosperous town of Malang in east Java found over 95 per cent of young people did not intend to vote in the May national elections. A similar survey on campus in Yogyakarta found at least 60 per cent of students would boycott the elections. With about 15 million young people qualifying to vote for the first time this year the potential boycott, or "golput" vote, is being seen as the only available measure of frustration within Indonesian society.

The conspiratorial tones around the cafeteria table do not exaggerate the political environment in which the "golput" campaign is being discussed. President Soeharto has already warned that he will crack down on anyone calling for a boycott and one prominent anti-government activist was charged with subversion earlier this month after sending out greeting cards with the message not to vote.

"The problem for young people is they have no opportunity to participate in this system. Our elders want to stay in power but we need some experience in politics for the future," said another student.

They are earnestly debating the ills of modern Indonesia: corruption, abuse of power, violence. The system they are criticising does not allow them to make such statements outside the campus.

The students of this university, in particular, know first hand the limits of tolerance of the Soeharto regime. From this campus came the illegal anti-Government party, the People's Democratic Party (PRD). Its leader, former student Budiman Sujatmiko, is facing sedition charges carrying a maximum penalty of death, and scores of his contemporaries are in jail.

"We have to be more careful now, we have to have a lot of secret student activities," said one of the group. The students' point is clear: unless such deep-seated problems as mob violence, religious and ethnic riots and government corruption can be discussed openly the potentially explosive frustration within Indonesian society will continue to grow. They also say that as future professionals they will be unprepared for globalisation and free trade in the next century without free discussion. The Government, however, is approaching the problems from the opposite direction, widening the crackdown on political dissent.

Social urest

Physical fight between PDI cadre

Kompas - 11 April, 1997

Palembang – The 24 anniversary held on the grounds of the headquarters of the South Sumatra PDI offices on Wednesday (9/4), became a physical confrontation between pro-Megawati and pro- Soerjadi cadre.

The fight involving almost 250 people resulted in two being reported seriously injured by knife wounds, Makmur (28) and Mustar (35). Security forces were able to prevent the fight from spreading further. Security forces also secured a 30cm Golok (traditional knife). One pro-Megawati cadre, Nen bin Konidin (34) was taken in for questioning.

According to a Kompas source, the celebration organised by the pro-Soerjadi leadership began smoothly then suddenly, at around 12 noon, three bus loads of pro- Megawati PDI cadre from Pelembang arrived. On arriving, around 50 pro-Megawati cadre overturned seats and stood on the podium. After that the fight broke out.

When contacted, Pelembang police chief, Drs R Abubakar Nataprawira confirmed the incident. "A PDI pro-Megawati cadre is currently being questioned. One Golok has been seized as proof", he said.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - James Balowski]

Wonosobo and Banjarnegara struck by unrest

Republika - April 10, 1997

Parts of Central Java appear to be turning into a battleground between GOLKAR and the PPP. These clashes, now being fought out in several towns in the north of the province which are all regarded as PPP strongholds, are a portent of something far more damaging than the 'war of colours' that erupted between PPP supporters and local officials/GOLKAR in Solo and spread elsewhere.]

The districts of Wonosobo and Banjarnegara were struck by riots on Wednesday 9 April. Many vehicles were destroyed and three village administration offices attacked. It would appear that the clashes are the result of the same conflict that erupted in Pekalongan, namely rivalry between two of the contesting parties (not mentioned here, but clearly meaning GOLKAR and the PPP). Police chiefs in Banyumas and Wonosobo said the riots were on a small scale but admitted that police backed up by army units are keeping watch over areas though to be explosive.

The trouble in Wonosobo erupted after a local celebration of the PPP's 24th anniversary when some people started attacking the local administration office. They arrived in trucks and on motorbikes and pulled down the GOLKAR flag. This inflamed passions on the other side. Dozens of homes in the village of Bendungan and a prayer house were attacked. Almost all shops in Wonosobo remained closed.

Huge crowds of people who had attended a 24th anniversary event caused trouble in Banjarnegara. Thousands of people on trucks and motorbikes were able to break through barricades set up by the security forces which tried to prevent the masses from entering the town. Clashes broke out between the crowds and the security forces.

In an attempt to prevent the trouble from spread even further, police set up blocks on the road to Semarang (the provincial capital) through Klampok, Banjarnegara and Wonosobo. Buses were unable to complete their routes because of the road closures.

Later police claimed the situation was under control and traffic between Purwokerto and Wonosobo was now flowing normally again.

Trouble is Brewing in Aceh

Asiaweek - April 9, 1997

Keith Loveard – When armed men robbed a bank in the northern town of Lhokseumawe earlier this year, Indonesia's top brass noticed. Not because the men escaped with $172,000. Nor because they killed two people and wounded three military police. Rather, the generals suspected this was no ordinary heist but the work of Acehnese separatists. Subsequent investigation, said the military, netted 68 rifles, a handgun and a grenade launcher. Apparently the Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh) movement was back in business.

Before you could say stick em up, soldiers in the far northwestern state of Aceh were on high alert. According to the Jakarta newsmagazine Gatra, military posts appeared along the highway from Medan to Banda Aceh (see map). Soldiers stopped all vehicles and checked identity cards. Since then, at least 14 people have been arrested, and Aceh has emerged as yet another hotspot of Indonesian unrest. In the last year violence has convulsed Central and Western Java, West Kalimantan, East Timor and Irian Jaya. As elsewhere, the Aceh tension is fueled by economic and ethnic factors. Many Acehnese villagers believe the majority Javanese are stealing their jobs.

This kind of thinking is nothing new, of course. For the past 20 years central authorities and multinationals have grown rich from the provinces abundant natural resources – the Arun natural gas field being a notable example. Acehnese say there has been precious little trickle-down from the Mobil- run project and others like it, a claim some officials find hard to rebut. The Acehnese want a piece of the action and have suggested the creation of a separate state – an idea several economists deem viable. Jakarta wont have it, and that is what led to an uprising in the late 1980s. It burned brightly until 1991, when the army brutally suppressed it.

Perhaps as many as 3,000 people died during the crackdown. Villagers watched military operatives drag suspected Aceh Merdeka operatives from their houses in the middle of the night. Many were never seen again. Legal Aid workers spoke of rotting corpses floating down rivers, of bodies flung from helicopters into villages. Many people who were arrested later appeared in court with crippling injuries, said one lawyer. Some were never heard of again. Now human-rights activists worry that the military is planning a reprise.

Subduing the Acehnese is famously onerous. They kept the Dutch at bay until the 1900s, long after the rest of the archipelago had been subdued. Todays rebels apparently have support in other countries, including Libya. And some Malaysians, especially those in the conservative northern states of Kedah, Perlis and Kelantan, at least lend a sympathetic ear to the grievances of their deeply religious Acehnese neighbors. Many Acehnese live and work – some legally, some not – in Malaysia, and the peoples of Kedah and Aceh have been friendly for centuries. There have been unsubstantiated reports that supplies for Aceh dissidents are channeled through underground Acehnese contacts in Kedah, and even that supporters of Free Aceh have – after training overseas – returned home illegally via northern Malaysia.

The situation is ticklish for Kuala Lumpur. ASEAN nations are bound to stay clear of one anothers domestic affairs. Malaysia publicly condemns talk of a free Aceh, and some allege PM Mahathir Mohamad promised President Suharto last year to crack down on illegal Acehnese immigrants. In recent months, Malaysia has campaigned to get all foreign workers to register; some say the move was aimed at Acehnese. A number of them descended on foreign missions in protest; eight are still camped out at the Swiss and Dutch embassies in Kuala Lumpur.

The Acehnese can expect no more sympathy from Jakarta this time than before. Maj.- Gen. Prabowo Subianto commanded the unit that led the last assault against the rebels. He is unconvinced that more economic opportunities will curb demand for a separate state. We have to do more in bringing economic development to all parts of our country, he says. But if you talk about us negotiating with people who have opted for a violent course, it is very difficult. As the Dutch found out, the Acehnese will not go quietly.

Party rivalry sparks new wave of rioting

South China Morning Post - April 9, 1997

Jenny Grant and Agencies in Jakarta – Troops were called out in the town of Pekalongan yesterday as political violence flared again.

"Armed soldiers are stationed in the town. Many shops are closed today because the owners are afraid of fresh violence," said one resident.

Hundreds of people, apparently supporters of the Muslim-oriented United Development Party (PPP), attacked a housing estate mostly inhabited by civil servants late on Monday night.

Civil servants usually support the ruling Golkar party.

"A number of motorcycles were burned, but there were no reports of injuries or arrests," said another resident.

Yesterday the PPP accused Golkar of provoking unrest as part of a strategy to win back two seats it lost to the PPP at the last elections.

"Pekalongan and Pasuruan are strongholds of the PPP. With Golkar bringing preachers and popular singers to those areas, it is provoking the sympathies of PPP members," said Hadimulyo, a PPP executive.

The PPP clinched between 43 and 45 per cent of the votes in Pekalongan, Central Java and Pasuruan, East Java, in the 1992 elections.

Riots have rocked Pekalongan, 300 kilometres east of Jakarta, four times in the past two weeks.

The unrest was sparked two weeks ago when Golkar cadres tore down the green flags of the PPP before a Golkar-sponsored pop concert and replaced them with yellow flags.

On Sunday, hundreds of Muslims returning from an evening prayer session in Pekalongan burned motorcycles, ransacked factories and tore down Golkar flags. Riots have also hit the Central Java towns of Rembang and Temanggung, motivated by similar inter-party tensions.

In Rembang a group of locals, thought to be Golkar supporters, destroyed the stage at a PPP anniversary celebration in apparent retaliation for a Golkar stage burning in Pekalongan.

Chinese man jailed for race riot

South China Morning Post - April 9, 1997

An ethnic Chinese man has been jailed for 3.5 years for triggering a race riot in West Java. Tjio Kim Tjang, 55, was convicted of spreading hatred against a certain group in Rengasdengklok by submitting them to humiliating acts.

Thousands of people burned and damaged scores of shops, banks and other buildings - most of them owned by ethnic Chinese - in January. At the time, it was rumoured the violence was sparked by a Chinese Christian who complained of Muslims' Ramadan prayers being too loud.

The trial of 35 youths for alleged involvement in the riot will begin soon, officials have said.

Fresh Clashes between Party Supporters

Straits Times - April 9, 1997

Susan Sim, Semarang – Troops were called out to guard a housing estate in the coastal city of Pekalongan yesterday following fresh clashes between supporters of rival political parties.

Seven houses were damaged when about 100 youths went on a rampage in the Tina Griya housing estate late on Monday night, a resident of an Islamic boarding school in the area told The Straits Times.

"I don't know who they are. They could have been from Golkar or the United Development Party," he said.

More than 100 soldiers were now guarding the estate, while many residents had fled, he said.

Most of the residents were civil servants, who by tradition are supporters of ruling party Golkar. Their attackers were re- portedly from the Muslim-based PPP, which considers the city of 125,000 people its stronghold. The clash on Monday night, the latest in a series of politically- motivated violence in the past 10 days, left other residents in the batik-producing city, about 65 km from here, feeling tense.

Although no troops were deployed in the city itself as police insisted that the situation was secure, some residents said they were still afraid.

Many left work early yesterday and returned home.

Meanwhile, the authorities described a riot in the early hours of last Sunday here as a "misunderstanding". Hundreds of PPP supporters had attacked several shops in the Buaran district and torched 15 vehicles.

"Seven rioters were arrested but only two of them will be taken to court," Pekalongan police chief Colonel Solichin was quoted by The Jakarta Post as saying.

Thirty people are presently serving jail terms for damaging and vandalising 60 buildings, mostly owned by local ethnic Chinese, after thousands of PPP supporters went on the rampage, angered by the removal of their party banners by Golkar supporters.

Over the weekend, clashes were also reported in two other Central Java towns. Youths from Golkar and PPP fought in Temanggung, some 65 km south of Semarang, late on Sunday afternoon, a resident told The Straits Times.

Formerly a PPP stronghold, the tobacco-producing town crossed over to Golkar in the last general election and yellow Golkar banners now hang in every available space.

Reports said seven motorcycles, one car and a house were damaged, but calm was restored quickly.

In Rembang, 150 km east of Semarang, riots broke out after Golkar supporters torched a stage to be used for a religious sermon to com- memorate the PPP's 24th anniversary. One PPP supporter was stabbed during the violence.

Over the past few months, sporadic violence has broken out in several areas in Java. Several major riots in Situbondo, Tasikmalaya and Rengasdengklok last year and early this year also claimed several lives and billions in damage.

Labour issues

PT RSI workers complain to parliament and Komnas HAM

Republika - April 8, 1997

Surabaya – A strike by around 2,000 workers from PT Ria Star Indonesia (RSI) Surabaya [East Java] followed a confrontation with security forces. As a result, 11 people suffered serious wounds to the head, stomach and chest, legs and arms because they were beaten by security personnel.

The violent actions by security personnel, also caused two worker to fall unconscious. Yesterday (7/4), around 100 representatives complained to the local Parliament of East Java and the National Human Rights Commission.

In their complaint, the workers also asked after the fate of Ido (23) who was detained by the local police. "We have also been prohibited from visiting Ido", said a worker.

The strike action was continued on Wednesday (2/5) last week. They demanded transport and food allowance which were provided before the increase in the regional minimum wage based upon the length of time they had worked.

The battle between workers and security forces began when the strike entered it's forth day on Saturday (5/4). Since morning, the strike had been restricted to the factory grounds but then it spilled out to the main streets. As a result traffic along Jl Kalirungkut was blocked.

In the report to the local Parliament and the National Human Rights Commission, the workers mentioned four who were abused: Waluyo, Joko Leluno, Zaenuri and Didik. Of the four, most of them were women.

PT RSI until yesterday was still unable to continue production and gave a final limit to worker to return to work by Monday (7/4).

[Abridged translation from Republika. It is worth noting that although this "confrontation" is far more violent than other recent cases, over the last two weeks there has been a significant increase in the number of strike actions reported in the Indonesian media. In most cases this has been over the failure of companies to pay the government's 10% minimum wage increase announced last year which now coming into effect. Some 129 companies recently sought official exception from the new wage levels - James Balowski]

Politics

Soeharto often falls asleep in Cabinet meetings

SiaR - April 9, 1997

Jakarta – President Soeharto's health has been an issue in the foreign media all week. It was reported that Suharto (77) suffered a mild stroke on April 1. This report was denied by Foreign Minister Ali Alatas as nonsense.

The issue of the health of a state leader who has ruled for a long period frequently becomes the focus of discussion. For example, the death of Deng Xiao Ping, who ruled from behind the scenes in China, was reported several times. This was preceded by frequent reports in the foreign media of his worsening health.

Information collated by SiaR from around Bina Graha [State Secretariat of the President] is that Soeharto is more and more losing it. According to one Minsiter, Soeharto often falls asleep while leading Cabinet meetings. He often becomes angry without any apparent reason..

In a recent meeting of the 27 provincial governors, Soeharto lost his temper. But he wasn't angry with any of the governors but with Soebadio Sastrosatomo, a figure from the Indoensian Socialist Party (PSI) [banned since 1960 - Ed.], who - of course - was not at the meeting. While slaming down the former PSI General Secretary's new book "New Era, New Leadership: Badio Rejects the New Order's Manipulations", Soeharto said that PSI figures were misbehaving. According to the information obtained by SiaR, Soeharto mentioned the names of Soemitro Djojohadikusumo [businessman, former Soeharto cabinet minister], father of Major General Prabowo Subianto who is Suharto's own son-in- law. Sumitro was indeed a leader of the PSI and of the attempts to establish a Provisional Revolutionary Government of Indonesia - PRRI. {SEE NOTE BELOW}.

The statement by Soeharto startled all the Governors and other high officials at the meeting. It is also reported that this statement reached the ears of Major-General Prabowo who felt very ill at ease about it.

Another figure who has been the subject of Soeharto's wrath in "public" is Minister for Technology and Research, BJ Habibie, who is also the head of ICMI (Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals Association).

In a meeting of the Finance and Economy Committee of the Cabinet, Habibie interrupted Agriculture Minister Sjarifudin Baharsjah. who was proposing that the government import fishing boats. Habibie, who is head of the state shipping company (PAL), interrupted to say that PAL could supply the fishing boats. Either because he was annoyed at the interruption or because he was annoyed with Habibie about the case of Amin Rais, the head of the ICMI Experts Council (SEE NOTE BELOW), Soeharto lost his temper. "You do not need to interefre in this. Just you carry out your duties. Where are results from PAL?"

Many commentators are also citing Soeharto's decision to ask Minister Hayona Isman to organise a seminar on former President Soekarno's last formal accounting in a speech called Nawaksara to the Peoples Consultative Assembly, which the Assembly rejected. This began the New Order period. Commentators point out that such a seminar would also remind people that what happened to Sukarno could also happen to Soeharto himself. The aim of the seminar was to refute the idea that Suharto carried out a coup against Sukarno, but some commentators are saying that the actual effect could be to boomerang on him.

"He is providing a symbol or sign that he thinks his fall is soon. When the intention was exactly the opposite," said one figure who lead student demonstrations at the time Sukarno read out his accounting to the parliament. [The seminar has since been cancelled. - Ed]

SiaR is an alternative Indonesian language news service issued on the email by independent journalists.

Notes:

[The PSI was banned by former President Sukarno when it refused to disassociate itself from the armed rebellion which attempted to set up the PRRI and which was backed by ultra-rightist military forces that were being supplied by the United States. The PSI was an ally of Soeharto and the Armed Forces in 1965 when Soeharto moved to get rid of President Sukarno. Soeharto gradually pushed the PSI out of the ruling cirlces and many PSI figures became behind the scenes opponents of Soeharto. - Ed]