Palembang – Two Hawk-200 aircraft purchased from the UK will arrive in Indonesia on Friday 21 March, completing the supply of 24 Hawk 200/100 contract. The other 22 are now at Ppekanbaru airbase.

Commander of the Operational Command, Vice Marshall Purnomo Sidhi told journalists in Palembang that the 24 Hawk aircraft now in Pekanbaru represent the first installment of aircraft purchased from the UK, to beef up Indonesia's defence system.

He said that Indonesia actually needs a large number of aircraft to safeguard its huge airspace but this must conform with budgetary possibilities. Asked about the purchase of F-16s, the commander said this was a matter for the supplier. Indonesia is keen to purchase the aircraft and agreement was already reached long ago.

He said investigations were underway into the crash of an F-16 in which the pilot was killed. The weather was certainly a reason as the plane was trying to land in thick fog.

He was speaking after the appointment of a new commander of the Palembang airbase. The commander should ensure effective combination between tactical and strategic operations and establish close relations with the local government and society, he said. This cooperation would ensure that the base should take a full part in national duties including safeguarding security during the forthcoming elections. The commander said his command and indeed the entire air force were well prepared to safeguard the elections and the MPR session in 1998 and would be taking part in a parade of all forces in preparation for the May elections, due to be held at Perdanakusuma Airfield on 26 March, with General Feisal Tanjung as Inspector of Ceremony.

UK academic course for Indonesian officers scrapped

Tapol - 21 March, 1997

A special course for senior Indonesian army officers planned by the Centre for Defence Studies of Kings College, London, has been scrapped following a wave of criticism within Kings College, from human rights organisations and in Parliament. An official announcement from the CDS is expected on Monday.

On hearing of the decision not to go ahead, Carmel Budiardjo of TAPOL said: 'This is a victory for the solidarity movement for Indonesia and East Timor here in the UK. In even contemplating such a link with the Indonesian armed forces, the CDS displayed an abysmal lack of knowledge about the true character of Suharto's brutal regime and the repressive nature of the Indonesian armed forces. It underestimated the strength of feeling here in this country about the present situation in Indonesia and East Timor.'

The project was to have involved six-week courses in Indonesia for fifty armed forces officers for five years, commencing in the summer of 1997. It was negotiated with Suharto's son-in-law Major-General Prabowo Subianto, commander of Indonesia's special combat unit, Kopassus, in close association with the Ministry of Defence. The fact that all communications would have been channelled through the British embassy in Jakarta highlights the role of the British Government in sponsoring the programme.

Within days of hearing about the project, many members of staff and a large number of students at Kings College made clear their objection to such a link with Indonesia, while academics elsewhere called on the Association of University Teachers to halt the scheme. Nearly fifty members of Parliament signed a motion of protest.

Arms sales to Indonesia to face unprecedented court challenge On Tuesday, 25 March, TAPOL along with Campaign Against Arms Trade and the World Development Movement will be going to the High Court in London to seek leave for a Judicial Review of the British Government's decision to licence more than 350 armoured vehicles and water cannon for Indonesia. If granted, the full hearing is likely to take place within a month. This is the first time for Britain's arms export policy to be challenged in court.

US Congressman proposes cut in aid to Indonesia

Lusa - 20 March, 1997

Washington – The US Democrat Congressman, Patrick Kennedy, has proposed to the US Congress the cut of military aid to Indonesia included in the 1997 budget.

The proposal presented on Wednesday would cut an estimated US$26 million-military aid to Indonesia provided annually by Washington, unless Jakarta improves its human rights records.

Besides Kennedy, the president of the International Affairs Committee of the US Congress, Republican Benjamin Gilman, Democrats Tom Lantos, Howard Berman, Lane Evans, Joseph Kennedy, Barney Frank, and Republicans Christopher Smith and John Edward Porter subscribed the proposal Several international human rights organisations have accused Indonesia of committing continuing human rights violations, especially in East Timor.

Kennedy has been an active defensor of the East Timor cause.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Lisbon demands East Timor to be given the right to self-determination.

Indonesia not 'concerned' to US proposal to stop aid

Lusa - 19 March, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian Army is not "concern" with the US proposal to stop aid to the country because of its human rights violations, military sources in the Indonesian capital Jakarta have said.

The spokesman for the Indonesian Army, colonel Sutan Iskanda, said on Tuesday that "we (Army) are not perturbed or affected by the proposal by the US congressman Patrick Kennedy to withdraw from the US budget this year the aid to Indonesia".

The US has allocated in the budget this year US$4.5 million in aid to Indonesia, with US$100,000 expected to be aimed at military training.

Kennedy made the proposal after visiting East Timor in 1996.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Indonesia has been accused by international watchdogs for commiting extensive human rights violations in East Timor.

Indonesian military criticises move to cut American military aid

RA - 18 March, 1997

The Indonesian military has criticised a move in the United States Congress to cut off an estimated 26-million dollars in military aid because of Indonesia's human rights record, particularly in East Timor.

A military spokesman, Colonel Sutan Iskandar, said Indonesia was NOT impressed by the move, being sponsored by a Republican Party Congressman, Patrick Kennedy.

He said Mr. Kennedy had become an overnight expert on East Timor, after a two-day visit to the province last year.

His comments came as a senior United States government official with responsibility for human rights issues prepared for a visit to East Timor, either tomorrow or Thursday.

The American Embassy in Jakarta said Under-Secretary of State, John Shattuk, had already met members of Indonesia's National Commission on Human Rights to discuss the situation in East Timor.

Mr. Shattuck's visit is being kept low-key, and his arrival in Indonesia on Sunday was NOT even revealed until today.

A plan to train overseas senior army officers have fallen foul of human

The Guardian - 18 March, 1997

Peter Kingston – A London university research centre's controversial plan to train senior Indonesian army senior Indonesian army officers is likely to be shelved this week because of the storm of protest it provoked after it was revealed in The Guardian.

The Centre for Defence Studies (CDS) at King's College, London, is expected to suspend the deal to organise a summer school for 50 officers, entirely funded by the Indonesian government. The project, which also involved the University of Hull and the Royal Military College of Science, Shrivenham, would have involved an annual six-week seminar in Indonesia for up to five years covering "military, defence and security issues".

Human rights activists who keep tabs on Indonesia's human rights record, particularly in East Timor, expressed dismay at the project, which was instigated by MajorGeneral Prabowo Subianto, sonin-law of President Suharto, Indonesia's ageing dictator.

Gen Prabowo heads Kopassus, the army's special forces and reputed to be the most ruthless of the special units used in counter-insurgency operations. The CDS's honorary director, Professor Lawrence Freedman, said that although he still thought the scheme "a good idea" he would not be recommending it to Thursday's meeting of the board chaired by John Garnett, professor of international relations at University College of Wales, Aberystwyth. This means effectively that it cannot go ahead this year but he was not ruling it out at some future date. He said the CDS had expected the income barely to cover estimated costs of =A3100,000 for running the course each year.

"The recommendation that we will put is that we are not ready to do this at the moment," he said. "We always recognised that to do it we would have to have some understanding and support from interested non-governmental organisations."

The centre had been impressed by a course on the laws of warfare that the International Red Cross recently launched for military officers in Indonesia. But the publicity from the article, by John Gittings, The Guardian's Asia specialist and leader writer, had "made it impossible to get any public sympathy from NGOs it just poisoned the atmosphere," he said. "The issue this raises is whether or not it is possible to talk to military officers about political, ethical as well as military issues without appearing to support the regime of which they are part."

Professor Freedman said the centre "saw an opportunity to influence Indonesian officers in useful ways by introducing them to the concepts of civilian/military relations, human rights, and democratisation. "This was presented as if we had sold our soul to the devil."

The centre's work inevitably put researchers in touch with regimes they did not necessarily care for, he said. For instance, there had been projects with the former USSR and South Africa before the elections. "Our view is that as long as we are in control of what we are saying, we'll keep on talking." The project's executive director, Chris Smith, had earlier told The Guardian that CDS had "full control" over the curriculum, which would include courses on human rights, international law, contemporary security and South-east Asian issues.

Gen Prabowo, who discussed the project during a private visit to Britain late last year, played an influential role in last year's army-inspired crackdown on the Democratic Party of Indonesia.

Ms Carmel Budiardjo, founder of Tapol, the London-based Indonesian human rights campaign, had described the project as "a new example of the cosy arrangement between the British Government and the Indonesian armed forces". This was utterly rejected by Professor Freedman, who said: "Decisions on the project were entirely our own."

Mr Gittings said: "The fact that the initiative came not just from the Indonesian armed forces but from the son-in-law of President Suharto and commander of the 'red berets' should have set alarm bells ringing from the start.

"Of course they would be happy to consent to a few lectures on human rights for window~dressing... King's College hoped to exert a 'positive influence' on the generals, but they would have used the project to learn how to present a better image abroad.

"There was also the amazing requirement that all communication between the British academics and the Indonesian generals should be channeled through the British defence attache in Jakarta. "It's excellent news if the Centre for Defence Studies has now realised what a dubious idea it is to run courses for killers."

[Note: Opposition to this project exploded, coming from all directions, professors, staff as well as students, the campus branch of the trade union, Unison, the London Students Union, from a number of branches of the Association of University Teachers, and from MPs in the House of Commons. Students in Hull have also raised the issue there. This is symptomatic of a change in attitudes towards Indonesia, a growing awareness in the UK of the true nature of the regime. Jakarta may see this as a campaign 'masterminded' by TAPOL. In fact, there was little for us to do, except for providing information. The thing just took off and created its own momentum.]

East Timor

Torture persists despite growing concern: bishop

South China Morning Post - March 22, 1997

Joe Leahy, Dili – Nobel Peace Prize winner Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo said yesterday human rights abuses were continuing in East Timor despite renewed international concern over problems in the former Portuguese colony.

Asked about the status of human rights in East Timor since he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in October, Bishop Belo said: "It's not very good."

"The people are still being tortured so I'm not very happy with it," he said in Dili, the capital of East Timor.

Human rights groups claim extrajudicial arrests and murders have continued unchecked in the province, invaded by Indonesian troops in 1975 and annexed the following year, a move the United Nations has never recognised.

Reports quote the Australia-based East Timor Human Rights Centre, which is chaired by Melbourne's Catholic Auxiliary Bishop Hilton Deakin, as saying earlier this month that 24 East Timorese were killed by security forces and 381 arrested last year.

In one of the latest crackdowns, security forces rounded up more than 15 East Timorese men following the death of a plainclothes soldier outside Dili's cathedral on Christmas Eve last year.

The centre also said it had received reliable reports that security personnel were responsible for the deaths of four East Timorese men in the Manatuto district west of Dili in October.

The Government has said the territory's armed separatist movement, Fretilin, killed the men.

Bishop Belo yesterday also called on the Government to pay heed to a statement by the Pope this week calling for an internationally acceptable solution to East Timor's problems.

"The statement is very good and I think the Indonesian Government should put this into practice," Bishop Belo said. "The Government must receive it because this is the reality."

In his statement, read at the installation of the Bishop of Baucau, Basilio do Nascimento, on Wednesday, the Pope said the East Timorese were awaiting "a response to their legitimate aspirations to see recognised their specific culture and religious identity".

He said the Holy See followed events in the territory with concern and wanted a solution acceptable to all.

Bishop do Nascimento, an East Timorese, is the head of East Timor's newly formed ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the diocese of Baucau. Bishop Belo is the apostolic administrator of the Dili diocese.

US human rights official meets community leaders in East Timor

Agence France Presse - March 22, 1997

Linawati Sidarto, Dili – A senior US government human rights official met with community leaders on the second day of a fact-finding visit to the troubled territory of East Timor on Friday.

John Shattuck, assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labour, met with the chairman of East Timor's Action for Development and Progress Foundation, Florentino Sarmento, and the rector of the Universitas Timor Timur, Armindo Maia.

After the separate meetings, both men declined to give details on the talks other than it was a "good meeting."

"It was open and sincere and we discussed a lot of issues," said Sarmento who is widely respected as a community leader in East Timor.

Maia said that "human rights was not the only issue that we discussed," but declined to elaborate further.

Shattuck, who made no comment after each meeting, is scheduled to wind up his 24-hour visit to East Timor later Friday.

Embassy sources said that he was also scheduled to meet with representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Dili before leaving town.

On Thursday Shattuck met with East Timor Governor Abilio Jose Osorio Soares, the head of the military command in East Timor Colonel Mahidin Simbolon and 1996 Nobel peace prize recipient, Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo. Belo Friday declined comment on his talks with Shattuck.

However, he said that the human rights situation in East Timor, annexed by Indonesia more than 20 years ago, as "not very good, people still get tortured, so I am not very happy."

The outspoken Belo, has often angered Jakarta by his comments on human rights violations in East Timor.

Jakarta annexed the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1976 a year after invading it in a move never recognized by the United Nations or most countries, including the United States.

Shattuck's office in January released its annual human rights report that was severely critical of human rights violations in Indonesia, including in East Timor.

Indonesian authorities have dismissed criticism of human rights violations in the country, saying it is an internal matter. The strong military presence in East Timor has long been criticized for frequent human rights abuses.

Belo hailed Pope John Paul II's speech for the inauguration of East Timor's second bishop in Baucau on Wednesday as "very good.'

"I hope the Indonesian government puts this into practice," Belo said.

In his written speech, the pope said that "The Holy See, together with the international community, hopes that a prompt and truly just, globally and internationally accepted solution will be found for the painful and complex question of East Timor."

He also said that "in the midst of considerable tension, the people (of East Timor) await the response for their legitimate aspiration to see recognition for their specific cultural and religious identity."

Most of the 800,000 population of East Timor is Roman Catholic. Indonesia is overwhelmingly Moslem. East Timor was a Portuguese colony for over 450 years while Indonesia was under the Dutch for some 350 years.

"The United States wishes to help Indonesian in reaching a settlement to the problem of East Timor," East Timor's government spokesman Expedito Dias Ximenes was quoted by the official Antara news agency as saying after the meeting between Soares and Shattuck.

Ximenes said that Washington "will forward the information obtained (by Shattuck) during his two-day visit to this area to the UN secretary general."

"The purpose of the trip is to emphasize the importance that the US places on the positive discussions under the auspices of the UN secretary general on the issue of East Timor," Shattuck said Thursday shortly after his arrival here.

He also said that the issue of human rights was "one of the issues on my agenda."

The UN secretary general has since 1983 sponsored dialogues to seek a solution to the problem of East Timor, between Indonesia and Portugal. Lisbon severed ties with Jakarta shortly after the latter sent its troops to East Timor in 1975.

East Timor Laureate won't see U.N.

Associated Press - March 20, 1997

Alexander G. Higgins, Geneva – Nobel Peace laureate Jose Ramos-Horta rejected an opportunity Thursday to appear before the U.N. Human Rights Commission to champion East Timor's cause, accusing Indonesia of meddling.

Ramos-Horta talked to reporters after it became clear that Indonesia, which seized East Timor in 1975, had succeeded in blocking him from speaking at the main podium usually reserved for featured speakers to the 53-nation commission. Indonesia reportedly was concerned that he would use his time to attack the country.

Miroslav Somol of the Czech Republic, who chairs the commission, told reporters "unfortunately, it is out of the question" for Ramos-Horta to speak at the main podium.

"It is a very sensitive issue for some delegations," Somol said. "There is not and will be no consensus."

Ramos-Horta said even if he had received an invitation to speak to the commission, he would have preferred to speak from the back of the assembly hall, which is reserved for non-governmental human rights organizations.

Otherwise, Ramos-Horta said, he might find himself mixed in with some governments "that do not give me any comfort."

He said he was still negotiating to make sure his "right to speak in the commission is not curtailed by dictators."

His main message is that the people of East Timor should be accorded self-determination and should be allowed to decide in a referendum whether they want to be independent.

Ramos-Horta shared the 1996 Nobel prize with Roman Catholic Bishop Carlos Belo, the religious leader of the former Portuguese colony.

East Timorese personalities may be detained, says local resistance

Lusa - 19 March, 1997

Macau – The vice-rector of the University of East Timor, and other three Timorese, are currently under surveillance and may be detained by the Indonesian authorities, local resistance sources have said.

They told Lusa on Tuesday that vice-rector Armindo Maia, as well as deputy Mario Carrascalao, Protestant Pastor Arlindo Marcal and another Timorese identified as David Ximenes, could be detained by the Indonesian authorities because they were seen as individuals capable of "damaging the image of Indonesia".

The arrests could take place anytime after today's inauguration of the Baucau bishop, D. Basilio do Nascimento.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later in a move not recognised by the United Nations that still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Lisbon has demanded that East Timor be given the right to self-determination.

Indonesia tries to stop address of East Timorese activist

Lusa - 20 March, 1997

Geneva – Indonesia and other countries have sought barring East Timorese self-determination activist Jose Ramos Horta from addressing the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) standing in a podium, sources have said.

They said on Wednesday that Indonesia has pressured for Ramos Horta not to be granted the privilege.

Ramos Horta, a 1996 Nobel Peace Prize co-laureate, used to spoke to the commission within the time alloted to a non-governmental organisation (NGO) in the main room, and not from the gallery, where the representatives of the 53 members states of the UNHRC give their speeches.

This year, NGO's and Western countries feel that he should follow the steps of other Nobel Peace Prize winners such as Guatemala's Rigoberta Menchu who have stand at the gallery podium.

East Timor was invaded by Indonesia in 1975 and annexed one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Lisbon has demanded East Timor to be given the right to self-determination.

UN man urges fruitful talks

South China Morning Post - March 21, 1997

Agencies in Jakarta – The UN special envoy to East Timor said yesterday that productive talks were needed to achieve an acceptable global solution over the former Portuguese colony.

"The important thing is that the dialogue should continue... and we have to find means of ensuring that... it is productive," envoy Jamsheed Marker said after meeting President Suharto.

However, Mr Suharto told him Indonesia's annexation of East Timor was final and non-negotiable, Foreign Minister Ali Alatas revealed.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in December 1975 and annexed it the following year in a move not recognised by the UN.

Mr Marker, appointed by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan last month as his special assistant to East Timor, arrived in Jakarta yesterday on what the UN described as a "familiarisation" visit.

"The United Nations is at the disposal... of all the parties for any assistance that can be given on the subject of East Timor," he said. "I informed [Mr Suharto] that I am here on a fact-finding mission basically, and I will report back to the secretary-general."

Mr Marker said the world body would hold further talks on steps to be taken over East Timor after his visit.

Mr Alatas said the President welcomed the envoy's visit and hoped he could find an objective perspective after visiting the territory.

Meanwhile, a senior United States human rights official flew to the East Timor capital Dili yesterday for a fact-finding visit. John Shattuck, assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labour, will leave for Cambodia tonight.

Indonesia blocked East Timor separatist leader Jose Ramos Horta from addressing the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva yesterday, scoring a victory for Jakarta, although the island is pressing for firmer action against its master by way of a draft resolution.

Mr Horta, calling Indonesia's behaviour "extraordinarily aggressive", called for Jakarta to tone down its hostility.

East Timor non-negotiable, Indonesia's Suharto tells UN envoy

Dow Jones News Service - March 20, 1997

Jakarta – President Suharto Thursday told a top U.N. envoy who is here to discuss the conflict in East Timor that Indonesia's annexation of the former Portuguese colony if final and non-negotiable.

In his meeting with envoy Jamshed Marker, Suharto said that 'for the people of Indonesia, for the Indonesian nation, the problem of East Timor is over.'

His remarks were reported by Foreign Minister Ali Alatas.

But, Alatas said, Suharto promised to give full support to efforts by the United Nations to find a solution to the 22-year-old conflict in East Timor.

He did not elaborate or say how Indonesia will reconcile the two mutually exclusive stands.

Marker did not comment on Suharto's hard line stand, except saying: 'I am now in the process of sounding out Indonesia's views on the situation.'

'We are only offering our goodwill and good office as mediator to help find a solution to the East Timor problem,' said Marker, the special envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 in the midst of a civil war that forced Portugal out after 400 years of colonial rule. Jakarta annexed the territory a year later, but it does not have the recognition of the United Nations, which supports Portugal as East Timor's administering power.

Besides, Indonesian troops controlling the region have been regularly accused of human rights abuse in their attempts to control a simmering separatist campaign.

Pope demands 'true justice' for East Timor

The Australian - March 20, 1997

Patrick Walters, Baucau, East Timor – Pope John Paul II yesterday delivered one of his strongest messages on the East Timor problem, calling for a truly just and internationally accepted solution as the Catholic church moved to consolidate its position in the troubled territory.

In a special written messsage to the people of East Timor, the Pope told the territory's overwhelmingly Catholic population that he was following events in East Timor with solicitous concern. The people of East Timor, he said, were still awaiting "a specific response to their legitimate aspirations", including recognition of their cultural and religious identity.

"As is widely known, the Holy See together with the international community hopes that a truly just global and internationally accepted solution will be found to the complex and painful question of East Timor," the Pope's message said.

Pope John Paul, who visited the territory in 1989, said this could be facilitated by "sincere and fruitful" dialogue between all parties.

His message was delivered at the installation of the new Bishop of Baucau, Monsignor Basilio Do Nascimento, in the town's cathedral.

Around 10,000 people flocked into the rundown seaside town of Baucau, 120km east of Dili, to witness the installation of Mgr Do Nascimento who was escorted by long lines of bare-chested, red turbanned East Timorese tribesmen. Baucau's new Bishop was led through the streets of the town to the newly proclaimed cathedral of St Antonio.

The Catholic Church hopes that the creation of the new diocese in East Timor will help revitalize the church's work in the territory.

"This task is particularly and specifically urgent in East Timor where, in the midst of difficulties and tensions, the people await a specific response to their legitimate aspirations to be recognized for their specific cultural and religious identity ", Pope John Paul said.

The new diocese of Baucau with its 300,000 strong population will be administered directly from Rome with the Vatican, like the UN, still recognizing Portugal as the administering power.

Yesterday's colourful three hour ceremony passed off without serious incident, the Indonesian military staying well away from the centre of Baucau. Minor scuffles broke out when a number of youths unfurled banners critical of Indonesian rule.

Mgr Do Nascimento joined Nobel Peace Prize winner, Bishop Carlos Belo, as East Timor's second bishop. Both positions are directly appointed by the Pope.

On Tuesday, thousands of East Timorese turned out to welcome the new bishop as he drove in a long motorcade from Dili. The winding coast road to Baucau was lined with pandanas palm, with villagers lining the road and cheering the bishop as he made his way followed by dozens of motorcyclists and truck carrying visitors to Baucau.

Baucau remains a key trouble spot foor the Indonesian authorities, with a high proportion of disaffected unemployed youth. Sources in Baucau said yesterday that conditions outside Dili remained difficult, with continuing human rights abuses.

"The military have stepped up their presence in recent months, setting up new military posts in the countryside outside of Baucau," one church source told The Australian yesterday. Mgr Do Nascimento is a native of East Timor who lived abroad from 1969 to 1994.

He said yesterday that he had heard reports from the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission of numerous cases of reported human rights violations but they were hard to confirm. As a pastoral leader he would take a close interest in human rights matters.

"Each Bishop has only to follow the teachings of Jesus Christ", he said.

Questioned about the issue of greater political autonomy for East Timor, the Bishop said: "If it could be realized it would be a good thing. But at the moment we don't have the human resources to develop ourselves. I'm a little afraid that if this occurs soon we may have more trouble."

Kennedy seeks to pressure East Timor

Providence Journal - 18 March, 1997

Elizabeth Rau – Indonesian soldiers captured Constancio Pinto on his 28th birthday and beat him so severely over the next six days that his eyes swelled shut.

At one point, his captors pointed a gun at his head and threatened to fire if he didn't disclose details about the resistance movement on East Timor. "Drop him in the sea!" one soldier shouted.

Pinto never gave in. He survived, and eventually escaped, to Portugal, then to Providence, where he's been a student at Brown University for four years.

Yesterday, Pinto, now 34, recalled his suffering as he spoke in favor of legislation, proposed by Rep. Patrick Kennedy, aimed at stopping Indonesia's human rights abuses in East Timor.

The legislation, which Kennedy is expected to introduce today, punishes Indonesia by withholding $26.6 million in military aid. With last year's award of the Nobel Peace Prize to two advocates for the independence of East Timor – Bishop Carlos Felipe Belo and Jose Ramos-Horta – Kennedy said pressure is mounting worldwide for Indonesia to clean up its record.

"We have waited too long for change, and it will not come without a law on the books...," said Kennedy, at a news conference in Brown's Maddock Alumni Center. "The Indonesian government has made endless promises and all of them have been broken."

East Timor, located in a chain of islands that form the Indonesian archipelago, is north of Australia. The island was a former Portuguese colony until 1975 when Indonesian government troops invaded it. About 200,000 people – about a third of East Timor's population – have died from fighting and starvation over the last 22 years.

Pinto was 12 years old when his father roused him at 4 in the morning on Dec. 7, 1975, and told him the island was under attack. The family fled to the mountains, surviving for years on nothing but wild leaves and roots.

They were captured at gunpoint in 1978, and carted off to a prison camp. Eventually, they fled to the capital, Dili, where Pinto joined guerrilla resistance fighters, becoming one of their leaders.

He has never forgotten the beatings. "After five or six strikes, my blood began to run out of my nose, my mouth, my ears. I said, `I'm going to die.' I said, `Stop.' It continued."

He called on Congress to approve Kennedy's measure so the people of East Timor "can be free and enjoy their life as a human being."

Firm stance promised over rights

South China Morning Post - March 19, 1997

Joe Leahy – East Timor's new bishop has issued a firm warning he will not back down on human rights issues and says he supports some measure of autonomy for the troubled province if it does not lead to civil strife.

Monsignor Basilio do Nascimento made the comments a day before he was due to take up his new post as the bishop of East Timor's newly formed diocese of Baucau.

Accompanied by East Timor's first bishop, Nobel Peace Prize winner Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo, and the Archbishop of Evora in Portugal, Marilio Gouveia, Bishop do Nascimento arrived in Baucau late yesterday afternoon.

Thousands of people gathered along the road between Dili and Baucau to greet the entourage and 15,000 thronged the streets of this small town in the east of Indonesia's annexed province of East Timor.

As the bishop's motorcade entered town, crowds of East Timorese wearing traditional dress played local music and hammered drums, and at a ceremony afterwards a community leader read a greeting to him in the Baucau dialect, Makasai.

Later, the bishop signalled to foreign journalists that he would uphold the Roman Catholic Church's reputation in East Timor as a defender of human rights.

"You know human rights have been a part of Christian life since Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ was a man who respected very much the value of human life and I think each bishop has only to follow His way," Bishop do Nascimento said.

He said human rights should not just be viewed from a political perspective but as a more global truth.

On the long-running issue of whether East Timor should be granted more autonomy, Bishop do Nascimento said that he was not against it as long as the people were ready.

Belo's reputation gives new bishop hard act to follow

South China Morning Post - March 19, 1997

Joe Leahy, Dili – East Timor's new Catholic bishop, Monsignor Basilio do Nascimento, is said to be a man who is willing to stand up for the rights of his people.

But Bishop do Nascimento, who is to start work today, will have a hard time living up to the example of his superior, Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo, whose reputation as a champion of ordinary East Timorese won him the Nobel Peace Prize last October.

Bishop do Nascimento will be the apostolic administrator of the new diocese of Baucau, covering East Timor's eastern half.

Like Bishop Belo, who is the Bishop of East Timor's capital Dili, Bishop do Nascimento, 46, has spent years overseas - so long, in fact, he speaks little Indonesian.

He began his studies in the Seminario Menor in Dare, East Timor, eventually moving to the Seminario Major in Evora, Portugal, where he studied philosophy and theology.

After being ordained a priest, he went to Paris, where he worked for five years before returning to Evora in 1982.

He was ordained a parish priest in Portugal, before taking charge of the pre-seminary in Evora.

In September, 1994, he returned to East Timor where he worked until the Pope appointed him the province's second bishop in January this year.

Still largely unknown to the outside world, the European media portray him variously as a strongly nationalistic champion of the people to a more conciliatory clergyman.

Expresso magazine, for instance, quoted him as admiring the abilities of the province's guerilla movement, Fretilin.

"I admire the organisational ability of these men who, without any external contacts, are capable of fighting back. There's a lot of intellectual strength there," the magazine quoted him as saying.

But at the same time, most of his statements echo those of Bishop Belo.

The church, while it is not involved in politics, has an obligation to protect its people from abuse.

"I am cautious enough to always address matters as a member of the church and to not interfere in politics. I've always thought that this is my role," Expresso quoted him as saying.

"It will take time, but the only way to get rid of that discontent [in East Timor] is through dialogue, which I intend to keep open always."

Indonesian political analyst Ikrar Nusa Bhakti said he believed Bishop do Nascimento's appointment was not a political move on the part of the church but one aimed at relieving some of Bishop Belo's workload.

He said Bishop Belo recommended to the Vatican that it appointed a second bishop to help him with people in the western side of the province.

"Almost 24 hours a day people are coming to his [Bishop Belo's] home and to his office to seek his counselling," Mr Bhakti said.

The Government, for its part, has also refused to take a political stance.

"It is the internal affairs of the Vatican," Foreign Affairs Department spokesman Ghaffan Fadyl said.

"The extension needs to be done following the increasing number of Catholic believers in the youngest province of Indonesia."

East Timor Nobel laureate in UN rights speech debate

Agence France Presse - March 19, 1997

Geneva – Indonesia and other countries were applying pressure Wednesday to stop East Timor nobel peace prize winner Ramos Horta addressing the UN Human Rights Commission from a podium, different sources here said.

Horta, a prominent voice for the East Timorese opposition fighting Indonesia's annexation of the island, was invited to speak on Thursday at the 53rd commission session by non-governmental organizations.

The row is over how he will address commission members.

Before winning the prize, Horta spoke to the commission within the time allotted to an NGO in the main room, and not the gallery opposite, where representatives of the 53 member states give their speaches.

The NGOs and Western countries feel the Nobel laureate this year should be able to stand at the gallery podium, following in the footsteps of other Nobel prize winners such as Guatemala's Rigoberta Menchu.

However, on the insistence of Indonesia, the commission's Asian group, represented by the Philippines, is pushing for Horta not to be granted the privilege.

Some African countries support the initiative, apparently to show solidarity with their Moslem counterparts.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it the next year, following the pullout by its colonial master Portugal. An East Timorese movement has fought for independence from Jakarta ever since.

Talks are being held among the commission's five-group body, presided over by Czech ambassador Miroslav Somol, to find a solution satisfactory to all parties.

Australia-Indonesia maritime treaty criticized by pro-East Timor

Lusa - 17 March, 1997

Sydney – A pro-East Timor activist group has accused the Australian government of appeasing Indonesia and ignoring problems in the territory as the two countries signed an historic maritime treaty.

The Australian-based Friends of East Timor said on Friday in a statement that "the Australian people...will be outraged when our foreign minister (Alexander Downer) panders to (Indonesian foreign minister) Alatas while the ongoing gross human rights violations occur inside occupied East Timor".

Australia and Indonesia signed on Friday a sea boundary treaty, establishing economic zones between the two countries after some 30 years of negotiations.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Peace Protester Sentenced to 14 Days Imprisonment

Tapol - March 21, 1997

Manchester Magistrates today sentenced Stuart Cooper, 27 of Garwoods Road, South Manchester, to 14 days at Risley Prison (617 Warrington Road, Risley, Cheshire, WA3 6BP) for his refusal to pay court costs. The costs resulted from his conviction for criminal damage to a security perimeter fence at British Aerospace Warton, Lancs, in July 1996. He was attempting to stop the export of Hawk fighter aircraft to Indonesia where they would be used against the civilians of East Timor.

In court today, Stuart reiterated that it was British Aerospace who were the real criminals by aidding and abetting with Indonesia in the genocide of the East Timorese peoples. The magistrates repeatedly asked Stuart whether he would pay, but he responded that, as a matter of conscience, he would have to refuse to pay compensation to British Aerospace.

Stuart said, as he was entering the court, "I'm prepared to go to gaol rather than participate in the silence which surrounds Indonesia's illegal and brutal occupation of East Timor. Eobody said resisting a giant like BAe would be easy, but it's important people are not intimidated by threats of gaol but that we all continue to act for life and justice."

Summing up, the magistrates said that "some laws are good, some are bad but it's not up to us to decide; we're only here to enforce them'. They then sentenced Stuart to 14 days imprisonment, starting immediately.

East Timor, a review of 1996

Timor Leste Monthly Bulletin - January & February, 1997

[The Monthly Bulletin is published by the Commission for the Rights of the Maubere People (CDPM).]

Rather than produce an exhaustive list of the multiplicity of events occurred last year or try to place them in rigorous order of importance, the aim of this text is to identify the trajectories and underlying tendencies of the East Timor question during the period in question. It is, therefore, a fairly summarY account of how the problem evolved during 1996. Instead of the usual thematic approach we have chosen to focus on a limited but representative selection of aspects, while naturally including a look at key areas such as the Resistance, diplomatic activities and the international context.

The religious eruption

While the overall picture of repression continued to be extremely serious, significant changes in the pattern of urban conflict occurred in East Timor during 1996.

First of all, the level of conflict seemed to diminish, at least judging by the number of reported incidents and the intensity of the violence, and in terms of numbers of people killed. Even so, there were deaths enough. The following incidents were among the urban resistance actions (of varying degrees of violence) that took place: the riot at Becora prison, Dili, in January; the students' demonstration during the visit to Dili by foreign Catholic Bishops in February; the clashes with Indonesian immigrants and subsequent destruction to property, sparked off by the desecration of Christian churches by Indonesian soldiers in Viqueque and Baucau, in May and June respectively; the gathering of two hundred young Timorese at the Santa Cruz cemetery to mark the anniversary of the massacre; the November demonstrations in Dili and Baucau by thousands of Timorese in support of Bishop Belo, after he was criticised by the Indonesian press; the many hundreds of thousands of Timorese who gathered to welcome Ximenes Belo on his return from Oslo in December, and the violent clashes that occurred at that time involving other Timorese in the pay of Indonesian secret services.

The second noticeable change was the emergence of an element common to almost all the above mentioned incidents - religion. In 1996, the part played by the religious phenomenon was weightier than ever before. It become a driving force and catalytic factor in the popular protests. Other relevant aspects (though not entirely new ones) were the geographical spread (reaching nationwide scale) and enormous magnitude of some of the demonstrations.

Negotiations at a standstill

The negotiations involving Portugal and Indonesia, with the UN playing a mediating role, simply marked time in 1996.

Portugal made a spectacular start to the year by charging forward with the new Foreign Minister's announcement (in January) that he was willing to go and meet with Xanana Gusmao in Jakarta. That was followed (in February) by Prime Minister (PM) Guterres' dazzling media performance at the EU/ASEAN summit in Bangkok, where he confronted Suharto with Portugal's agreement to the establishment of interest sections in exchange for a real improvement (internationally recognised) in to human rights in the territory, and the release of Timorese political prisoners. Regrettably, no tangible progress was made at the two rounds of inter-Ministerial negotiations (in January and July) and neither did Indonesia appear to warm to the Portuguese PM's proposal. The most that can be gleaned from the 8th meeting's final statement is a reference to the fact that substantive issues (no clue as to which) were discussed in greater detail, and that agreement had been reached on the opening of a Cultural Centre in Dili.

Neither did the question of Timorese participation in the negotiating process see any progress in 1996 - it was limited to a second intra-Timorese meeting in March, which was totally manipulated by Indonesia, with the UN looking on complacently. There are still serious doubts about the usefulness of persevering with a process which drags on without any apparent results whatsoever, and which, objectively speaking, has done little more than to enhance Indonesia's international image.

Diplomacy

In contrast to negligible progress made in the bilateral Portugal-Indonesia negotiations, other diplomatic efforts gathered noticeable momentum in 1996.

Indonesia's almost only success (albeit an extremely important one) was achieved at the UN Commission and Sub- Commission on Human Rights. At the Commission, a consensual statement on East Timor was adopted which, in terms of forcefulness and exigency, was light years away from the 1993 and 1994 statements (In the April edition of this Bulletin, we described the wording of the statement as "disastrous".) Some of blame for this defeat must be placed on the EU's excessively backwards-looking negotiating strategy in Geneva, but the brunt must be borne by Portugal, that failed to put its points of view across convincingly. At the Sub-commission, Portugal also failed to get its specialist elected and was unable to get any statement on the question adopted.

Progress on the diplomatic front was considerable and varied. In Australia, there were slight alterations to the country's foreign policy following the election of a new government. In March, the Australian Ambassador to Jakarta was sent to Timor and, in June, an official report blamed Indonesia for the deaths of foreign journalists in East Timor in 1975. In October, the Australian Senate passed a motion in favour of the territory's self-determination. In Germany too, the issue generated high visibility. In April, the Indonesian Ambassador to Bonn was called on to give an explanation for the violent expulsion of young Timorese from the German Embassy in Jakarta. On two occasions (in October during his visit to Indonesia and in December after meeting with Bishop Belo), Chancellor Kohl publicly expressed concern about the situation in East Timor.

On two separate occasions (during the meeting with Indonesian Bishops in September, and at the audience with Ximenes Belo in December) Pope John II stated that he was in favour of finding a solution for East Timor. However, this did not prevent the Vatican from maintaining an ambiguous position on the issue.

Furthermore, in March the Indonesian regime was condemned by the US State Department for its human rights record (although in April, the US Congress agreed on a partial resumption of the IMET program). In November it was the Belgian Parliament's turn to criticise the Jakarta Government over human rights. The EU's common position on East Timor, made public in June was, unquestionably, a victory: it was the first such position adopted within the scope of Common Foreign and Security Policy. Another (indirect) victory was Portugal's election to the UN Security Council.

Overall, it may be said that while 1996 saw clear, positive evolution in the positions adopted publicly by States, unfortunately, this has had few or no practical repercussions so far in these countries' relations (namely economic) with Indonesia.

A people that resists

Timorese society is still showing signs of its remarkable internal dynamics. One of the most interesting developments recently has been the slow but steady erosion of Indonesia's support base among the Timorese urban elite. During 1996, there was a widening of the rift between the scanty "hard core" of integrationists (personalities such as Lopes da Cruz and Abilio Soares, whose credibility both internally and externally is negligible) and the other sectors of the local ruling class. This is exemplified by the gradual detachment of members of the influential Carrascalao family from pro-Indonesia rationale, and their distancing from posts they had held in the administrative apparatus. At the same time, there were increasing signs of a new, discreet, "moderate" kind of dissidence emerging, which had no direct commitments in the political struggle, but which was clearly sympathetic to a solution "without Indonesia".

Indonesia's efforts to step up the "Timorisation" of the conflict are extremely worrying. They include the setting up of pro-integration militias (Gardapaksi), composed of young, unemployed, rootless Timorese, who the Indonesian military enlist and train. In 1996, these militias were seen to be present at many of the most violent confrontations that occurred in East Timor. They serve Indonesia as agents provocateurs, infiltrating, informing, and destabilising Timorese social fabric.

Infiltration has been spreading considerably in rural areas, where the guerrillas are active. Reports of Indonesian military operations carried out on the basis of information supplied by infiltrated civilian agents, are now commonplace.

Judging by the reports which reached the outside, guerrilla activity levels in 1996 remained stable or even rose slightly. This more dynamic guerrilla force was, for the first time, filmed in combat with Indonesian troops by a journalist in August. An estimated number of losses in combat may be calculated from the figures provided by opposing sources (Indonesian Armed Forces, in a statement in January to the Antara agency, and the guerrilla movement via Commander Alex speaking to RDPI in April): approximately 50 per year on each side (including guerrillas captured and surrendering).

The numbers of combatants on either side are not likely to have altered in 1996. Indonesia still put the figure of armed guerrillas at 200, while the Resistance reports that there are 20 Indonesian battalions operating in the territory.

In short, the conflict in military terms remained basically unchanged in 1996: low intensity warfare in a prolonged deadlock situation.

In search of an interlocutor

Bishop Belo is the figure who has gradually become the "alternative" to Xanana Gusmao - "alternative" being a naturally farfetched term since both men have totally different mandates and spheres of action. Even so, "alternative" is about right in the sense of "interlocutor par excellence". In the absence of Xanana - the most obvious and natural leader, Bishop Belo is unquestionably taking on that role, and is being recognised as such by all concerned (the Resistance, Portugal, Indonesia, the UN and the international community). In the intricate puzzle of interests that are in play, Monsignor Belo is currently the key common denominator of all the parties involved in the problem.

The two most noteworthy aspects of the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize are the upgrading of the political component of the problem and the symbolic nature of the award. As a rule, the Nobel is only "given" to problems whose solutions (albeit long in coming) are really workable and viable, problems that have not gone down History's dead-end street. Realpolitik rather than good Samaritan spirit is what is really behind the choice of Nobel laureates. The award to Ramos Horta and Ximenes Belo is, therefore, less a recognition of the justice and rightfulness of the Maubere struggle, and more evidence of the realisation that the problem is about to reach the stage of maturity at which it may now start to be overcome.

Suharto closes the doors

Periodically, certain sectors bandy about the idea of a Timorese autonomy-within-Indonesia, as an 'alternative' to the demand for self-determination. However, this kind of half-way solution does not fit in to the concept of the Indonesian regime, and it was President Suharto himself who rejected such a possibility out of hand last May.

The Indonesian President also rejected in 1996 any chance of developing a process of controlled liberalisation, i.e. gradual and peaceful renewal of the regime. Gross governmental interference in the internal affairs of the PDI and Megawati Sukarnoputri's removal from the party's leadership - a process which was directly orchestrated by Suharto and his closest circle - culminated in the attack on the PDI headquarters in July, and unleashed the most serious rioting Jakarta has seen in the past 20 years.

It is not just the dictator who is getting old but very foundations of the regime itself. The country's intense social and economic dynamics and the alterations in global geostrategic alignment now call for profound political changes in Indonesia, at the risk of unpredictable social explosion. Suharto has shown that he is not willing to accept even the most modest of reforms, and closes the doors to any suggestion of political alternative.

1996 was, therefore, the year which saw confirmation of the regime's and its leader's unwillingness or inability to enter into a process of self-transformation and internal democratisation. However, it was also the year in which the opposition movement gathered the greatest impetus in recent decades, and the year in which it congregated around one figure (Megawati), who (and this is another new element) revealed herself to be a real and credible alternative to Suharto.

However minor the question of East Timor may seem compared to the immensity of the opposing forces within Indonesian society, it is the question which is now determining the basis of the alliances within the opposition movement, namely its alignment with regards the military.

AI says human rights situation 'extremely serious' in East Timor

Lusa - March 15, 1997

Geneva – Human rights watchdog Amnesty International (AI) has said that the human rights situation in East Timor is "extremely serious".

A AI report to be presented at the 53rd. session of the United Nations Human Rights Commission currently being held in Geneva added that many of the human rights violations could be averted if Jakarta had accepted the presence of human rights organisations in East Timor.

The document also makes references to other areas such as Algeria, Colombia, Nigeria and Turkey.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later in a move not recognized y the United Nations that still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

Lisbon demands that East Timor be given the right to self-determination.

In 1996, East Timorese Bishop D. Ximenes Belo and activist Jose Ramos Horta were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts to peacefully solve the conflict in the territory.

12 arrested and charged in East Timor

Amnesty International - 18 March, 1997

Baltasar Sebastiao H Belo, Jose Maria Geronimo, Joao Budiono C Moraes (Joao Budiono da Costa), Gregorio Sequira Bento, Luis Afonso, Abel Fernandes, Felciano Maria martins, Oracio Viegas, Celestino Soares, Claudino Guterres (alias Alau), Jose do Rosario, Constancio Soares

Twelve people arrested in relation to disturbances in the East Timor capital of Dili on 24 December 1996 are still detained. All twelve are reported to have been charged under Articles 351 and 154 of Indonesia's Criminal Code (KUHP) and not under Article 170 as originally thought. Article 351 punishes violence resulting in serious physical injury with five years' imprisonment; those resulting in death are punished by seven years' imprisonment. Under Article 154, anyone found guilty of expressing "feelings of hostility, hatred or contempt" against the government can be imprisoned for up to seven years. Article 154 has been widely used in Indonesia and East Timor to imprison prisoners of conscience. It is not clear why Article 154 is being used in this context but Amnesty International is seeking clarification that none of those detained have been charged for their peaceful opposition to Indonesian rule in East Timor.

All twelve detainees are being held in Becora prison, Dili.

All but four arrested East Timorese released

Amnesty International - 18 March, 1997

All but four of those arrested in relation to disturbances in February in the Viqueque district of East Timor have now been released. Many are reported to have been subjected to torture or ill-treatment while in detention. The four still held are believed to be detained in the police headquarters in the town of Viqueque. Their identities are not known and it is unclear if they have access to legal representatives, medical professionals or to members of their families. Amnesty International remains concerned that the four may be at risk of torture or ill-treatment.

No further information has been received on the fate of those who were reported to have been shot by the military during the unrest, including Luis who was arrested on 10 February after being shot and wounded. It is not known if he is among the four still being held in police custody.

Topics of the times: Unwelcome in the oval office

New York Times - March 15, 1997

[Editorial page (unsigned editorials from the Times), full text.]

The Indonesian businessman Mochtar Riady, founder of a $5 billion business empire that contributed to the Democratic National Committee, met personally with President Clinton twice. His son James Riady had six meetings with the President, some of which included policy discussions about Indonesia. But the President, regrettably, had no time to meet with a Nobel Peace Prize winner from Indonesian-occupied East Timor who recently visited the United States for two weeks.

Jose Ramos-Horta is an exile from East Timor, the island Indonesia invaded in 1975 and has suffocated ever since. He shared the 1996 Nobel Prize with the Timorese Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo, a conciliatory spokesman for his people at home. The firebrand Mr. Ramos-Horta, who helped found a Timor revolutionary group in the 1970's, travels widely to promote the Timorese cause.

Among other things, Mr. Ramos-Horta wants Washington to send an envoy to mediate the conflict. He would also like Washington to characterize Indonesia's occupation of East Timor as reversible.

Representative Patrick Kennedy of Rhode Island tried to arrange meetings for Mr. Ramos-Horta with President Clinton, Vice President Gore and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. They were all too busy, Mr. Kennedy's staff was told. Mr. Ramos-Horta did get to make his pitch to Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck, who is in charge of human rights. The White House was obviously not eager to offer hospitality to someone who would offend the Indonesian Government. Mr. Ramos-Horta's shabby treatment shows the White House can vet guests when it wants to.

Economy and investment

Mystery shrouds Bre-X manager's death

Dow Jones News Service - March 21, 1997

John McBeth, Jakarta – Mystery continued to hang heavily in the disappearance of Bre-X Minerals exploration manager Michael de Guzman Friday, as Philippine Embassy officials complained that the company's Jakarta office failed to respond to their phone calls and inquiries.

Deputy head of mission Belen Anota told Dow Jones that officials were still keeping an open mind about the circumstances surrounding the death of de Guzman, who is reported to have fallen March 19 from a helicopter taking him to Kalimantan's rich Busang gold deposit.

The Filipino geologist left behind an apparent suicide note, indicating he had a serious illness, but his body had yet to be recovered. Some Indonesian newspapers cast doubts Friday on the size of the Busang gold deposit, last reported at 70 million ounces.

'We don't know whether he committed suicide, whether he was murdered, or whether he was the victim of an accident,' Anota said. 'There are even some people who are saying he might not have been on the helicopter. We just don't know.'

De Guzman's Filipino wife lives with their children in Quezon City.

Anota complained that Bre-X had failed to provide any information about the incident and said the embassy is now seeking the cooperation of local authorities in the Kalimantan provincial capital of Samarainda in an effort to recover de Guzman's possessions and to verify what was in the suicide note he left in a bag found in the helicopter.

Bre-X has a 45% stake in the Busang deposit, with Freeport Indonesia, a subsidiary of Louisiana-based Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold, controlling 15% and the remaining 40% held by the Indonesian government and private local companies. As the designated mine operator, Freeport is currently conducting due-diligence testing of the site.

Speculation about gold field knocks Bre-X's shares lower

Wall Street Journal - March 21, 1997

Toronto – Speculation that a gold field in Indonesia won't live up to expectations – coupled with the sudden and dramatic death of a mining company geologist – hurt the shares of Canadian gold-mining firm Bre-X Minerals Ltd.

Bre-X became partner with Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc., New Orleans, to develop part of the Busang gold field in the Kalimantan province of Indonesia.

An Indonesian newspaper recently published a report that questioned whether the gold deposits at Busang will reach the 70.9 million ounces predicted earlier. The newspaper quoted a source as saying he got his information from an internal report prepared by Freeport McMoRan. However, Freeport said Friday it is still doing due-diligence and drilling at the Busang gold deposit and has not commented on the project, contrary to the published report.

Meanwhile, trading in Bre-X shares on the Toronto Stock Exchange was halted for most of the day. When trading resumed, shares fell 2.25 Canadian dollars to end at C$15.20 on heavy volume of 1.4 million shares. Average daily volume is 229,760 shares.

In addition to questions about the gold field's quality, "There's a lot of speculation as a result of the helicopter incident," said Freeport's chief financial officer Richard Adkerson.

Michael de Guzman, the chief geologist for Bre-X, is presumed to have died in a fall from a Busang-bound helicopter on Tuesday. His body has not yet been recovered. Bre-X contended that Mr. de Guzman, who had battled malaria for years, committed suicide when he learned he was infected with hepatitis B. Bre-X said it received a copy of the suicide note Mr. de Guzman left in the helicopter. The note indicated Mr. de Guzman didn't want to suffer through another disease, and asked that his wife take care of their family.

"We have no reason to suspect foul play," a Bre-X official said.

Indonesia's old guard leads the way

Asia Times - 18 March, 1997

Ong Hock Chuan, Jakarta – The Salim, Sinar Mas and Gajah Tunggal groups have retained the top three positions in the latest ranking of Indonesia's 100 largest conglomerates published by the monthly business magazine Eksekutif.

Eksekutif said the Salim group had increased the value of its assets by 53 percent, from 32.5 trillion rupiah (US$13.55 billion) in 1995 to Rp51 trillion this year.

The magazine last published its ranking of Indonesian conglomerates in 1995.

The growth of the Salim group - headed by Lim Sioe Liong but increasingly coming under the control of son Anthony Salim - has been powered by the dramatic increase in assets of one of its companies, the Bank of Central Asia (BCA). BCA is Indonesia's largest private bank, with assets estimated at Rp40 billion. The bank is 70 percent-owned by the Salim family.

The group also controls an integrated food processing company, Indofood, and makes cement as Indocement. Yet another company in its stable, Indomobil, makes cars and motorcycles. The group also has interests in agribusiness and property.

Maintaining the second slot is the Sinar Mas group, controlled by Eka Tjipta Widjaja (Oi Ek Thjong), whose interests range from finance and property to agribusiness and pulp and paper making. This group has also increased its assets, by 63 percent or Rp15.5 trillion from its 1995 figure of Rp24.5 trillion. The companies powering its growth are Bank Indonesia Internasional, construction arm Duta Pertiwi, Smart Corp, Indah Kiat and Tjiwi Kimia.

The Gajah Tunggal group, controlled by Sjamsul Nursalim (Lim Tek Siong), remains in third position with Rp19.7 trillion in assets, a 69 percent jump from its 1995 figures. The group's core businesses are in finance, property, tire making and steel cable making but it is now venturing into agriculture and shrimp farming.

The Astra group, ranked sixth in the magazine's 1995 rankings, has jumped two rungs to fourth place. The nation's largest car maker, Astra, also has interests in agribusiness and finance. It has been trying to develop other sources of revenue apart from car making, most of which is done in partnership with Japan's Toyota Motors. Astra, with assets of Rp18 trillion, is now controlled by Mohamad "Bob" Hasan, recently appointed president commissioner. Hasan's involvement in Astra is through equity owned by the Nusamba group, which is owned by three foundations controlled by President Suharto.

The names of Suharto's children, known for their entrepreneurial flair, occur five times in the survey. Heading the Suharto contingent is third son "Tommy" Hutomo Mandala Putra whose Humpuss group is ranked 27th with Rp3.1 trillion in assets. Second son Bambang Trihatmodjo's name is mentioned twice, in the first instance as head of the Bimantara group, which was ranked 33rd with assets worth Rp2.5 trillion. His name crops up again under Zeta Corporation, which he controls with businessman Johannes Kotjo. The group is ranked 69th with assets worth Rp1.2 trillion. This was the first time that Zeta figured in the top 100 list.

In 37th place is eldest daughter "Tutut" Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, whose Citra Lamtoro Gung group's assets were estimated at Rp2.3 trillion. She was followed by first son Sigit Harjojudanto, whose Arseto group is ranked 45th with assets worth Rp1.8 trillion. The presidential relative most often mentioned, however, was Sudwikatmono, Suharto's cousin. His name appeared four times, once by itself under the 40th-ranked Dwi Golden Graha group with assets of Rp2.1 trillion.

Market plunges on Telkom talk

Wall Street Journal - March 18, 1997

Jakarta, Indonesia – Shares fell sharply Tuesday on continued selling pressure in large-capitalization shares, led by Telekomunikasi Indonesia in moderate dealings.

The Jakarta Stock Exchange Index fell 11.495, or 1.7%, to its lowest level this year at 659.441. Decliners outnumbered gainers 103 to 38 with 43 shares unchanged, and 72 stocks were untraded.

Trading volume was 243 million shares valued at 579 billion rupiah, according to a local securities house.

Telkom dropped 175 rupiah to 3,650 rupiah, with 44.2 million shares traded. Bank Negara Indonesia fell 25 rupiah to 1,375 rupiah on 17 million shares traded, and Bank International Indonesia declined 25 rupiah to 1,800 rupiah with 5.3 million shares traded.

Dealers said that Telkom's losses caused investors to sell other blue-chip banking and tobacco concerns. The selling in Telkom was prompted by news that the government may allow another telecommunications concern provide basic service in the country.

Dealers also said that Telkom was hit by rumors that its 1996 earnings may not meet market expectations.

Cigarette maker Gudang Garam lost 375 rupiah to 10,175 rupiah on 176,500 shares traded. Another cigarette maker, HM Sampoerna fell 25 rupiah to 11,375 rupiah with 322,500 shares traded.

Of the other index-movers, instant noodle maker Indofood Sukses Makmur fell 200 rupiah to 5,400 rupiah with 1.5 million shares traded, and satellite operator Indonesian Satellite dropped 25 rupiah to 6,525 rupiah on 248,500 shares traded.

Diversified Holding Bimantara Citra, however, rose 100 rupiah to 3,225 rupiah on 1.6 million shares traded.

A growing middle class underpins Jakarta stocks

International Herald Tribune - January 4, 1997

Michael Richardson, Jakarta – Strong economic growth forecast for Indonesia in 1997 along with a projected increase in exports and lower inflation are likely to push stocks significantly higher this year, market analysts say, despite lingering investor concerns about possible instability when President Suharto, the country's aging ruler, leaves the scene.

The benchmark composite index of the Jakarta Stock Exchange ended 1996 at 637.43 points - up 24 percent for the year, with much of the gain occurring in the last quarter as more of Indonesia's emerging middle class bought shares for the first time. The index jumped 1.3 percent, or 8.09 points on Friday, to 646.19, its highest level in more than six years.

Kleinwort Benson Research (Asia) Pte. in Singapore expects economic growth of about 7.5 percent in Indonesia in 1997, after adjustment for inflation, and an increase in corporate earnings of 24 percent. Those factors, Kleinwort predicted, will help the Jakarta composite index reach 750 by the end of the year.

"We believe growing local investor participation deepens and strengthens the stock market," said Hugh Peyman, Kleinwort's head of strategy and economics. "The next 12 months is likely to see a lull in political activity, while the economy will remain on track. This should provide fertile ground for domestic bulls to drive the market up. Foreigners should ride the local investor wave."

Until recently, foreign institutional investors and wealthy ethnic Chinese, who form a small but economically powerful minority in Indonesia, have dominated trading on the Jakarta exchange.

Now brokers say that domestic Indonesian investors, including increasing numbers of professionals, owners of small- and medium-sized businesses, and others in the middle class, are investing in stocks.

Deregulation of Indonesia's economy since the 1980s has spurred a wide range of business activity. As a result, the middle class, defined in Indonesia as those with an annual income of between $6,000 and $12,000, has grown and now comprises about 17 million people out of a population of 190 million.

"The rate of change in Indonesian society has major economic implications," said an Indonesian banker. "In the early 1990s, the middle class consisted almost entirely of 6 million ethnic Chinese."

Brokers began to notice the entry of significant numbers of new Indonesian investors when the state-owned telecommunications company, PT Telekomunikasi Indonesia, went public in late 1995.

The local investor wave gathered further strength in November when PT Bank Negara Indonesia, the first government-controlled bank to list its shares, offered shares priced at just 850 rupiah (36 cents).

PT Bank Negara was oversubscribed almost 4.5 times as middle-class buyers scrambled to secure shares, brokers said.

David Chang, research director at PT Vickers Ballas Tamara, said the Jakarta stock market should benefit in 1997 from reduced interest rates as well as strong macroeconomic fundamentals, despite some concern about the possible impact of legislative elections in May and a presidential poll in 1998. Mr. Suharto, 75, has been in power since 1965 and has no obvious successor.

Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Indonesia's minister for national development planning, last week forecast a 1997 economic growth rate of 7.9 percent, up from an estimated 7.6 percent for 1996, but down from the 8.1 percent growth recorded in 1995, when concerns about overheating emerged.

Separately, Tunky Ariwibowo, the minister for trade and industry, said that there would be a substantial improvement in the country's export performance this year, while demand for imports would slow.

Mr. Suharto, who will present the annual budget next week, said Tuesday that inflation for 1996 would be about 6.7 percent, down from 8.6 percent for 1995.

Indonesian firms vow fresh support for plan to bridge wealth gap

International Herald Tribune - January 27, 1997

Michael Richardson, Jakarta – A group of Indonesia's wealthiest companies has agreed to intensify a program to help smaller businesses in what analysts said Sunday was an attempt to defuse government and public criticism for doing too little to bridge the gap between rich and poor.

The group's spokesman, Sukamdani Sahid Gitosardjono, head of one of the country's biggest hotel and real-estate conglomerates, said the formation of the group of 79 big businesses was a response to the government's insistence that more must be done to overcome poverty.

The move follows several serious riots in various parts of the country in which wealth disparity was evidently an underlying cause.

President Suharto has warned that a growing wealth gap could lead to more widespread social unrest and weaken national unity. He declared last month that wealthy Indonesians who did not heed the call to help the poor could have their houses marked to shame them.

Mr. Sukamdani said the newly formed business group had decided to set up a body to organize and coordinate all activities related to partnership programs with smaller businesses.

"We have all actually established partnerships with small businesses and cooperatives," he said. "Now we want to make them more intensive." Areas to be examined, Mr. Sukamdani said, would include provision of managerial and technical assistance and low-interest loans.

Similar measures have already been implemented by another group of 48 heads of major Indonesian businesses, who met in Jimbaran, Bali, in 1995.

The so-called Jimbaran Group also pledged to help redress social disparities that have become more obvious in recent years as deregulation has made Indonesia rely increasingly on market forces to generate economic growth and jobs.

The Jimbaran Group claims to have spent more than 2.1 trillion rupiah ($884.2 million) in 1996 on cooperative programs with small and medium-sized enterprises.

Such smaller companies, which include subcontractors, retailers, workshops and cottage businesses, have the potential to create employment in a country where the government says that more than 25 million of the country's nearly 200 million population lives below the official poverty line.

In a related development, Indonesia's business elite has indicated that it will comply with a controversial regulation being drafted by the Finance Ministry to raise more money for poverty alleviation programs overseen by Mr. Suharto.

The regulation would enforce a presidential decree issued last month requiring individual and corporate taxpayers with net annual incomes exceeding 100 million rupiah to pay 2 percent of their net income to support government programs to assist the poor.

An estimated 11,000 corporate and individual taxpayers should be subject to the surcharge. Most foreign multinationals are expected to go along with the charge.

Companies learn: Be connected or be gone

International Herald Tribune - January 31, 1997

Michael Richardson, Jakarta – When Bre-X Minerals Ltd., a small Canadian mining company, found itself entangled in a jungle of conflicting ownership claims to one of the world's richest undeveloped gold deposits in Indonesia, it turned for help to a little-known but well-connected local company.

To gain quick government approval to start production, Bre-X said it had entered a "strategic alliance" with PT Panutan Duta, a consulting company controlled by Sigit Harjoyudanto, the eldest son of President Suharto, to win the permit and buy out some troublesome minority shareholders.

But Mr. Sigit's involvement and that of Mr. Suharto's other family members and close associates in the battle to control Busang, a field on Borneo Island that contains at least 57 million ounces of gold valued at more than $21 billion, is alarming investors.

Having poured tens of billions of dollars into Indonesia in recent years to develop its resources and low-cost manufacturing, investors now see the Busang affair as a symptom of the difficulty and unpredictability of doing business in the world's fourth most populous nation. Specifically, the 32-year rule of Mr. Suharto, 75, is entering its closing stages, and the expanding corporate empires of several of his six children are coming into conflict with each other.

The Busang battle followed several other tussles for commercial supremacy between members of the first family, including the right to exclusive tax breaks to build a so-called national car.

In a report to corporate clients, Political and Economic Risk Consultancy Ltd. of Hong Kong said that by showing very clearly the growing role of high-level political lobbying in the Indonesian economy, the national car controversy and the Busang gold mine battle could damage investment and business confidence.

"In a situation in which government rules can be applied or changed freely to suit those in power, many new investors may simply decide that it is safer to look elsewhere," the company warned.

Because Busang concerns "a very big amount of gold, people become greedy and are not afraid to use their political influence to get something from it," said Mohammed Sadli, a former Indonesian mines and energy minister. "It's nothing but fighting over treasure."

Under the deal sealed in October, Bre-X agreed to pay PT Panutan Duta $40 million over 40 months for assistance in "administrative, technical and other support matters."

Bre-X also gave Panutan the money to buy out minority Indonesian shareholders and said it would get a 10 percent equity stake in the mine when the project was approved.

The situation surrounding the Busang gold find is now even murkier.

Bre-X's saga has entangled three Canadian companies trying to curry favor with one of the world's most autocratic governments.

The affair has also stirred up nationalist and anti-foreign sentiment in Indonesia, with several economists urging the government to call an open tender for development of the Busang mine to maximize Indonesia's participation and benefits.

Under the constitution, "the Indonesian people are the owners of all mining deposits," said Rizal Ramli, a director of the Econit research institute in Jakarta. "But ironically, the foreign mining contractors have been the biggest beneficiaries."

So an Indonesian minority shareholder in the mine, claiming wrongful loss of equity, has filed a 2 billion Canadian dollar ($1.49 million) damage suit against Bre-X in Canada

In addition, two major Canadian miners - Barrick Gold Corp. and Placer Dome Inc. - are trying to drum up support in Indonesia for their rival bids to take control of Bre-X and its controlling interest in the Busang find.

Barrick appeared to have struck a deal with Bre-X in November in which Barrick would control 67.5 percent of Busang, Bre-X 22.5 percent and the government 10 percent.

Barrick's local partner is Siti Hadiyanti Rukmana, Mr. Suharto's eldest daughter, whose PT Citra Lamtoro group has interests in construction, toll roads, plantations, television, trading and pharmaceuticals. Barrick has said it will use her companies as the main contractors for construction of the $1.5 billion Busang mine if it wins a stake in the project.

Placer Dome made an offer to merge with Bre-X in a $4.5 billion stock swap. The offer would increase Indonesian participation in Busang to 40 percent from Barrick's 10 percent.

"We felt we had to get someone's attention," said John Willson, Placer Dome's chief executive. "We want to say that if Indonesia wants a bigger stake in Busang, they can get it."

Ida Bagus Sudjana, mines and energy minister, has given Bre-X and Barrick until Feb. 17 to settle differences with minority shareholders. Otherwise, he said, the government would find new investors in the project.

Meanwhile, some even bigger Indonesian players have entered the fray.

The plywood tycoon Mohammed Hasan, a regular golfing partner of Mr. Suharto's, bought a substantial minority stake in the Busang gold deposit this month. His purchases were made through PT Nusantara Ampera Bakti, which is 80 percent controlled by foundations headed by Mr. Suharto, 10 percent by his son Mr. Sigit and 10 percent by Mr. Hasan.

Analysts see the purchase, which follows talks between Placer Dome and Mr. Hasan, as a move by Mr. Suharto to try to defuse the Busang controversy by increasing Indonesian ownership in the project when production is finally approved. After meeting Mr. Suharto on Monday, Mr. Sudjana said the president had told him that, if necessary, regulations would be changed to eliminate conflicts of interest.

"We want the nationals of Indonesia to get as much as possible," the minister said.

Indonesia, Singapore to launch heavy industry centre

ABC International News - 17 March, 1997

Indonesia's President Suharto and the Singapore Prime Minister, Goh Chok Tong, will jointly launch a giant marine and industrial complex on the Indonesian island of Karimun later today (Monday).

The Karimun Marine and Industrial Complex, 40 kilometres southwest of Singapore, is the third big industrial centre developed by the Singapore and Indonesian private sectors.

The complex, costing 142-million dollars, is designed to be a marine and industrial hub for heavy engineering, marine and petroleum-related industries.

The two leaders will also exchange views on bilateral relations and regional developments.

Bob Hasan: adding to Astra's assets

Asia Week - February 21, 1997

Buy Astra? Or sell Astra? It depends on what Mohammad "Bob" Hasan will do when he takes over at Astra International, Indonesia's largest manufacturing force. Hasan - king of the Indonesian logging business and golfing buddy of President Suharto, right, - will be anointed Astra's president commissioner at a special shareholders' meeting on Feb. 19.

The new job stems from his stewardship of the holding company Nusamba, which is owned 90% by two Suharto-led foundations and 10% by Hasan. Nusamba controls the largest part of Astra, and can dictate who sits at its head. And that makes Astra insiders nervous.

They expect current president director Teddy Rachmat to be quickly shown the exit, and his corporate development plans immediately reversed. "Suharto doesn't want to be bothered by Rachmat's longterm investments that promised to turn Astra into something like a General Electric," one source says. That sort of change, along with streamlined operations and a selloff of slow-paying assets, would please shareholders, turning the company into a real profit-spinner.

But Hasan's cut-throat timber-cutting competitors predict just the opposite for Astra under Hasan. They say Suharto wants him to build Astra into one of the corporate giants of Southeast Asia, surpassing neighboring Malaysia's cash-rich Petronas. To do that, Hasan will have to continue Rachmat's plan of increasing corporate strength. Hasan's enemies still warn that if Suharto is eclipsed from power, by death or retirement, "Hasan will be the first person to disappear off the face of the earth."

So, really, "Buy or sell Astra?" - now trading at around $2.66 - is not the right question. "Bank on short term profits or plan for retirement" seem to be the real options. At least as long as President Suharto still runs Astra, and Indonesia.

US firms optimistic about Indonesia's future

Straits Times - March 15, 1997

Jakarta – Recent religious and ethnic riots in Indonesia, political uncertainty and the country's questionable economic regulations will not have a great impact on US business interests here, representatives of a 100-strong delegation of US business figures said here.

"With respect to Indonesia, I'm very optimistic that some of the things you have talked about... is not a problem," former US Secretary of State Alexander Haig told a press conference on Thursday.

He said that it would not be a problem because people of Indo- nesia have benefited so dramatically as a result of the recent economic growth levels that even the most shortsighted would be reluctant to risk not continuing with this progress.

Indonesia has been rocked in recent months by violent unrest, including ethnic and religious riots in which scores have been killed and hundreds of buildings and other property, including churches and temples, have been destroyed.

Analysts said the riots indicated growing political, social and economic dissatisfaction within Indonesian society.

Chairman of the US-Asean Business Council George David explained that recent unrest would have little impact on US business interests here because he believed Indonesia could use its experience to solve current political problems, including the issue of political succession.

Both General Haig and Mr David stressed the importance of political stability to economic development, the Jakarta Post reported yesterday.

Mr David said US investors generally praised Indonesia's economic reforms, including regulations which allowed for 100 percent foreign ownership of firms here.

But US executives told journalists that complaints from US businesses operating in the country included corruption and a lack of regulation transparency.

For instance, Jakarta's so-called national car policy – which gives exclusive tax breaks to a car company owned by President Suharto's youngest son – revealed last year was criticised at home and abroad.

Japan, the United States and the European Union late last year filed a complaint to the World Trade Organisation, saying the national car policy breached international trade rules.

The US businessmen also pointed out that there was difficulty in finding Indonesians skilled in technology.

The US delegation, which included top executives from Chrysler, GE, Mobil Oil, Lockheed and McDonald's, were here to attend a two-day Asean business meeting which ended on Thursday.

US foreign direct investment in Indonesia has reached US$5 billion (S$7 billion) annually in recent years, the US-Asean business council said. – AFP.

May 29 elections

Civil servants in politics: To be or not to be free, that is the question

EBRI - March 21, 1997

After more than 50 years of independence, Indonesian politicians and government officials are debating whether civil servants should be given the freedom to vote for any of the political parties or to vote for the ruling group only.

While a survey has recommended to give political freedom to the Indonesian civil servants, senior government officials claim that they have to vote for the ruling Golkar.

In a government-commissioned survey made public recently, the Indonesian Council of Sciences (LIPI) found out that the loyalty of the countrys six million civil servants to a single political grouping had encouraged them to abuse their power for the benefit of the party concerned. Conducted in the cities of Surabaya, Manado, Jayapura and Banda Aceh, the survey revealed that the affiliation of civil servants to ruling Golkar has resulted in poor public services being provided to the people, widespread corruption, manipulation and primordial attitudes in bureaucracy as well as discriminative treatment of the minority parties the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI).

Only if civil servants have the freedom to choose a political organization can the notoriously discriminative treatment of PPP and PDI members be stopped, the reports of the survey said.

Civil servants, grouped in the Corps of Indonesian Civil Servants (Korpri), and their spouses and children, are unabashedly obliged to vote for Golkar, even though no law requires them to be affiliated to any specific party.

The 1985 law on political organizations allows civil servants to join any political party. But the guarantee does not apply in practice because such moves by civil servants would be prevented by their superiors. According to the survey, the government has instilled in civil servants the perception that they should vote for Golkar in every election if they want development programs to continue.

Explicitly or implicitly, the other political parties are portrayed as evil spirits in the political and development processes, the survey said in its reports.

It also disclosed that Korpri members including teachers and headmasters have been given the additional burden to help Golkar win the election in their respective neighborhoods and persuade students to apply for Golkar membership.

Background

Korpri has been widely believed to be a dominating factor in the affairs of general elections. It has been Golkars backbone in mobilizing the masses, down to the village level. Golkar cadres who hold strategic posts of being regents, district chiefs, village heads, and teachers have been productive in mobilizing the mass to vote for Golkar.

Even in the five general elections which have been held during the New Order administration, Korpri has always been blamed for various unfair practices, including engineering the counting of ballots. Although the allegations have never been brought to court, PPP and PDI have always written a long list of violations attributed to Korpri. Korpri was established by a presidential decree on November 29, 1971.

It was a political decision in a bid to reorder the then compartmentalized civil servants according to their respective political and ideological aspirations. The compartmentalization was actually the result of Old Order policies which gave the political parties the opportunity to penetrate the civil servants. Apparently the New Order government was determined to stem this kind of compartmentalization. So, by Presidential Decree No. 28/1981, the government integrated the civil servants into Korpri, which is based on the state philosophy Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.

With this integration, Korpri bore two consequences, which later developed into a concept of monoloyalty.

The first of the consequences was the purge against all elements and influences which contradicted Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and the general policies of the New Order administration.

Secondly, the civil servants affairs have been strictly controlled in order to prevent the possibility of deviation from the scheme of integration. This has often been paraded as a concept of monoloyalty.

The argument

At the beginning, monoloyalty was understood as the height of the integration target, namely being loyal to Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and the ideals of the New Order government.

Lately, however, the concept of monoloyalty has been translated into the mobilization of the civil servants for the support of Golkar.

In a sense, it is the argumentation between these two points of view about monoloyalty that is the focus of the current debate regarding the role of civil servants in politics. Yogie S.M., the Minister of Home Affairs concurrently chairman of the General Elections Institute (LPU), contended that Korpri members did not have any other choice but to vote for Golkar.

Legally, Korpri members are free to vote for any of the three political organizations. However, they are also bound to the statutes of Korpri and the results of its congress which say that members must channel their political aspirations through Golkar, Yogie said.

Korpri chairman Soeryatna Soebrata contended that government workers should remain loyal to a single majority party because any transfer of their loyalty would hinder their services to the state.

Castrated

The current administration is one of Golkar. Therefore, Korpri members will automatically support and be loyal to the Golkar-dominated government, said Soebrata, who is also secretary general of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Soebrata denied that the policy castrated the civil servants political rights because it is one of the consequences of being a government employee.

Soebrata said the civil servants loyalty to Golkar should prevail so long as Golkar continues to hold power.

But, if Golkar loses their power, then civil servants should shift their loyalty to the new power which takes over the government, he said. On the other side of the hedge, Pudjo Sueharso, MS, a post graduate student in the Surabaya-based Airlangga University in East Java suggested a review about the concept of monoloyalty. According to Suharso, the concept of monoloyalty must be reverted back to its original non-political essence according to Law No. 8/1974 concerning Civil Servants. The law stipulates that civil servants are servants to the people and should always be loyal to Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, the State, and the Government in exercising their governmental and development tasks.

So, they must not become servants to a certain group. Besides, if we truly believe that Golkar is not the only party which is loyal to the ideals of the New Order, Pancasila, and the 1945 Constitution, the freedom of civil servants to join any of the parties will not cause disintegration among the civil servants, Suharso said.

Preoccupation

The matter of civil servants neutrality in politics has apparently been a preoccupation among political thinkers and politicians.

Early in 1995, or a clear two years before the 1997 general election, PPP chairman Ismail Hasan Metareum demanded that Korpri be made independent of all political parties and maintain a neutral stance.

Since civil servants are paid by the state, they must remain neutral. They are not here to serve a certain political group, Metareum said then, without explicitly pointing a finger at Golkar.

Denny J.A., a Master of Public Policy from the University of Pittsburgh, in September 1995 endorsed calls for maintaining civil servants independence.

In a writing appearing in the Jakarta-based daily Media Indonesia, Denny said that politicians come and go but bureaucratic officials remain in government.

So, Denny pointed out, civil servants should only be subservient to the state, not to a political party.

If a leader wants to identify the civil servants corps with his party, he is guilty of identifying his party with the state, Denny said in his writing.

According to Denny, the principles of democracy mandate that civil servants be neutral in party politics as a partisan civil servants corps will harm the principles of competition and fairness in a general election.

Moreover, a partisan stance will make the government bureaucracy unprepared for a change in government leadership to another party which is possible in a democratic system, he said.

In a bid to promote civil servants neutrality, earlier this year former minister of internal affairs Rudini suggested the allotment of parliamentary seats to civil servants in return for the exemption of their voting rights.

It was no surprise that this suggestion promptly endorsed support from the PPP party.

I agree with the suggestion because it may put a stop to Korpri being an accomplice to Golkar, said Ms. Aisyah Aminy, a PPP legislator. But Golkar rejected the suggestion.

As mentioned somewhere above, it has been mainly due to the work of Korpri members that has succeeded in enhancing its victory in every general election, overcoming the minority parties by a big margin. Golkars percentage of the votes did suffer a small decrease from 62.80% in 1971 to 62.11% in 1977. But in the following two general elections, the figure went up to 64.34% in 1982 and 73.11% in 1987. After a drop to 68.10% in 1992, Golkar has projected a target of 70.03% in 1997.

So, the risk is too great for Golkar to give a nod to the suggestion of exempting Korpri members from voting. The stake is not only the 15 seats (computed from 6 million Korpri members divided by 400,000 votes per seat), but also and most importantly the strategic significance of the civil servants corps. (EBRI/ss)

Sustained Yellowization, United Development Party Officially Sues

IMN - 21 March, 1997

Yogyakarta – The United Development Party's (PPP) plan to bring the yellowization case to green, is not just a bluff. Seven PPP Regional Executive Board leaders of the Surakarta area agrred to sue Governor Soewardi, They officially authorized the case to the UII Legal Consultancy and Aid Institution (LKBH) Yogyakarta, on Monday (3/17).

The seven Regional Executive Board leaders present at the UII Legal Consultancy and Aid Institution's office at Lawu Street No. 3, Kota Baru, Yogyakarta were Regional Offices Solo, H. Moedrick Setiawan Sangidoe; Boyolali, Habib Masturi; Klaten, Mardiyono Puspito; Sragen, Rus Utaryono; Karanganyar, Rumdhani; Wonogiri, Anding Sukiman, and Sukoharjo. Each leader was given the opportunity to speak, to explain the reasons for their arrival.

"We have come here to hand over the case against Governor Soewardi," said Moedrick representing his six colleagues. The power of attorney was immediately accepted by the five lawyers. They are Busro Muqodas SH, MHum, Artidjo Alkostar SH, Samsul Hadi SH, Ali Mustafa SH and Akhmad Muthosim SH.

The legal steps taken by PPP, said Moedrick, were because their efforts to dam the yellowization movement in Central Java met a dead end. Advice, criticism, and protests conducted throughout this time had no reponse as should have been. "Governor Soewardi tended not to notice," he said. In fact, the movement to yellowize all public facilities became even worse.

Efforts to sue Governor Soewardi, continued Moedrick, are more of a moral movement rather than political. "We are suing the unfair and unjust actions of government officials," he said. The lawsuit, is the peak of what's been accumulated so far. "The people are sick of the policies of this unintelligent leader," he added.

The yellowization policy, according to Busro Muqodas, is a manifestation of power not paradigmed by law. These lop sided political actions -undemocratic-, effect the social political atmosphere. More than that, it hurts the just conscience of PPP members especially.

The governor takes such actions, continued Busro, without any legal basis. Anti-judicial. Both laws and regional regulations. And at the same time is an undemocratic attitude. Because, it puts aside the voices of the people's representatives which should be noted and heard in making regional regulations. "These lop-sided yellowization actions have pulled the democratic spirit, which should be upheld in the Panasila democratic life," he added.

Legal actions of the plaintiff, he continued, are a visualization of their constitutional commitment in an effort to uphold political justice and the building of democracy. The UII LKBH's team, shortly will submit the lawsuit papers to the Semarang Court as soon as possible. "Anywhich way, in a week's time we will be listed at court," said Busro. The LKBH supports the lawsuit, after letters sent to the heads of the Indonesian Legislative Assembly/House of Speakers went unheard.

According to Busro, the basis of law used to sue Goevrnor Soewardi is clear. That is, Article 1365 KUH Perdata, of breakign the law. Other articles, Article 3 clause 2 of Transportation Minister Letter of Decree No. KM 60 Year 1993, about road markers. In the Leter of Decree it's already clear, that road markers must be white. In the uproar of yellowization, road markers to protector trees and other traffic facilities were painted yellow. In dact, all facilities taht could be painted, were made yellow.

The compensation claims are not absurd. First, the halting of yellowization, repainting all public facilities back to their original color. And, a little nominal material compensation. "Well, at the least enough to cover the cost of white paint that PPP bought," said Busro in jest.

Busro is optimistic his client's claim will win. "With the grace of God hopefully we'll win, it's obvious the basis of the yellowization policy has no clear legalities," he said. If taht's true? "I'll give the compensation money as a bonus for Central Java athletes," said Moedrick. A while back, PPP Regional Executive Board gathered funds from society. The money as donated to prestigious athletes in PON XIV. This was done, since the Governor was reluctant to give a bonus to athletes that had donated medals.

Indon polls: ABRI has not yet proposed any names

Business Times - 20 March, 1997

S N Vasuki – A senior official of Indonesia's Armed Forces (Abri) has moved swiftly to end a raging internal debate on whether the army should now announce its preferred candidates for the presidential and vice-presidential positions in the March 1998 elections.

Armed forces socio-political affairs chief Lieut-Gen Syarwan Hamid yesterday clarified that Abri had not yet recommended any names. "Abri's stance on presidential and vice-presidential candidates will be stated only by Armed Forces Chief Gen Feisal Tanjung and me," he said. "Any other source should be ignored."

Political analysts said that the debate surfaces at a time when many Indonesians are questioning whether the armed forces should retain their unique dual function role of maintaining domestic stability and protecting the country from external threats.

The Abri debate was obviously triggered by the coming parliamentary elections on May 29. Early this week Suparman Achmad, chairman of Abri's faction in the lower house, said that the armed forces already had identified several potential vice-presidential candidates. "It would not be right if Abri did not have a candidate," Mr Suparman said. "Abri members are also citizens."

Defence Minister Edi Sudradjat, a former senior Abri officer himself, joined the debate by adding that Abri should have announced a candidate for the vice-presidency. "Abri should have prepared its candidate but now is not the time to announce it. The candidate will be announced at the MPR general assembly." Mr Edi did not rule out the possibility that there may well be more than one candidate for the vice-presidency in 1998.

The armed forces which has 100 nominated seats in the parliament (which will be reduced to 75 after the next election) traditionally announces its preference on who should be elected president and vice-president just before the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) meets in March every five years. As Abri is widely expected to endorse President Suharto's candidature for a seventh term in March 1998, analysts said that attention has now focused on who he will be nominated as vice-president.

Speculation in Jakarta centres around three potential candidates: State Minister for Research & Technology B J Habibie, Planning Minister Ginanjar Kartasasmita, Armed Forces Chief of Staff Lieut-Gen Hartono and State Secretary Murdiono.

Though analysts feel Mr Habibie is a front-runner, it is not clear at this stage whether there is broad consensus within Abri and government on who should be nominated for vice-president. The current incumbent, Try Sutrisno, is a former general but is widely expected to stand down after his term expires in March 1998.

Foreigners banned from monitoring may 29 election

Antara News - March 20, 1997

Bandung, West Java – Foreigners will not be allowed to monitor the May 29 general election but will be permitted to observe the democratic process, Army chief of staff, Gen R Hartono said Tuesday.

"There will be no problem if they come to Indonesia legally just to observe the general election," Hartono said during the 51st anniversary celebration of the association of army members' wives in Pakutandang village, Ciparay subdistrict here.

Foreigners are welcome to get firsthand information on the upcoming general election for their countries, he said, adding that the army college, Seskoad, and the Indonesian Institute of Science(LIPI) also sought information on other countries' general elections.

He did not specify which countries the Seskoad and the LIPI visited.

"Foreigners are welcome to become good observers but they will not be allowed to monitor, even meddle in the election," he said.

Early this month, Interior Minister Yogie S Memet said he would invite other countries to monitor the general election.

However, he did not name the countries to be invited.

Some 119 million Indonesians are scheduled to go to the polls on May 29.

Foreign observers should use Indonesian standard

Antara News - March 17, 1997

Semarang, Central Java – Foreign parties should be subject to the Indonesian but not international standard in observing the implementation of the upcoming general elections in Indonesia, a human rights activist said.

Prof Dr Muladi SH, a member of the National Commission on Human Rights, here Sunday said that the positive and territorial principles were the basis of the Indonesian law, so foreign observers in making analyses should refer to the Indonesian standards.

In general, he agreed with the presence of foreign observers during the elections, but those invited to observe the country's general elections should not come from countries having a grudge or problem with Indonesia.

Indonesia should not invite those (observers) hailing from countries which often defamed Indonesia at the international eyes,he stressed.

The United Nations officials were also expected to come to Indonesia for the purpose. Therefore the ruling Golkar party was called to be watchful over their presence.

The presence of foreign observers should enable Indonesia to well prepare the general elections in all respects, including the organisational aspect, stipulations and political culture, he said.

If wrong, foreign observers can be charged

Bali Post - 16 March, 1997

Jakarta – Golkar has accepted a government idea to have foreign observers present during the May 29 general elections. However if "errors" are found in the results of the observations, Golkar suggests that the government takes definite steps.

"If their reports are not accurate and veer from the facts, it is natural for us to charge them – especially so if the error is blown up overseas" said the Golkar chair Harmoko in Jakarta on Saturday night (15/3). So that there would be no mistakes, foreign observers must follow the democratic system which is current in Indonesia. While carrying out observations, he continued, foreigners may not use glasses of liberal democracy as is current their different countries.

"In other words, they [foreign observers - Red] must learn about the system we are developing, including the regulations and laws which exists", he said.

According to Harmoko, there is a small possibility that they [Indonesians - JB] will take advantage of the foreign observers as a place to complain about election inadequacies, particularly Golkar. "I'm certain, there is only a small possibility the people will search for bad things and Golkar mistakes, to hand over to foreigners" he added.

[Abridged translation from Bali Post - James Balowski]

People who intervene will have to be arrested

Jawa Pos - 19 March, 1997 (Abridged)

Army chief of staff General Hartono said the armed forces will take action against foreign observers of the elections who violate provisions in force in Indonesia. 'They can observe the election, as long as they stick to the rules,' he said.

'If observers try to intervene then they will be arrested. We have our own rules and have no need to hide anything. But if foreign observers try to insert concepts from other countries that differ from ours, we will definitely take action,' he said.

He said that ABRI, which is a part of the country's election investigation mechanism will take firm action against people from outside, whoever they happen to be. If they just want to observe things, there isn't any problem.'

As for who will be allowed to come and observe, it will be for the immigration authorities to decide, he said.

'So will they be clobbered?', he was asked. He replied: 'Many people don't understand what 'clobbered' (digebuk) means. In my interpretation, it means law enforcement.'

He refused to elaborate on the space allowed for foreigners to observe the election. He said that people coming to Indonesia as tourists must behave like tourists. They should not do anything that is beyond their role as tourists,' he said.

Yellow campaign has opposition seeing red

Sydney Morning Herald - March 19, 1997

In local campaigning for national elections in May, parties are not afraid to nail their colours to the mast, even if they have to paint whole towns to do it, reports Herald Correspondent LOUISE WILLIAMS from Solo, Central Java.

The buses, the fences, the monuments, the kerbs and even the tree trunks and the rocks along the roadside are glowing with fresh yellow paint in one of the most bizarre and bitterly fought campaign tussles of Indonesia's coming national elections.

Yellow is the colour of the ruling Golkar Party of President Soeharto and the "yellowisation" of the densly populated rural towns and villages of central Java is the idea of the local government authorities of the old royal capital of Solo.

Three times now teams of enthusiastic Government servants have painted the towns yellow, a mammoth undertaking involving millions of brush strokes along vast stretches of roadways. Twice now their critics have fielded teams of their own to paint the public facilities white again.

The Muslim-based opposition United Development Party (PPP) has now announced it will sue the Solo local government, claiming it has no legal right to use public facilities as campaigning tools in the election. Rather than trying to change the colour back again, with limited manpower and financial resources, stickers are appearing across yellow tree trunks in the neutral red and white strips of the Indonesian flag.

The Solo city government has explained the campaign away as merely a nationalistic outpouring, claiming yellow is the colour of a local bird as well as a symbol of the 50th anniversary of Indonesia's declaration of independence - which was two years ago.

But a local academic, Dr Andrik Purwasito, says the campaign is a symptom of Golkar's declining popularity in the wake of a series of religious and ethnic riots, increasing disquiet over corruption in government institutions and social jealously over the gap between the rich and poor.

Dr Andrik said: "In the villages there are warnings that Golkar will have a difficult time dominating this election. "The popularity of Golkar is diminishing so they are trying to devise a new tactic to boost their campaign.

"Central Java is considered a key region in the national voting pattern and the local government authorities are worried a reduced vote will undermine their prestige and authority."

The issue of prestige is particularly important in Solo, the home town of the late wife of President Soeharto, Ibu Tien, who is buried in an elaborate vault in the cemetery of the royal family on the outskirts of town. Javanese culture affords considerable respect and adoration to a leader and such has been the standing of the Soeharto family in the past in central Java. To further reinforce the importance of the location of the family grave near Solo, numerous new five-star hotels have been built and the local airport has been expanded to take international flights in readiness for an expected influx of tourists.

Dr Andrik said: "Leaders in Java are like kings, they must create an atmosphere of unity. To achieve this they want to create symbols of unity, so everything that is yellow shows we must support Golkar."

However, the local branch of the PPP has already vocally challenged the election campaign, saying the extensive resources of the Government which are being used to back Golkar mean opposition parties cannot fairly compete.

Apart from challenging the colour campaign the PPP has announced boycotts of the election in eight central Java branches, despite President Soeharto's warning that he will treat "very severely" anyone encouraging others to boycott the polls.

In the markets of Solo cheap yellow batik shirts are on display, commissioned by local factories for the lead-up to the election. None is available for the opposition parties. Shoppers say they do not know who is painting the town. All they know is that when they go to bed it is one colour and when they get up it is another.

They also know the most recent anti-yellow campaign was led by a soothsayer related to the royal family of Solo who recently spent a year in jail for calling President Soeharto a dictator. He went to the Solo Palace and asked for the Sultan's permission to paint the town white again, which was granted. Yellow was back the next day.

Parties criticise election rules

Agence France Presse - March 17, 1997

Jakarta – Indonesia's two opposition parties have filed official complaints about the May election campaign regulations, saying they are too restrictive.

"We think the regulations do not make the campaign process smooth, but they limit the space for parties like ours," United Development Party (PPP) chairman Ismail Hasan Metareum said.

PPP and the Indonesian Democracy Party (PDI) have officially filed a complaint about the campaign regulations, saying they are too restrictive for them to follow.

Indonesia's three officially sanctioned parties _ PPP, PDI and the ruling Golkar party _ will vie for 425 parliamentary seats in the 29 May elections.

In the past few weeks the PPP and PDI have publicly criticised the campaign regulations as disadvantaging them and favouring President Suharto's ruling Golkar party, which has won every election since 1971.

Seven PPP chapters from central Java said last month they would boycott the campaign. A package of five regulations governing the electoral campaign did not reflect "honest and just" elections.

The regulations include a strict campaign rotation which requires party executives to go to different locations far apart in the archipelago in a single day and have their broadcast campaign speeches first checked by the government.

National Election Institute secretary Suryatna Subrata said that despite the complaints the regulations would not be changed, but added that some technical aspects of the regulations' implementation could be discussed.

"What we need at this point, if there are still complaints from the two parties, is more technical explanations of the regulations," Mr Subrata, who is also the home ministry's secretary-general, said. Golkar has received widespread criticism for using government facilities and officials to gain support in general elections.

The country's six million civil servants are required to vote for Golkar, as are their spouses and children.

The two parties have also accused Golkar of campaigning far ahead of the scheduled one month before the 29 May elections.

The mayor of the central Java town of Solo has ordered trees, lamp posts, fences and pavements on the town's central square to be painted in Golkar's party colour of yellow, sparking the community's anger.

The colour of the square has since changed at least four times, with PPP and PDI supporters doing paint-overs, and city officials repainting it yellow.

Political war of colours raging in Central Java

Straits Times - March 15, 1997

Jakarta – The Solo branch of the United Development Party (PPP) is to sue the Central Java governor for imposing the yellow livery of the ruling Golkar in public places.

President Suharto has said, meanwhile, that the authorities would act against people who encouraged others not to vote in the May 29 general election, the official Antara news agency reported.

In Solo, PPP district chairman Mudrik Sangidu said the party's lawyers were preparing to sue Central Java Governor Suwardi over what he said was the "yellowisation" of Solo and other places in the province.

Documents in support of the party's case would be filed with the courts next week.

The authorities in several regions throughout Indonesia have public property painted yellow, the official colour of the ruling Golkar.

In Solo, the third-largest town in Central Java, a political colour war has been waged since January as the local authorities moved against PPP activists and supporters of ousted Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) leader Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Trees lining the city's main avenue, sidewalks and flower pots have alternated between Golkar's yellow and either red-and-white – the national colours – or plain white, which is deemed neutral.

Mr Mudrik said a poll of 500 respondents in Solo and another 2,500 in neighbouring districts found that more than 90 per cent were opposed to the imposition of yellow on public facilities.

PPP members in early January painted over the yellow public property in Solo with white, saying it was a neutral colour not linked to any political entity.

Golkar supporters repainted the white with yellow a few weeks later, but it was not long before Ms Megawati's supporters entered the fray and repainted in the national colours of red and white.

It was later repainted yellow again by city officials.

Last week, the PPP and PDI in Central Java's main city of Semarang said residents had been complaining that applicants for new or renewed identity cards were being forced to buy yellow wallets. Golkar has been criticised widely for using government facilities and officials to garner support in the upcoming elections.

The country's six-million civil servants are required to vote for Golkar.

Last week, armed-forces chief Feisal Tanjung broke decades of official neutrality by stating open support for Golkar from the military and their families.

In separate comments carried by Antara, Mr Suharto was quoted as saying on Thursday that those who did not want to vote at the election had a "right" to do so.

But he warned that "if they try to prevent other people from exercising their rights, we will take action".

The run-up to Indonesia's elections has seen the emergence of those who advocate a boycott of the polls or spoiling ballot papers at the general election as a means of protesting against government policies.

Mr Suharto said the government would also deal harshly with attempts to disrupt the counting of the ballots.

"There will be no compromise," the President was quoted as saying while talking with members of a village improvement organisation in Aceh province.

The military in West Java is searching for people who produced about 6,000 pamphlets calling for a boycott of the polls.

Members of the unrecognised left-wing People's Democratic Party started a graffiti campaign this month calling for a similar boycott. – AFP, Reuters.

Environment/land disputes

273,653 HA of rice field disappeared in past 16 years

Antara News - March 21, 1997

Jakarta – A total of 273,653 hectares of rice field disappeared between 1980 and 1996, with an average of 17,000 hectares lost everyyear.

Their disappearance is mainly due to the increasing need for land by people in the island of Java, State Minister for Agrarian Affairs, Soni Harsono, told the press after reporting the matter toPresident Soeharto at the presidential residence along JalanCendana, Thursday.

Harsono further said Java's forestland has shrunk by 200,000 hectares from 2.8 million hectares in 1980 to 2.6 million hectareslast year.

"We need to take measures to protect our forestland," he quoted the president as saying.

He added that according to the president, priority should be given to irrigated land.

Soeharto cited as an example that a building could be demolished if it is built over a paddy field converted without proper licenses.

Harsono also said that 1,119 families had been given certificates to cultivate 228 hectares of peat land in Central Kalimantan.

The certificates will be presented to the families by the headof state when he visits Central Kalimantan.

Urgent action needed on Siberut plantation plan

Down to Earth Campaign - 20 March, 1997

Indonesian Ministers are due to take a decision approving plans for a 70,000 hectare oil palm plantation and transmigration project in the buffer zone of Siberut NationalPark in early 1997. With advice from Indonesian environmental NGOs, Down to Earth has sent the following letter to the Indonesian authorities urging them to withhold permission. IT IS IMPORTANT TO TAKE ACTION NOW AS THE INDONESIAN AUTHORITIES WILL SOON BE TOO BUSY WITH THE MAY ELECTIONS. IF YOU WANT TO EXPRESS YOUR CONCERN, WRITE IMMEDIATELY TO THE DECISION-MAKERS LISTED BELOW (with a copy to Down to Earth)

FEEL FREE TO USE THE INFORMATION IN OUR LETTER, BUT PLEASE DO NOT COPY IT WORD FOR WORD

There is more information about this oil palm plantation scheme in Down to Earth's newsletter issues No29/30 and 31. Issue 32 also includes a shorter version of this letter.

1. Minister of Manpower Affairs, Drs Abdul Latief, (an major investor in one of the companies), Jl. Gatot Subroto Kav. 51, Jakarta 12950, Indonesia

2. Minister of Forestry, Djamaludin Soerjohadikoesoemo, Gedung Manggala Wanabakti Blok I Lt. IV, Jl. Gatot Subroto, Senayan, Jakarta Pusat, Indonesia

3. Governor of West Sumatra, Dr Hasan Basri Durin Jl. Jend. Sudirman No. 51, Padang 25113, Sumatera Barat, Indonesia

Sirs

As an international organisation focusing on environment and development issues in Indonesia, Down to Earth recognises the steps already taken by the Indonesian government towards protecting the unique lifestyles of the indigeous people and the ecosystems of the island of Siberut. However, we are very concerned that the Governor of West Sumatra has agreed in principle to the establishment of an oil palm plantation and associated transmigration scheme covering 70,000ha in the buffer zone of the National Park (letters 525.26/2032 and 525.26/2033, August 25th 1995).

These plans are not compatible with the National Park Integrated Conservation and Development Programme or the Park's status as a World Biodiversity Reserve. If this plantation and transmigration programme goes ahead it will damage the fragile ecology of the whole island; create social tension between communities on Siberut; marginalise the indigenous people; fail to fulfil transmigrants' hopes for a better life and prove an expensive disappointment for investors and the Indonesian government. We therefore ask you to refuse to endorse Hasan Basri Duri's recommendation and to excert all your influence to stop this and similar schemes on Siberut for the following reasons:

1. Environmental impacts

a) The National Park which occupies nearly half the island was created to conserve Siberut's rich flora and fauna. Any large-scale extractive development in the buffer zone will seriously affect its vital role in protecting the Park bearing in mind the relatively small size of the island. An oil palm plantation will replace the high biodiversity of the existing forest with one introduced species.

b) The large-scale clearance of forest from Siberut's watershed will have a detrimental effect on the hydrology of the island. The microhabitats of endemic species will be reduced and communities downstream will be treatened by water shortages and flooding.

c) The construction and use of the infrastructure required to support the plantation and transmigration schemes, including roads, drainage, housing and offices will damage the natural ecology of the island directly and indirectly.

d) Soil erosion resulting from forest clearance and construction will result in sediment being deposited along the coast, killing coral reefs in an area designated to become a Marine Reserve.

e) The liming of the soil necessary to establish the oil palm plantation and the pesticides and fertilisers required to maintain this monoculture will pollute waters flowing to the National Park and the Marine Reserve, including the land used for traditional agricultural practices.

f) The transmigration site will introduce new, alien species for agriculture and as domestic animals and unintentionally as pests. These will threaten endemic species and endanger local environments. The delicate ecology of the island cannot withstand the sudden introduction of several thousand transmigrants and the demands for water, firewood and waste disposal.

2. Social impacts

a) As the culture of the indigenous people is intimately connected to the forests of Siberut, large-scale forest clearance will destroy their whole way of life.

b) The type of education and economy of the Mentawai people has not prepared them for the sudden dramatic changes asociated with the introduction of a large commercial plantation. Few indigenous people will be able to gain employment there. c) The plantation and transmigration sites will be established on land traditionally used by the indigenous people. Conflicts over whether or not to give up land rights and the levels of compensation are fragmenting the Mentawai community.

d) Once the indigenous people have lost their land rights they will be marginalised in their homeland. This could lead to social tensions such as those in Sanggau Ledo recently.

e) As it will take at least five years between land clearence and palm oil production, transmigrants will have no source of income or support when the standard support package ends after the first two years.

f) If transmigrants cannot make a living from the plantation or cultivate the acid, waterlogged soils, they will either return home or encroach on the traditional lands of Mentawai communities, including the National Park, to meet their needs.

3. Economic factors

a) The high transportation costs between Siberut and mainland Sumatra will make the cost of establishing and maintaining the plantation and transmigration site infrastructure very high. b) This part of Siberut is swampy. The costs of draining the land and liming to raise the very low soil pH will be considerable.

c) The high costs of importing food and other basic commodities to support transmigrants for the first two years will add to the project's costs.

d) This is a high cost, high risk investment as the productivity of oil palms on Siberut is unproven.

Before considering any further development plans for Siberut, we ask you to insist that:

1. The potential environmental and social impacts on the National Park are thoroughly studied and the results made public.

2. Participative mapping of the whole of Siberut is carried out to determine the extent of indigenous people's land rights.

3. Feasibility studies and research are carried out on the potential for small-scale cultivation of crops based on the rich biodiversity of the indigenous flora of Siberut.

4. Mechanisms are established to enable genuine consultation with all Siberut people. Finally, we must emphasise that Down to Earth is not anti-development. We share the vision of those within the Indonesian government and the broader community who seek development which is environmentally sustainable and socially equitable. The proposed transmigration and plantation scheme for Siberut is neither.

Yours sincerely

Appetite for fish turning Asian coral reefs into a wasteland

International Herald Tribune - February 4, 1997

Michael Richardson, Jakarta – The Mentawai Islands along the southern coast of Sumatra in Indonesia are a picture of tropical paradise: countless remote atolls fringed by white sand beaches and coconut palms.

But below the surface of the crystal-clear azure waters, on the coral reefs that skirt the islands, it is another story.

Jeroen Deknatel, director of operations at Fantasea Divers based on Phuket Island in Thailand, was so impressed at the tourist and recreational diving potential of the Mentawais that he took his live-aboard dive ship down to the area 18 months ago and organized two cruises for divers.

Two years earlier, scientists from the Bung Hatta University in Padang, the main port city in the region, had visited the Mentawais and found pristine coral reefs teeming with fish.

Yet on its two cruises, covering more than 1,280 kilometers (800 miles) and 65 dive sites throughout the chain of islands, the Fantasea found that most of the reefs were completely destroyed.

"It was an underwater wasteland," Mr. Deknatel recalled. "Hundreds of miles of reefs had been totally obliterated. With a few notable exceptions, marine life was nonexistent."

Disappointed divers on the ship suggested names like Dresden, Hiroshima and Ground Zero for some of the sites.

Mr. Deknatel said that possible causes of the destruction included dynamite and cyanide fishing, infestation by the coral-eating crown of thorns starfish and sediment runoff due to logging on some islands.

But the prime suspect was the use of explosives and sodium cyanide poison to kill or stun reef fish so that they could be caught quickly in large quantities.

"Several large factory fishing boats from countries outside Indonesia are suspected of using dynamite and cyanide to decimate the reefs," Mr. Deknatel reported at the time. "Such boats have been observed in the area, but it was not possible to determine their country of origin."

Although now illegal in most Southeast Asian countries, use of explosives for fishing in the region dates back to World War II, when surplus ammunition became widely available.

Application of liquid cyanide, mainly by divers using plastic squirt bottles, to stun large fish such as wrasse, groper and cod so that they can be pried from holes and crevices in reefs, is a more recent innovation.

Such fish, when shipped live to Chinese seafood restaurants - in Hong Kong, China, Taiwan, Singapore and other countries in an increasingly affluent region - command prices many times higher than the same fish chilled, frozen or even farmed.

For example, a single Napoleon wrasse smuggled out of Indonesia, where its export has been illegal since 1995, can sell to eager seafood customers for over $5,000, including up to $245 for the lips alone, which are prized as a particular delicacy.

Robert Johannes, an American coral-reef ecologist based in Australia, estimates that the annual volume of reef fish caught live in Southeast Asia and the Western Pacific and sold to seafood restaurants in the region is between 11,000 tons and 16,000 tons, worth at least several hundred million dollars.

"The fisheries that supply this market are creating a vast and expanding ecological tragedy that has gone largely unnoticed outside the region," he said. "The use of cyanide to catch live reef fish is most intensive in Indonesia and the Philippines. By unfortunate coincidence, these are the two countries whose waters also hold the world's greatest marine biological diversity."

LARGE fish destined for the restaurant trade are generally able to pass cyanide poison out of their systems when put in holding pens before shipment. The trouble is that while explosives damage sections of a reef, cyanide kills the smaller fish as well as the living coral, algae and invertebrates on which the fish population depends for survival.

"When a reef is destroyed by cyanide, a whole generation of local fishermen and villagers is being deprived of its main livelihood," said Rainer Sigel, publisher of Asian Diver in Singapore. "The food chain is destroyed from the bottom up, and that means it will take much longer to regenerate."

A survey by the Indonesian Institute of Sciences has estimated that 58 percent of Indonesia's coral reefs had been heavily damaged and 35 percent partly damaged, largely because of human activity.

Because the reefs provide vital shelter and breeding grounds for fish, and many of the poorest communities among Indonesia's population of 200 million depend heavily on fish for protein, the economic and social consequences of wholesale reef destruction could be devastating.

President Suharto recently appointed a number of his most senior officials, including the defense minister and the chief of armed forces, to a newly formed national maritime council.

Its main task is help protect the seas and reefs of Indonesia - a country comprising more than 17,000 islands.

"As the largest archipelagic state in the world, Indonesia's marine potential has not been fully utilized by its owners but exploited by others who have left only seven percent of our coral reefs in good condition," said Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, the environment minister. Scientists say that hundreds of tons of cyanide are being pumped each year into coral reefs in Indonesia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia.

BUT since Indonesia is so large and the trade in live reef fish so valuable, it is difficult to enforce the laws intended to control it. Local officials are either paid by organizers or middlemen to look the other way, or may even be partners in the business. Mark Erdmann, who spent two years studying the trade in Ujung Pandang on Sulawesi Island, one of the main collection points for live fish exports, said that in Indonesia, it was only illegal to use cyanide for capturing fish.

"Possession of cyanide on fishing vessels is permitted for 'tranquilizing' purposes," he said. "Legal loopholes such as this make enforcement virtually impossible."

Many of the cyanide divers come from poor communities in Indonesia. Mr. Erdmann estimated that those involved in the live trade were paid from $150 to $500 a month - as much as 10 times the average monthly salary of conventional fishermen and three times that of a university lecturer.

He said that there was a real danger the trade in its present form could cause "local over-exploitation, if not local extinction" of reef fish stocks in Indonesia.

Most experts say they believe that if the trade is to be effectively controlled, more marine parks must be established and local communities given a stake in their management and in the ownership and maintenance of traditional reef fishing grounds outside such protected areas.

"The live seafood business can be done on a sustainable basis using hand-lines or fish traps," said Helen Newman, a marine biologist who works closely with Operation Wallacea, an Indonesian organization dedicated to protecting coral reefs off southeast Sulawesi. "But without the support of local people, you've got no hope."

Mr. Johannes said that security of tenure provided an essential incentive for conservation of reef fishing grounds.

"To be more effective, however," he added, "local reef owners need government help in the form of supporting legislation education, assistance with enforcement, and legal agreements between reef owners and fishing companies."

Democratic struggle

Indonesia alert - Free Saleh Abdullah

East Timor Action Network - March 21, 1997

We have just received a report that human rights activist Saleh Abdullah has been arrested as part of a general crackdown on non-governmental organizations in Indonesia.

Mr Abdullah has visited Canada and spoken out against the appalling human rights record of the Suharto regime. His last trip took him to Montreal, Toronto and Ottawa with the sponsorship of the Canadian catholic Organization for Development and Peace, Canada Asia Working Group (of the Canadian churches), and East Timor Alert Network. Many of us who met Saleh during that trip will remember his good humour and his dedication to human rights.

Saleh Abdullah has also testified about human rights in Indonesia at the United Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva, adn attended the most recent international symposium for East Timor in Portugal.

Saleh Abdullah is a secretary of the Indonesian United Democracy Party (PUDI), one of the two genuine opposition parties in Indonesia. As such, PUDI is banned by the government, which recognizes only three parties and keeps all three under tight control. PUDI has been in the forefront of the campaign for a plural society. One of PUDI's most important political acts has been to say openly that the military should not play any role at all in society, a fundamental challenge to the Rdual functionS doctrine that justifies the army's role in politics – and thus a fundamental challenge to the regime itself. The party has also made a draft to reformulate the 1945 constitution. Its proposed changes would, among others, give full autonomy to the regions and a proper check and balance between the executive, legislative and judiciary.

Saleh Abdullah was also a co-founder of INFIGHT, the Indonesian Front for the Defence of Human Rights, one of the first human rights groups to take an uncompromising oppositional stand. The group shared office space and a heavily- overlapping membership with SKEPHI, the Indonesian Network for Forest Conservation. INFIGHT was also the first group to have East Timorese among its founders, marking a new development in Indonesian oppositional politics. INFIGHT has a long-standing relationship with the Canadian churches since 1990 and has recieved financial support from CCODP.

He is a Muslim that has nevertheless resisted attempts by the regime to pit Christians and Muslims against each other in the East Timor situation. A week after the Santa Cruz massacre of 12 November 1991 in East Timor, he helped East Timorese students in Jakarta to organize the first demonstration for East Timorese independence in the Indonesian capital. He had to go into hiding for several months after this demonstration, but resumed his organizing despite threats from the military authorities.

Saleh Abdullah has been at the forefront of organizing joint East Timorese-Indonesian actions against the Suharto regime's policies. There are now several organizations dedicated to this joint organizing, thanks to his work. It is incumbent on friends of East Timor here in Canada to campaign for the release of Saleh Abdullah.

Many Indonesian activists have been held in prison since a pro- democracy outburst last July. These include Muchtar Pakpahan, leader of the Indonesia Prosperity Trade Union (SBSI), himself a past visitor to Canada who spoke out last May at the Canadian Labour Congress convention in Vancouver. They also include many members of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PRD) and the Indonesian Centre for Workers' Struggle (PPBI).

International pressure can help protect Indonesian activists in prison. In the short term, prisoners whose names are known abroad are less likely to face mistreatment while in prison. In the long term, those with international support are more likely to be released, as Muchtar Pakpahan was during a previous arrest.

Please write to the Indonesian authorities to raise the case of Saleh Abdullah. Ask that he be released, and that he not be mistreated while in prison. Also ask for the release of other human rights activists including Muchtar Pakpahan, Dita Sari of the PPBI and members of the PRD.

Saleh Abdullah is now being held at the Office of the Attorney General, where there are fears for his safety. PUDI leader Sri Bintang Pamungkas has alreadt been beaten while in custody, according to reliable reports.

Subversion in greeting card

EBRI - 21 March, 1997

It was probably the first time that a person was arrested for issuing and sending greeting cards. Eraordinary! But, then, Sri Bintang Pamungkas greeting cards were also quite unusual.

In addition to congratulating the addressees on the Idul Fitri festivity (in February), the cards also contained the political agenda of the unrecognized Indonesian Democratic Union Party (PUDI), which Bintang established last year in defiance of the government policy of recognizing only the existing three political parties.

The political agenda called for a boycott of the upcoming May general election. And worse still, Bintang appealed for rejection of President Soehartos renomination in 1998 and asked the people to prepare for a new order in post-Soeharto era.

The cards were sent to legislators in the House of Representatives (DPR) and a number of high-ranking officials which included the Vice President, Cabinet ministers, ABRI Commander, and the Attorney General.

Bintangs calls solicited expedient responses, although not quite the ones he expected. Legislators in the House accused Bintang of provocative campaigns that smack something like coup detat.

I think (the contents of) the greeting cards are against the constitutional five-year political cycle. I expect the prosecution office to ask for accountability from Sri Bintang, said Achmad Mustahid Astari, chairman of the ruling Golkar faction in the House.

Suparman Achmad, chairman of the Armed Forces (ABRI) faction in the House, criticized Bintangs move as unsympathetic.

He violates the law as well as thr decency of a worthy citizen, Suparman said.

Threat of subversion

The Attorney General Office lost no time and arrested Bintang on March 6. He was arrested with PUDIs vice chairman Julius Usman and secretary general Saleh Abdullah.

The warrants for the arrest of Bintang, Usman and Abdullah, dated March 5, stated that they were arrested as suspects on charges of subversion. The warrants, however, do not specify which of their actions were considered subversive. Attorney General Singgih, however, said that Bintang was arrested not only in relation to the political agenda of the greeting cards, but also because of findings the government had made while monitoring his activities in PUDI.

Just before Bintangs arrest, Siliwangi Military Commander Maj. Gen. Tayo Tarmadi in Bandung, West Java, made a statement about the existence of group(s) which provoked the people through illegal circulars.

On that occasion, Tarmadi explicitly pointed a finger on PUDI activists behind the propaganda because the circulars were signed by the PUDI chairman.

According to Singgih, the activities of the three suspects threatened the states safety, could disturb national unity and cohesion, and might spark unrest among the people at large.

Minister of Justice Oetoyo Oesman branded Bintangs act of persuading the people to boycott the general election as an obstruction of the publics right to vote. ABRI Commander General Feisal Tanjung accused Bintang of acting unconstitutionally.

Democracy is in the hands of the peoples representatives who do not act on the basis of their personal cravings, Tanjung said.

Vigorous protest

The Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) promptly dismissed the accusations against Bintang.

In a written statement, the association expressed a deep concern and said it had lodged a vigorous protest against the detention of Bintang, Usman and Abdullah.

PBHI maintained that the inclusion of the political agenda in the greeting cards could not be categorized as an act violating the law.

In the democratic perspectives, it is legal for every organization to have a political agenda and socialize it, the Indonesian Observer quoted the statement as saying.

PBHI suggested that the actions of Bintang and his friends should be classified as efforts to grow and develop the blunt political culture.

Such efforts are of course very useful in developing the democratic climate, it added. All through the proceedings Bintang does not seem to waver.

In essence, it is just a congratulation in the Idul Fitri festivity, he said of his greeting cards.

Bintang is a former House member from the United Development Party (PPP). In 1995, he was expelled from the House by PPP for repeatedly breaching party discipline and offending ministers.

In May last year Bintang was sentenced to 34 years in jail by a Jakarta court for allegedly insulting President Soeharto during a speech in Germany. The verdict was upheld by the court of appeal, but Bintang has since filed an appeal to the Supreme Court. (EBRI/ss)

Budiman and his lawyers 'walk-out'

Suara Pembaruan - March 19, 1997

[Plus Aberson trial update.]

Jakarta – Budiman Sudjatmiko along with his defense lawyers carried out a "walk-out" action on Tuesday (18/3) at the Central Jakarta state court.

The grounds, because the judge agreed with the proseecuter Salim to read out the statements of the Preliminary Investigation Reports (BAP) from witnesses from Surabaya in order to facilitate the trial process. Because, the prosecutor has call the witnesses a number of times, but they have not appeared.

Before doing so, the prosecutor explained that all of the witnesses: Soleh, Dita Indah Sari, Coen Hesen Pontah and Hartati had been given the oath.

Budiman refused to hear the statements from the witnesses BAPs because the witnesses from Surabaya are also accused in the same case, so they cannot appear. Aside from this, there was a conflict in the timing of the trials in Jakarta and Surabaya, which was a weakness on the part of courts to arrange the schedule. This was also considered to be a reluctance on the part of the prosecutor to present the witnesses. "Because of that, if [you] continue to read [the BAP statement] I cannot be present", said Budiman.

The accused defense team, Luhut MP Pangaribuan, Dwianto Prihartono and Johnson Panjaitan also objected to the judge's decision saying that the prosecutor was not able to show that the official request [for the witnesses to appear] had been sent and received by the witness in accordance with article 227 of the Criminal Code. Aside from this, the prosecutor could not explain properly what funds had been released to bring the witnesses to Jakarta in accordance with article 229 of the Criminal Code.

Prior to this, PRD activist Yakobus Eko Kurniawan and Suroso were presented as witnesses, who refused to give evidence in accordance with article 168 (b) of the Criminal Code, and withdrew the BAPs.

Aberson's trial

Meanwhile, in the subversion case against Aberson Marle Sihaloho, his defense team objected to the witnesses present because they were not the victims. They told the presiding judge, Suhardjo that in accordance with article 160 (1b) of the Criminal Code the first witnesses to be presented in court must be victims. While the prosecution witnesses which were presented were not victims of what happened at the free speech forum at the PDI headquarters on June 13, 1996. The prosecutor said that certainly witnesses were not victims be they knew about what happened at the PDI headquarters.

After arguments over a number of legal points, Aberson's defense lawyer Luhud asked if they would withdraw the charges. The prosecutor replied that they would not.

[Abridged translation from Suara Pembaruan - James Balowski]

Demonstration in Kejakgung, demanding Bintang be released

Media Indonesia - 19 March, 1997

Jakarta – Around 20 youths calling themselves Komite Pemuda Indonesia (KPI, Indonesian Youth Committee) held an action at the attorney general's office demanding that Sri Bintang Pamungkans and his companions be released. They unfurled banners reading: "Release our friend".

Before the protest ended, they read poems which included one which contained the hope that the anti-subversion laws be abolished. They also sung songs of struggle. As well as Bintang's release, they also asked that the practice of legal discrimination be ended citing the case of Edi Tansil.

[Abridged translation from Media Indonesia - James Balowski]

Soebadio's personal secretary arrested and becomes suspect

Kompas - March 20, 1997

Jakarta – Soebadio Sastrosatomo's personal secretary, Buyung Rachmat Buchori Nasution was arrested by the police on Wednesday (19/3). In the arrest warrant Buyung was referred to as a suspect. He is believed to have printed the book "New Era New Leader-Badio [Soebadio] rejects the New Order's Engineering" written by Soebadio which was banned by the attorney general Singgih on March 4.

Buyung has agreed to accept legal assistance from PBHI (Perhimpunan Bantuan Hukum (dan Hak Asasi Manusia, Indonesia Indonesian Legal Aid Association). Hendardi (executive director of PBHI) confirmed Buyung's arrest. "Although what is rather strange, is that the arrest warrant had printed on it only January, without a date. If that is so, why [has he] only just been arrested", said Hendardi.

In the arrest warrant, Buyung is accused of violating articles 137 of the Criminal code which reads: Whoever broadcasts, shows or displays in public writings or paintings who's contents insults the president or vice-president, with the intention that the insulting contents inform or better inform the public, is liable to a maximum sentence of one year four months or a maximum fine of 300 Rp.

Police Let-Col Edward Aritonang confirmed to Kompas that Buyung's status was not yet definite. "At the moment we are seeking a statement [from him] as a witness. But if the results of the investigation indicate that his involvement, Buyung's status could become as a suspect", said Aritonang on Wed (19/3).

A police source said that Buyung was arrested because he was in possession of a manuscript of the book. "He was the one who suggested to Soebadio improvements to the manuscript", said the source.

The police are now investigating if the improved manuscript of Buyung's was distributed. "The police are also searching for other people who may be involved in the printing or distribution of the manuscript besides Buyung", said the source.

Meanwhile, Soebadio Sastrosatomo who was contacted by Kompas via telephone confirmed that Buyung was his personal secretary. "He was the one who I asked to print the book" said Soebadio who refrained from commenting on the arrest.

According to Hendardi, "it must be proven first if it is true that the book insulted the president. So far there is still no proof". He also said that it was long after the book was printed that it was banned so Buyung cannot be categorised as having committed a crime.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - James Balowski]

The judges turn to leave before the trial was closed

Kompas - March 20, 1997

Jakarta – The trial of a PRD activist in the Jakarta state court on Wednesday (19/3), was again coloured by "walk-out" actions by the accused and defense lawyer. However in the trial of Garda Sembiring, one of the members of the panel of judges left the courtroom although the trial had not been closed by the presiding judge Madnjono.

"Enough, [I] will rest first. The reading of the witnesses statements can be continued later" said Suhardjo. Furthermore, he got up straight away and walked out of the courtroom. This happened even though Judge M Farela was still reading a statement by witness Dita Indah Sari.

Because one of the judges had got up, Madnjono stood and said "The court will now adjourn". But he did not say for how long, because he then left the court directly. After the trial was closed, he only then told the prosecutor that the adjournment would be for half-an-hour.

The accused 'walk-out'

After hearing evidence from Srirono, a personal officer from Great River Industries, the prosecutor asked permission from the presiding judge to read out the statements in Dita Indah Sari's Preliminary Investigation Report (BAP). Although given permission the it could not be read out because of a protest by the defense attorney.

"The witness is currently being held in Surabaya [East Java - JB]. There is no logical bases, that the court cannot present the witness. Is the court unwilling or does not have [enough - JB] money" said Daniel Panjaitan, one of the accused defense lawyers.

Judge Farela said that up until 15 March, they still wasn't permission to bring Dita Sari, who is being tried in the Surabaya state court. Because of that, the witnesses' statement would be read. Unsatisfied by the decision, the defense lawyer left the court room. Garda was left in court. But Garda protested when the statement was being read. "Will this trial be continued, while I am threatened with the death penalty and not accompanied by a defense lawyer", he said.

Madnjono said that the accused defense lawyer left the court on his own accord. The prosecutor was asked to continue reading the statement. In the end, Garda Sembiring also left court room.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - James Balowski]

A picture of a political trial

Kompas Editorial - March 19, 1997

"Then you leave. The court evicts the accused from the court...", said the presiding judge Asmar Ismail in the subversion trial of PRD activists, Thursday (13/3). The accused Suroso left smiling. Seeing this, defense lawyer Denny Kailimang cleared away his things moving to leave the court room.

"Why be here, because our clients are not here. Because of that we also ask permission to leave the court room", said Kailimang who was quickly answered by Asmar Ismail, "Make a note, that the court also evicts the defense lawyer".

Kailimang protested. He did not want to be noted as evicted by the court. "We are leaving of our own accord, not being evicted", said Kailimang. "Enough, the court says it is also evicting the defense lawyer" said Kailimang ending the already heated debate in the Central Jakarta State Court, Thursday (13/3).

Evictions, "walk-outs", rejecting and withdrawing statements from the Preliminary Investigation Reports (BAPs), have apparently become the model in these political trials. It also occurred in the Surabaya state court. While in the South Jakarta state court in the subversion case against Mochtar Pakpahan, the presiding judge Djazuli Sudibyo was also protested against because of his remarks which were considered to violate the ethics of the trial.

For example, Djazuli referred to the accused in inappropriate terms and with a demeaning tone, such as "You", "Hey", "That person". For example, when a witness Ridwan Saidi was questioned, the judge asked "Do 'you' the witness know that person?" while pointing at the accused Pakpahan with his index finger [pointing at someone with the index finger and use of the familiar "you" is considered rude - JB].

The picture in these political trials are certainly felt to be of concern. The cases have also attracted attention from the international community. This will certainly further create a bad image in the international community with regard to trials in Indonesia.

According to the observations of Trimedya Panjaitan, head of the Service Division of PBHI (Perhimpunan Bantuan Hukum (dan Hak Asasi Manusia, Indonesian Legal Aid Association), the judge's emotional [outbursts] are because he is no longer placing himself in a neutral position and in reality is looking for material proof. "Apparently, the judge has taken an attitude of convicting the accused on the existing `packet' [the state's case - JB]", said Panjaitan. According to Panjaitan, it is not normal to refer to the accused as "that person", "Hey", and pointing at the accused with the index finger. "Just from that, there is an impression that the judge does not like the accused and must convict him. This isn't right", said Panjaitan.

Meanwhile Sociology professor Dr Satjipto Rahardjo views the evictions, "walk-outs", as already causing the trials not to run smoothly. "But that is the legal process which occurred. That is a valuable lesson for us", said Satjipto.

From the reports the judge became emotional when the accused protested the running of the trial. For example, so many witnesses had their BAPs read out with them being presented in court. This situation is certainly not beneficial for the accused because they cannot cross examine the witness. The accused have also questioned the seriousness of the of the courts to present witnesses. For example, in the trial of Harnoko Dewantono a number of witnesses from the US were able to appear and stay for some time in Jakarta. Also in the case of insulting the president with the accused Sri Bintang Pamungkas. A number of witnesses from Germany were able to be presented. While in the case of the PRD, a number of witness from Indonesia failed to be presented by the prosecution. Satjipto Rahardjo views the PRD cases as politicking. That is apparent from a number of steps taken by the parties. From substantiating their case, a nuance of politics is very evident. "That is not wrong in as far as it doesn't divert from existing regulations", said Satjipto.

The picture of political trials coloured by evictions certainly appears to poorly reflect a trail with is fair, clean and having authority. All the parties in the case are obviously aware, what they are now facing is a political case in presenting a youth group which is not wanted by the authorities. First accused as the mastermind in the July 27 riots, now however in these trials that accusation has never been mentioned.

Thus it is obvious that awareness is needed so that the judge is not easily trapped by emotions which cannot be controlled. Normally trials are an effort to find material proof, not nothing more than an instrument to reach a conviction. The unclear picture of the trial must not become less clear or instead it will be darkened by actions which divert from trial ethics and existing regulations. The ethics of the court and the trial regulations must be given close attention.

[Slightly abridged translation from Kompas - James Balowski]

Sri Bintang Pamungkas 'boycotts' investigation

Waspada - March 19, 1997

Jakarta – Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Julius Usman and Saleh Abdullah, suspects in a subversion case, Tuesday (18/3), have "boycotted" their investigation by the attorney general's office.

Sri Bintang and is companions said, they refuse to be questioned because the attorney general's office has found it difficult to show any initial proof for their arrest, detention and investigation.

Meanwhile a public relations officer for the attorney general, Suhartoyo SH in Jakarta on Tuesday told journalists that the investigation of Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Julius Usman and Saleh Abdullah will continue to be carried out although they have refused to answer questions.

According to Suhartoyo, the refusal to be questioned will damage the suspects because the if the investigations cannot be carried out, the suspects would be detained for longer.

"The investigation will continue although the suspects have refused [to answer questions - JB], and each question which is given by the investigating officer, which is answered or not will be used in the Preliminary Investigation Report (BAP)", he said.

They would still use the BAPs if the suspects refused to sign them at the end of the investigation, he added. Attorney general Singgih SH, earlier considered Sri Bintang's attitude too much, and the request for proof that they were involved in an act of subversion, will be presented to the court in the coming trial.

Defense lawyers for the accused are allowed to visit their clients, but the must get permission beforehand, said Suhartoyo in relation to whether there had been problems for Achmad Fauzi SH (Sri Bintang's lawyer) and Irianto Subiyakto SH (Julius Usman's lawyer), because they had not been able to meet with their clients, Tuesday. "What happened on Tuesday was Achmah Fauzi and Irianto, were not able to visit their clients because they were not able to meet with the officer authorised to give permission", he said and added, if the defense lawyers are patient, they will have the opportunity.

Attorney general Singgih SH accompanied by his staff on Tuesday received a visit from Mr John Shattuk, US assistant minister for foreign affairs for matters of democracy, human rights and labour. Shattuck's visit to Indonesia between March 16 and 21 is intended to obtain direct information on issues which have emerged in the US about Indonesia [human rights etc - JB]. He is scheduled to visit East Timor on March 19.

Meanwhile Sri Bintang's suit against the head of parliamentarian Moestahid Astari was not handed over to the police because his defense team had not been able to meet with him. Bintang is suing Moestahid because he feels slandered by statements he made in the mass media which said that Bintang had attacked the government.

[Abridged translation from Waspada - James Balowski]

Ali Sadikin questioned by Attorney General's Office

Kompas - 18 March, 1997

Jakarta – Ali Sadikin, a prominent figure of the Petition of 50, was questioned om Monday (17/3) by the Intelligence Operations Center of the Attorney General's Office for about an hour. Besides Ali Sadikin, information was also requested from former Information Department Secretary General Jusuf Ronodipuro. They were questioned in connection with a statement made by Soebadio Sastrosatomo.

According to Attorney General Singgih talking to journalists in Jakarta, the questioning of Ali Sadikin and Jusuf Ronodipuro was occasioned by the statement given by Soebadio Sastrosatomo on 6 March, 1997 to the Intelligence Operations Center.

Singgih said that both of them (Ali Sadikin and Jusuf) had asked for the book titled "New Era New Leader: Badio Rejects the New Order Regime" -, circulation of which had been prohibited by the Attorney General's Office since 4 March, 1997. Ali Sadikin had even asked Soebadio's permission to copy that book. "Yes, and now we ask them for an explanation," said Singgih.

One hour

Bang Ali, intimate nickname of Ali Sadikin, arrived at the Round building of the Attorney General's Office around 09.00 West Indonesia Time, a little later than Jusuf Ronodipuro who was present about a half hour earlier. The questioning of the two by the Intelops Center did not last very long. "Yes, about one hour," said Bang Ali in answer to journalists.

Bang Ali's face showed no signs of anxiety. On the other hand, the Attorney General's Office had arranged such tight escorting, that the interview by the press with Bang Ali after the questioning, did not run smoothly.

On that occasion Bang Ali only said that he had been interviewed concerning four points, such as whether he had Soebadio's book in his possession. "I said that I did own that book. If they wanted to take it, go ahead. But I have not yet copied it," said Bang Ali in the midst of a mob of journalists that day.

Another question launched by the Attorney General's Intelops Center, said the former Governor of Jakarta, was whether he had participated in drafting that book. "I said, no. I never had a hand in the writing of that book. Just read Badio's interview, it is clear enough there," he said firmly.

Asked for his opinion about the book written by Soebadio, Bang Ali answered relaxedly that Badio was consistent with regard to his cause. "That is his right, and I appreciate his courage in that matter," he added, without wanting to give further clarification whether he really wanted to make copies of Soebadio's book. The journalists did not get an opportunity to meet Jusuf after the questioning that day. During the questioning Bang Ali was sided by Munir from the Indonesian Legal Aid Organizations Foundation (YLBHI).

Only questioned

Attorney General Singgih explained to journalists that Ali Sadikin and Jusuf Ronodipuro were called in connection with Soebadio's statement during the questioning on last 6 March. On that occasion Soebadio disclosed that Bang Ali and Jusuf had asked for the book he wrote. Bang Ali even asked permission from Soebadio to multiply the book.

Therefore, said Singgih, his side only asked for clarification from Ali Sadikin. "Just asking, why. Did he still have the book, or not. If so, because that book has been prohibited, it should be handed in," said Singgih.

When asked to clarify the status of Soebadio and Ali Sadikin in this case, Singgih was not willing to do so. "I don't know yet, we will have to see the results of the questioning," he said. What is clear, said Singgih, is that the Attorney General's Office in this case is only carrying out its duties. As an enforcer of law it must be able to question why something has happened, what the reasons are, what the consequences were and the like.

"What is the target of the Attorney General's Office in this Soebadio case. Has Soebadio already become the accused?" journalists asked further. On hearing this, Singgih laughingly answered, "Hey, this all started from Pak Badio's own statement, because the book is prohibited. Now interrogation is still going on, so the status of Soebadio cannot yet be determined, including whether he will be asked for further information or not." (*)

Sri Bintang's witness's passport problem: LBH Jakarta writes letter to

Kompas - 17 March, 1997

Jakarta – The Legal Aid Institute (LBH) Jakarta as proxy of Iwan Setiabudi, Friday (14/3) wrote a letter to the Directorate General Protocol and Consulair of the Department of Foreign Affairs (Deplu). The letter reported the act of the RI Consulate General (KJRI) in Berlin which was felt as complicating the extension of said LBH's client. Whereas all conditions were fulfilled by Iwan.

The letter from LBH Jakarta was signed by Dwiyanto Prihartono and Hotma Timbul Hutapea. Iwan Setiadi is one of the a` de'charge witnesses in the trial of Sri Bintang Pamungkas who is accused of debasing President Soeharto when in Germany in 1995.

Before LBH Jakarta reported the case to the Deplu, Sri Bintang also once reported the difficulty in extending Iwan's passport to the National Commission for Human Rights of Komnas HAM (Kompas 25/2). The Secretary General of Komnas HAM, Baharuddin Lopa promised to take steps and to convey the problem to related offices.

Insult of justice

In its letter LBH Jakarta mentioned that the KJRI in Berlin would consent the request of Iwan's passport extension if he was willing to be interrogated. The submitted questions however had no relation with the terms for the extension of a passport, but were about his statements as witness in the trial of Sri Bintang's case. Because Iwan refused to be interrogated, until this moment the request to extend his pasport has not yet been consented.

According to LBH Jakarta, the act of the KJRI in Berlin can be considered as an insult against the institution as well as the process of the court. Because Iwan's appearance as witness at the trial of Sri Bintang was based on a summone from the District Attorney from Central Jakarta and an order of the Chairman of the Board of Judges of the District Court of Central Jakarta. Iwan's informations at the court formed also a fulfilling of his duty as a good and law abiding citizen.

The act of the KJRI in Berlin, Dwiyanto and Hutapea continued, can therefore be considered as an act against the law as well as arbitrary. LBH Jakarta hopes that the Directorate General Protocol and Consulair of the Deplu will settle the problem of Iwan's passport extension. Because the passport is very needed by Iwan who presently is registered as a student in a university in Berlin. (*)

Assistant Secretary Shattuck meets Pakpahan

Kompas - 19 March, 1997

Assistant Secretary of State for basic rights and labour affaires, John Shattuck, visited labour leader Muchtar Pakpahan in hospital on Tuesday 18 March. He wanted to visit Pakpahan who is on trial for subversion to find out for himself Pakpahan's state of health. He spent thirty minutes with the labour leader.

Muchtar Pakpahan, chair of the independent trade union, the SBSI, is currently being treated at Cikini Hospital in Jakarta. It is feared that he has a tumour on the lung. Shattuck was accompanied on the visit by the secretary-general of the SBSI, Sunarti and a senior official from the Attorney general's office.

Shattuck said his visit was prompted by concern among many people in the US about the labour leader's condition. He said that Pakpahan indeed looked very ill.

Shattuck also asked to meet Fernando Araujo, (an East Timorese serving a ten-year prison sentence in Cipinang Prison) but was told that permission for this was not in the hands of the Attorney-general's office.

IUF resolution on SBSI & PPBI

IUF Asia/Pacific - February 19, 1997

[The following statement was passed unanimously on 21 February, 1997 by the International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco & Allied Workers' Association (Asia/Pacific) 9th IUF Asia/Pacific Regional Conference, held in Hong Kong from February 19 to 21, 1997.]

- NOTES WITH GRAVE CONCERNS that independent trade unions in Indonesia, SBSI and PPBI, and their leaders have been incorrectly and unfairly blamed for the incident that took place in Jakarta on July 27, 1996;

- CONDEMNS the military attack on the Headquarters of the Democratic Party of Indonesia (PDI) in Jakarta on July 27, 1996, and views this action as the spark which inflamed the riot which followed it;

- CALLS on the Indonesian government to release Muchtar Pakpahan immediately and unconditionally and to retract all charges laid against him; especially the charge of subversion which carries the death sentence, but also all charges relating to his alleged but unfounded involvement in the Medan riots of 1994;

- CALLS on the Indonesian government to immediately and unconditionally release the 13 PRD leaders who have also been charged with subversion, especially Budiman Sujatmiko, the head of PRD, and including 5 leaders of the independent trade union PPBI which is associated with the PRD, and to drop all the charges laid against them as well as the 124 other persons who were charged for their alleged involvement in the July 27 incident;

- CALLS on the Indonesian government to guarantee the internationally recognised right of freedom of association, and to give the independent trade unions SBSI and PPBI immediate and unconditional official recognition so that officials and staff of these organisations can carry out their functions without constant threat of arrest;

- CALLS on the Indonesian government to ensure freedom of expression in the lead up to the 1997 elections, and to take decisive actions to ensure that the elections are free and fair.

Human rights

Government urged to set up team to fend off issues that "corner"

Antara News - March 20, 1997

Semarang, C Java – A member of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) has called on the government to set up a special team to fend off issues that tend to "corner" Indonesia.

"Reports on human rights abuses in Indonesia often corner the country. They only focus on the bad side. If the government does not react to such reports, the country will have a bad image abroad," Muladi told the press Tuesday.

He said he will discuss this during the Commission's regular meeting with the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs.

"There should be a body in charge of countering such reports,"he said.

He further said that the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) and the Commission have been working hard to fend off such negative coverage.

"The Commission has also sent teams abroad (to explain these negative reports), but we are only a small institution. If the government takes over, the results may be better," he said. He also expressed hope that the special team could cope with the fast spread of true and false information, particularly through the Internet.

International relations

Australia cool on Soeharto critics

Sydney Morning Herald - March 20, 1997

Louise Williams, Jakarta – Australia is unlikely to follow the United States in expanding links with opposition groups in Indonesia and believes in the underlying stability of our northern neighbour despite increasing nervousness over recent civil unrest.

Speaking after presenting his credentials in Jakarta yesterday, Australia's new Ambassador to Indonesia, Mr John McCarthy, said Australia needed to recognise and deal with a "heightened questioning of stability" in Indonesia.

However, he said, he did not see Australia seeking to expand links with "alternative" groups in line with a recent shift in US foreign policy.

Yesterday, the US Assistant Secretary of State, Mr John Shattuck, was in East Timor for the inauguration of the contested province's second bishop, Monsignor Basilo do Nascimiento, after meeting on Tuesday the labour leader Mochtar Pakpahan, who is facing sedition charges carrying a maximum penalty of death.

The Clinton Administration has been pursuing an increasingly critical position on Indonesia, focusing on labour conditions and human rights, including face-to-face meetings with prominent critics of the Soeharto regime.

Visiting Australian Government officials have not held public meetings with opposition figures, but Mr McCarthy said the embassy would keep in touch with all points of view as a "legitimate role of the embassy".

Mr McCarthy said the US and European nations were not facing the same foreign policy challenges in dealing with Indonesia and Australia would continue to use discretion on human rights questions which may involve raising issues privately rather than publicly. He said Australia was in a particularly difficult position given the cultural differences between it and its Asian neighbours.

"If we look at events in Indonesia, particularly given the context of the [upcoming] elections, there has been a heightened questioning of stability and that is something Australia has to recognise and deal with," he said.

"The signs that I see are that one may have periods of political discomfort in the coming months - you may well have things happen you would prefer not to see happen - but the underlying stability of this country will remain constant for the foreseeable future."

Following a meeting with the Indonesian President yesterday, Mr McCarthy said Mr Soeharto had referred to the cultural differences but stressed they should not become a barrier to the bilateral relationship.

The ambassador said he believed there had been no drop in business confidence from the Australian corporate sector despite a series of riots here over the past year and warnings of further civil unrest in the lead-up to the May national elections.

"You would have to say there was a certain nervousness," he said of recent disturbances.

"But, that was a long way short of a genuine fall off in business confidence."

He said his message to Australians was that business opportunities were so great they should not be put off by "difficulties in the present political environment".

Mr McCarthy said two-way trade was continuing to expand and he predicted a further 30 per cent increase this year over last. Current two-way trade stands at about $6 billion, with a 2:1 ratio in Australia's favour.

He emphasised Australia's relationship with Indonesia was now very "broad-based" and that no single aspect, such as human rights, could hold Australia's substantial business or security interests hostage.

Labour issues

Sritex wins order from NATO

George J. Aditjondro - 21 March, 1997

How could it be, that nobody in Europe seems to mind that this Indonesian company, which is employing (or, rather, exploiting) female East Timorese workers, and is exporting its product to Portugal, regardless of the trade embargo between Indonesia & Portugal, is now becoming a NATO supplier?

This was the factory, from where a mass demonstration was carried out by the People's Democratic Party (PRD) in December 1995, which nearly caused the popular poet, Widji Thukul (now underground) to lose his sight, due to police/military beating......

This is also the factory, which belongs to the Sritex Group, in which the Harmoko family own shares, which has cost Dr Sri Bintang Pamungkas his position as MP, when he exposed Sritex credit scandals in the parliament in 1994.........

This factory also has the monopoly over the production of batik shirts for the Indonesian ruling party, Golkar, and battle uniforms for the Indonesian army.......... to use in East Timor, West Papua, Aceh, and now in West Kalimantan as well.

After citing the Jakarta Post story, I will attach my section on PT Sritex from my 1994 book, just as a reminder. Thanks for your attention.

Sritex wins order from NATO

Jakarta Post - 4 March, 1997

Jakarta – Central Java textile maker PT Sritex has won a Rp 2 5 billion (US$10.87 million) contract to make 500,000 military uniforms for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) starting this year, a company executive said.

Sritex president Mohammad Lukminto said that during the first stage his company would make standard military uniforms for Germany. "After this, we hope we will get more orders from other NATO-member countries, " he said. Lukminto said it took two years to win the order and German military officials made several site inspections to check the company's production facilities, product quality, labor conditions, waste treatment shipment procedures and other things.

Lukminto said Sritex would have no trouble meeting NATO's uniform requirements and said there would be a German representative posted here to ensure quality control. Lukminto said raw material for the uniforms would be imported from Germany. In the first stage Sritex w~ll make 500,000 uniforms worth Rp 25 billion. So far three containers of these uniforms have been shipped to Germany.

Sritex vice president Pramono said Sritex would soon make trousers and jackets to go with the uniforms in a separate contract yet to be signed. Sritex is in Central Java's Sukohajo regency, near Solo. The company, which was founded 30 years ago, employs about 12,000 workers and exports to America, Europe, Africa and Asia. (pwn)

From G.J. Aditjondro, 1994. In the shadow of Mount Ramelau: the impact of the occupation of East Timor. Leiden: INDOC (Indonesian Documentation & Information Centre), p. 49.

...from the seventy East Timorese girls who had initially been recruited by the Sritex textile factory in Sukoharjo, north of the city of Solo, Central Java, only thirty have remained there. More than half of them have returned home on their own account. While those who remain earn a monthly salary of Rp 44,950.

Let us describe Sritex, since this is the first Indonesian industry to benefit from the Indonesia-Portugal "reconciliation" moves of Mbak Tutut and her industrialist colleagues in Portugal. On February 14, 1994, the first shipment of fifteen tons of cotton yarn from Sritex were cleared by the customs at the Port of Leixoes in Portugal. It was ordered by Manuel Joaquim Rodrigues Macedo, a Portuguese businessman who heads the Indonesia-Portuguese Friendship Association. The raw material was to be turned into cloth for making, among other things, shirts and sheets in Macedo's textile factory in Ermesindo (Diario de Noticias, February 16, 1994; Pos Kupang, February 21, 1994). This shipment of Indonesian cotton-yarn immediately attracted the media's attention in Portugal. The shipment appeared to be a denial of the Portuguese government's appeal to Portuguese business people and consumers to boycott Indonesian-made products. However, it is not only the Portuguese people and government who have something to say about Macedo's Indonesian business partner. In Indonesia this factory has also attracted the media's attention for other negative aspects. First, this factory was suspected by a critical parliamentarian, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, of having misused a large number of government bank credit (Bernas and Jawa Pos, March 3, 1994).

Then, after having inspected by members of the Indonesian parliament, it was found out that only one third of the 12,000 labourers were covered by the government's workers insurance Astek. Apart from this, there were still workers who received daily wages of Rp 1,600, far below Central Java's required minimum daily wage of Rp 2,600 (Bernas and Surya, April 6, I994). And finally, Central Java governor Soewardi criticised Sritex for its poor waste control system and its lack of participation in alleviating the poverty of the surrounding communities (Bernas and Kedaulatan Rakyat, May 17, 1994).

This is the company-profile of Indonesia's first cotton-yarn exporter to Portugal and one of Indonesia's 100 largest conglomerates with 0.5 trillion worth of assets (Economic & Business Review Indonesia, April 23, 1994: 11), which employs 30 young East Timorese women. Maybe other Indonesian firms will follow this company's example in trading with Portuguese firms.

Politics

Indonesian's payment to Hubbell came after visit to White House

New York Times - March 20, 1997

Stephen Labaton and Jeff Gerth, Washington – In late June of 1994, Indonesian businessman James Riady saw President Clinton and some of his aides in five days of White House visits ending on a Saturday. Early the next week, one of Riady's Hong Kong companies paid about $100,000 to Webster Hubbell, the president's close friend, who was then facing a rapidly unfolding criminal investigation, according to people in the United States and abroad familiar with the arrangement.

The payment, from one of a number of Clinton friends who hired Hubbell when he ran into his legal troubles and resigned from the Justice Department, was made soon after he had begun withholding important personal financial documents from Whitewater investigators, according to people familiar with the 1994 inquiry.

By then, these people say, the investigators had largely built the criminal case against him, for defrauding his former law partners and clients.

Riady's visits to the White House have been known for some time, and it was recently disclosed that he paid Hubbell about $100,000 through the Hong Kong company in 1994 for services that the two men have repeatedly declined to describe. But it has not been previously known how closely that payment followed Riady's White House visits.

David Kendall, the first family's personal lawyer, said Wednesday that "neither the president nor Mrs. Clinton ever asked or suggested that anybody hire Web Hubbell," and a presidential spokesman said the same applied to other White House officials.

While it was previously known that Bruce Lindsey, a senior White House official, was aware in 1994 that Riady had hired Hubbell, current and former aides say that at least two other high officials also knew then of Riady's financial support for him.

The aides also say that Riady's relationship with Clinton became a source of quiet concern to presidential advisers and that they went to great lengths to keep it out of public view.

The timing of the meetings produces a chain of events that has attracted the attention of Congressional investigators and the Whitewater independent counsel, who are now focusing on whether Clinton or other officials played a role in lining up financial assistance for Hubbell at a time when he was deeply in debt, facing growing legal difficulties and emerging as a key witness in the Whitewater investigation.

A central question for the investigators is whether Hubbell, who received more than $400,000 in income in 1994, much of it from companies controlled by friends and supporters of Clinton, was paid to discourage him from cooperating in the Whitewater inquiry.

White House lawyers have received a grand jury subpoena seeking information about what officials knew of Hubbell's dealings with the $12 billion empire controlled by the Riady family.

Hubbell, a former law partner of Hillary Rodham Clinton whom the president has called his closest friend, stepped down as associate attorney general in April 1994 to deal with the criminal investigation.

That December, he pleaded guilty to two felony counts of bilking his former clients and law partners of nearly $400,000. In a sign that prosecutors did not believe he had been fully forthcoming, they declined to recommend a reduction in his prison sentence, which he completed last month after serving a year and a half.

Hubbell has denied that the Riady payment or any other income he received in 1994 affected his level of cooperation with investigators.

The White House has not disclosed many of the details of Riady's White House visits, and Riady himself, who with associates is now also at the center of separate campaign financing investigations, has declined repeated requests for interviews.

Clinton has said through his aides that he may have known about some other payments to Hubbell in 1994. But he has also said he did not know of the Riady payment until he read about it in the press last year.

At a news conference two months ago, the president was asked whether he found the Riady payment unusual or suspicious, and what steps he had taken to find out whether it had been hush money. Clinton appeared surprised by the question, and replied:

"I can't imagine who could have ever arranged to do something improper like that and no one around here know about it. We did not know anything about it, and I can tell you categorically that that did not happen. I knew nothing about it. None of us did before it happened. I didn't personally know anything about it until I read about it in the press."

Asked Wednesday whether either of the Clintons was aware of Riady's payment to Hubbell when it was made, Kendall, the first family's personal lawyer, declined to comment.

Because of his close ties to the Clintons, Hubbell has long been regarded by investigators as a crucial witness in the long-running examination of the president's political and personal finances. He has also been considered important because of his friendship with his former law partner Vincent Foster, who committed suicide in 1993 a few months after becoming deputy White House counsel.

Hubbell and Foster played an important role during the 1992 presidential campaign in shaping the Clintons' version of the Whitewater affair, a version that would later come under intense scrutiny by investigators. They also handled files at the Rose Law Firm in Little Rock, Ark., where they and Mrs. Clinton were partners, concerning her role in the affair. Some of the files, long sought by investigators, eventually surfaced. Others remain missing.

During the spring of 1994, both before and after he resigned from the government, Hubbell told close friends that he was simply engaged in a billing dispute with his former partners at the Rose firm. In fact, by that time he knew that criminal investigators were closing in on him, according to many of the people involved in the inquiry.

Shortly after Hubbell left the Justice Department that spring, he received two subpoenas from Whitewater investigators. One ordered him to provide any documents he might have from the Rose firm that would shed light on the Clintons' business dealings. The other sought documents for an examination of his own personal finances.

The second subpoena was prompted by questions raised by his former partners, who had been unable to account for huge expenses he had billed to them and to clients. He offered a cash settlement to resolve the dispute quietly, but the firm declined the offer, according to lawyers who were involved in the matter.

Hubbell at first cooperated with the investigators, but in June he reversed course and declined to produce expense documents that were being sought, according to people involved in the inquiry.

By the end of June, they said, the case against him had been largely made. Hubbell has provided few details publicly about his work for the Riady family and other clients who hired him after he left the Justice Department. The $100,000 from the Hong Kong company was paid to him in the last week of June that year, possibly with the stated purpose of his helping to set up a Washington office for the Riady businesses, according to people familiar with the arrangement, including associates of the Riadys in Asia.

Shortly before the payment, Riady was in Washington to see his old friends in the White House, including the president. The two men had become friends more than a decade earlier, when Clinton was governor of Arkansas and Riady was an executive at a Little Rock bank partly owned by his family. The Riadys had become major donors to the Democratic Party by 1992 and gave $100,000 to Clinton's 1993 inauguration committee. They soon became frequent guests at the White House.

From June 21 to June 25, 1994, Riady paid a series of visits to the White House, where he saw Clinton and presidential aides, according to the White House. Security logs indicate that Riady attended a large business reception with Clinton there on Tuesday, June 21, and the taping of a presidential radio address on Saturday, June 25.

Officials say the logs also show that he was at the White House on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday of that week, for a variety of meetings and other events.

White House aides say they have no records to indicate how much Riady saw of Clinton or other officials with whom he met on those occasions, or what was discussed. Riady also met some officials that week in his room at the Hay Adams Hotel, across Lafayette Park from the White House.

Around the time of Riady's visit, his family had several important matters pending in Washington. Most broadly, as major entrepreneurs in China, their ancestral homeland, where they have close ties to the government leadership, they wanted the Clinton administration to renew China's most-favored-nation trade status. In late May of that year, Clinton reversed course and renewed it.

Among the Riady business ventures was a plan to build a joint U.S.-Chinese power plant in northern China. The U.S. endorsement of the project was announced by Commerce Secretary Ron Brown at a trade mission in Beijing in August 1994. The project was later shelved.

The Riadys were also interested in landing a post in the Clinton Administration for their senior American executive, John Huang. Huang had been under consideration for a job in the Commerce Department for some time. He was formally notified of his appointment as a mid-level trade official June 7 of that year, according to Commerce Department records.

Finally, the Riadys were looking ahead to November, when Clinton was to join Asian-Pacific leaders at a meeting in the family's hometown, Jakarta.

While the family viewed the gathering as an opportunity to showcase Indonesia, some White House aides had come to see the Riadys as a public relations problem, White House advisers say.

The precise reason for the aides' concern remains unclear, but after Hubbell's conviction some investigators came to suspect that the Riadys had hired him to use his ties in Washington to arrange for the president to see them in Jakarta, according to former investigators.

Several weeks before the presidential visit, some officials knew that the supposedly cash-strapped Hubbell had been to Indonesia, meeting with Riady. Along the way, he had stopped off in Bali, where he had played golf as a guest of the Riady family's main company, according to associates of his.

In this atmosphere, White House aides took steps to reduce the possibility of Clinton's being seen with Riady in Indonesia.

The Riadys had planned to have Clinton stop by a real estate development of theirs to visit a school that was named for Hope, Ark., his hometown. The plan was dropped after consultations between some White House aides and the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, according to U.S.officials and White House advisers.

In addition, they said, at least one senior White House aide stood close to the president when he appeared in public during the Jakarta visit, to reduce the possibility that he would be photographed with one or another of the Riadys.

White House aides also intervened to stop a proposed visit to the meeting by a group of Arkansas businessmen with close ties to the president, Hubbell and the Riadys. That visit was to have been underwritten by a Riady company.

Nonetheless, members of the family actually did see Clinton at least once during the trip, at a Chinese restaurant reception where the Riadys' conglomerate, the Lippo Group, played host.

The company's spokeswoman, Dewi Dharmanan, told reporters during the visit that the president also saw Riady at his home late that night after the reception. But White House aides say that as far as they know, Clinton saw him only at the reception.

Since the Riady family's relationships to Clinton and the Democrats came under heavy scrutiny in the closing weeks of the 1996 presidential campaign, White House aides have provided conflicting and incomplete accounts of them.

While White House press secretary Mike McCurry initially insisted a few months ago that no one at the White House knew of Hubbell's arrangement with the Riadys in 1994, some details of the arrangement were known in 1994 by Lindsey, one of Clinton's closest aides.

And at least two other high-ranking administration officials also knew of Riady's support for Hubbell – indeed, one of them learned of it from Riady – former aides and their associates now say.

Making new friends

Asia Week - February 7, 1997

The word is finally out. On Jan. 23, Indonesia's best-known Muslim leader (and anti-establishment figure) Abdurrahman Wahid announced that he was inviting Suharto's daughter Siti Hardyanti Rukmana ("Tutut"), a leading member of the ruling Golkar party, to appear with him at religious schools loyal to his 300-million-strong Nahdlatul Ulama organization. He denies he is dumping his longtime friendship with opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri, saying that he wants to give his followers the opportunity to listen to political figures from all sides.

The move follows six months of rumors of a public appearance with Tutut and army chief Hartono. As yet, Wahid hasn't extended the same offer to Hartono, but lately he has been remarkably mellow in his comments about the tough general. Could it be that with Hartono being tipped as a possible vice-presidential candidate, Wahid has decided that anyone is better than the other potential veep, Research and Technology Minister B. J. Habibie?

Indonesia's military stands at unease

Asia Week - March 21, 1997

In a country where the army makes no bones about channeling its support to the ruling political group, Golkar, talk of factionalism within Indonesia's military always causes concern. In the past, such groupings were described as fluid. But foreign military sources in Jakarta say they have spotted a worrying new trend. Various internal military alliances are becoming increasingly cemented, and the distinctions between the groups are often not ideological. There has always been discussion about what role the military should play in Indonesian society, and what the country's defense posture should be. But, as one Asian military attache points out, the current factionalism stems from another source: Indonesia has too many three-star generals. The seven men currently holding that rank is about double what it should be, and all must have larger ambitions. Another problem: rambunctious officers such as two-star general Prabowo Subianto, currently head of the Kopasssus (special forces) battalion. As a rising figure, he should serve a tour as a regional commander before moving to the top echelon. But the same sources quote Prabowo as saying there are no rules that make it necessary to spend time in the provinces before moving up the promotion ladder.

Another scenario sees Prabowo heading the Jakarta regional command, keeping him near the center of political life in the capital. Army chief Gen. R. Hartono is expected to retire after the May elections. Tipped to replace him is one of those seven three-star generals, Wiranto, who currently leads the Kostrad (strategic reserve) unit and is known to be close to President Suharto. If Prabowo gets the Jakarta job, it could lead to dangerous jealousy. Fifteen people died in a shoot-out in Irian Jaya last year when a Kopassus officer opened fire on men from the regional command, apparently after teasing over Kopassus's better facilities. Meanwhile, the military launched a series of exercises to ensure its readiness for the May elections.

In Jakarta, a meeting of some 1,000 people, ranging from academics to artists, met to discuss ways of creating a national alliance for democracy. Organizer Muslim Abdurrahman said declining social solidarity and morality are caused by political policies favoring vested interests. The government, meanwhile, eased tough rules for participants in next month's election campaign.

The decline of Habibie

Digest No 27 (Indonesian news with comment) - 17 March, 1997

Gerry van Klinken – Once thought of as a shoe-in for vice-president, Habibie's political stature has declined markedly in recent weeks. Both of his political 'legs', namely his technological prowess and his access to the Islamic community via ICMI, have been weakened by recent developments.

First, he has apparently abandoned plans for a nuclear power plant in his lifetime. He said that the discovery of huge new gas deposits (Natuna, Irian Jaya and Kalimantan) made nuclear energy too expensive.

Ironically, the statement came just after legislation enabling a nuclear power industry was passed. After over a year in the parliamentary wilderness, the law was finally passed by an almost empty House on 26 February. With perhaps a hint of hypocrisy, considering he oversees a large technological establishment committed to developing the nuclear option, he at the time had nodded in the direction of anti-nuclear sentiment by saying: 'I pray there will be no nuclear power station'.

Then on 11 March he said that the original plan (reiterated over many years), to open the first nuclear plant in 2003, would be postponed to 2030 or even, if necessary, to the year 3000. Nuclear activists, perhaps only half believing the pledge, then asked for the nuclear legislation to be repealed.

An important factor in the postponement is certainly the high cost of building a nuclear plant. As recently as 20 February, Director General of Indonesia's Atomic Energy Commission Iyos Subki had made the eyebrow-raising statement that initial plans to build it privately on the Build-Own-Operate (BOO) principle were unworkable and they were looking at bartering Natuna gas or aeroplanes for nuclear power.

Whatever the reason for the postponement, assuming it is genuine, it represents a political setback for Habibie, whose reputation hinges on his technological prestige.

Second, Habibie was forced to push prominent intellectual and religous leader Amien Rais out of a top position within the Islamic association ICMI that he heads. On 22 February it was announced Amien Rais had asked to resign because of his workload as head of Muhammadiyah.

However, Amien Rais later told Gatra magazine (current issue) that Habibie had first sent someone to warn him, and had then called him in to tell him his statements on foreign investment in two large mining projects were 'giving opportunity to enemies of the New Order'. Amien Rais then felt he had no choice but to offer his resignation as chairman of ICMI's Council of Experts. He said that Habibie was under pressure from certain quarters within the top elite - people whose real target was not Amien Rais but Habibie himself.

Amien Rais had issued statements criticising the low level of Indonesian participation in the huge Freeport (Irian Jaya) and Busang (Kalimantan) copper and gold mines. He often wields populist as well as Islamicist arguments to highlight corruption in high places. He has lately talked of establishing a 'clean coalition' of Abri generals and intellectuals.

It is true that Habibie may have won a fight with Amien Rais, and that opponents of Amien Rais within Muhammadiyah may use this opportunity to unseat him from the Muhammadiyah leadership as well. However, Habibie needed Amien Rais to create the impression that ICMI was not merely a front for a government (pseudo-) political party, but had real roots in the people. The departure of Amien Rais has robbed Habibie of an important access route to the professional middle class.

The Far Eastern Economic Review in a recent edition (6 February) noted that Try Sutrisno now accompanies President Suharto more often to official functions than he used to. Indeed, there has been speculation in Jakarta for some months that Suharto has abandoned plans to appoint Habibie as his next vice-president, and has conceded to Abri pressure to reappoint Try Sutrisno, who they see as their man in the palace.

[Gerry van Klinken, Editor, Inside Indonesia magazine.]

Social unrest

In mainly Muslim country, mob outbreaks are taking on an ethnic or

International Herald Tribune - January 11, 1997

Michael Richardson, Manado – In a country where official statistics show Muslims forming 85 percent of the 200 million population, a striking feature of the buildings lining both sides of the road on the one-hour drive between Manado and Bitung, the two main towns of North Sulawesi Province, is the prevalence of churches and chapels.

On many stretches of the road, travelers can see a Christian place of worship every few hundred meters. By contrast, mosques are few and far between.

For Harry Tilanga, a Protestant who works as an accountant but drives visitors around the province on weekends to earn extra money, the fact that Christians account for an overwhelming majority of the 2.5 million inhabitants of North Sulawesi is a source of comfort.

"We get along all right with Muslims," he said. "But given what has been happening elsewhere in Indonesia, we don't want Islam to get any stronger here." Several outbreaks of mob violence in recent months in various parts of Indonesia quickly assumed an interreligious or interethnic edge.

In such incidents, Muslims have often been pitted against minority Christians, ethnic Chinese or the police.

The incidents have raised concerns that the delicate fabric of tolerance and unity in the world's fourth most populous country, where hundreds of different ethnic and tribal groups are spread over 13,000 islands, may be tearing apart.

"What is happening to our nation, which has always taken pride in its pluralistic society," The Jakarta Post asked in an editorial Saturday. "Compared with other religiously and ethnically diverse countries, Indonesia can still be proud of its ability to foster harmony among its many diverse groups. But it would be wrong to dismiss these riots as simply local incidents." Some Indonesian social scientists and analysts say the underlying causes of the disturbances are loss of faith in the government, as well as frustration over the gaps between rich and poor as the country relies increasingly on the free market and private sector to spur economic growth.

Moreover, the government is imposing ever-tighter political restrictions before legislative elections in May and a meeting of the electoral college in March 1998 to name a president for the next five years.

Analysts worry that if Jakarta continues that course, it may lead to more violent explosions.

"In the absence of appropriate channels for people to air their grievances or aspirations," said an Indonesian sociologist, Hotman Siahaan, "they will turn to violence."

Jakarta experienced its worst rioting in 20 years last July, sparked by government and police involvement in the removal of Megawati Sukarnoputri from the leadership of the Indonesian Democratic Party - one of three political groups allowed to contest elections.

In his annual budget speech Monday, President Suharto announced measures to further reduce poverty in Indonesia and bridge the gap between rich and poor.

He said that overall political stability and security "continue to be well under control."

But he also warned that in a "political year," the country must avoid "an uncontrolled situation, clashes and animosity among ourselves. This certainly is unhealthy and even endangers our nation."

On Tuesday, Foreign Minister Ali Alatas sought to put the recent troubles into perspective.

"What is important is for us and for our neighbors to realize that what is happening here is not unique," he said. "Of course modernization will exact its price as it has exacted its price in other societies, too. Why should Indonesia be different?"

Riots the day after Christmas in Tasikmalaya, in the western part of the main island of Java, were triggered by reports that several teachers from a Muslim boarding school were beaten by the police, apparently in reprisal for the school's punishment of a son of one of the officers.

Thousands of Muslims rioted in the streets of Tasikmalaya, burning dozens of police stations, churches, shops, banks, hotels and factories.

Four persons died, eight were injured. Government estimates put the damage at $36 million.

Last week, five persons were killed near Singkawang in West Kalimantan on Borneo island after a settler from Madura island off Java reportedly stabbed two indigenous Dayak tribesmen. More than 5,000 people of the Maduran ethnic group, who moved to sparsely populated West Kalimantan in a government resettlement program, temporarily fled the riot area, seeking safety in nearby military bases and towns.

An earlier riot, in October in the town of Situbondo in east Java, was evidently a reaction to what was seen by local Muslims as excessively lenient treatment given by the courts to a Muslim heretic on trial for blasphemy.

The mob burned 25 churches as well as other buildings. Five Christians died in one blazing church.

A court official said Thursday that the first trial of the Situbondo rioters had ended with five men receiving between seven and ten months in jail for burning a church, Reuters reported from Jakarta. The charges for which they were tried carried a maximum penalty of 12 years. Analysts said that the relatively light sentences appeared to be an attempt by the authorities to defuse tension.

Kalimantan groups sign peace pact

Agence France Presse - 16 March, 1997

Jakarta – Two ethnic groups which clashed for weeks in West Kalimantan province leaving scores of dead have signed a peace treaty.

"The peace document was signed yesterday in front of the military headquarters in a peace ceremony attended by thousands of people," said Captain Nurhamdani of the military headquarters in Pontianak, in West Kalimantan.

Capt Nurhamdani said the two sides, the indigenous Dayak community and migrants from Madura, an island off the coast of Java, had pledged to end their dispute.

Syarif Ibrahim Algadri, a professor at the local Tanjung Pura University who was active in the peace process, said the two sides promised to uphold national unity and avoid taking justice in their own hands in the future.

"I am very happy that peace between the Dayak and Madurese has been reached," he said.

The agreement was a continuation of a peace pledge signed by 23 ethnic groups in the province, including the two warring factions, on 15 February.

But a Dayak source in Pontianak cast doubt on whether the peace accord would last, saying it had been imposed on them and both sides were given only 24 hours to study the pledge before signing.

"The document is something that did not come from the warring factions but one that was imposed from above" he said.

"How can it be binding when it is also signed by people not directly involved in the conflict."

The document was also signed by West Kalimantan Governor Aspar Aswin, Kalimantan military commander Major-General Namuri Anum and chairman of the National Commission on Human Rights Munawir Sjadzali.

Situation in Central Lombok returns to normal

Antara News - March 17, 1997

Denpasar – The situation of Lombok Tengah district town of Praya returned to normal on Saturday moon after security officers were able to control a riot by public transport drivers and local residents in protest against the relocation of bus terminal into the West Nusa Tenggara's town, a regional military spokesman said here on Saturday.

Regional military command's spokesperson Lt. Col. I Made Runa told ANTARA by phone from Denpasar Saturday that the riots which broke out around 07.00 a.m. local time has abated.

Quoting Wirabhakti Regiment Commander Col. Inf. Iping Somantri,Runa confirmed that the riots occurred in some places in Praya.

However, he did not go into details.

Some public transport drivers and certain people went on rampage Saturday morning by damaging public properties such as old and new masterminds, houses, shops and local regent's office. ANTARA reporter witnessing the incident reported that hundreds of demonstrators began moving at 07:00 a.m. local times, threw stones into the office of Central Lombok District Head.

In a previous hour, the demonstrators, mostly public transport drivers, threw facilities in new public transport terminal, houses,and a shop belonging to a developers of the new terminal.

Eye-witnesses said that stones thrown by the demonstrators have broken window-glasses of head district office. Their action also damaged flower-trees planted in front of the office.

The incident was sparked by the disagreement of public transport drivers about the operation of new public transport terminal in the small town.

The construction of new public transport terminal to replace the old one was protested by the drivers because it has led to earn less income.

The situation returned to normal at Saturday afternoon, after Central Lombok security, got additional personnel from Mataram.

Conflict in West Kalimantan - A summary

Down to Earth Update - March 1997

Since Down to Earth posted an Action Alert on the confrontation between the indigenous Dayaks and Madurese settlers in West Kalimantan (17th Feb 1997), we have been waiting for more news and accurate information from Jakarta and Pontianak. What follows is a summary of the news items which have appeared on apc.act. indonesia, apc.reg. indonesia and in the UK and Indonesian press over the past three weeks.

This issue is fading from the headlines, but it is important that the problems of the people of West Kalimantan and the efforts of the Indonesian groups who are working to overcome these are not forgotten.

Various NGO sources are reporting that well over a thousand of people have died in clashes between Dayaks, Madurese and the military over the last three months. Several hundred have probably been shot dead by security forces. At least another thousand people are missing. Around seventy are under arrest. Between seven and eight thousand refugees are still sheltering in towns or special camps set up by the authorities. Many have no homes to return to as whole settlements were burned to the ground. Estimates of the damage to property run into tens of millions of rupiah. The damage in human terms is inestimable.

Officially, the situation is now calmer. Whether this is really so, or what the military want everyone to think is unclear. There was a fairly quiet period around mid January when official reports said everything was under control, then the confrontation exploded again in early February. That was in spite of the head of Indonesia's Armed Forces (Feisal Tanjung) presence in Pontianak on Jan 30th. The failure of the military to prevent Madurese attacks on Dayaks or to apprehend those responsible, plus official denials of the extent of the unrest were major factors in the escalation of the most recent wave of violence. In some incidents troops have responded to potential clashes with excessive violence - shhoting into crowds and severely beating people they detain. One harrowing account describes how over a hundred indigenous people were killed when Dayak trucks burst through a military road block. After causing the vehicles to overturn, soldiers machine-gunned survivors (see separating posting of SiaR report translation). In other cases troops have clearly been confined to barracks because they were outnumbered or least they inflamed the situation. Without the water cannon, tear gas or rubber bullets used to control mass gatherings in Java, troops were instructed to shoot to kill.

It is hard to tell if the conflict will flare up again soon. Controls on journalists are obviously tight and the atmosphere is remains very tense there. By all accounts, many Dayaks at grassroots level are not interested in making peace with the Madurese. The underlying causes of social inequity, land rights disputes, environmental destruction and the erosion of traditional culture which result from the Indonesian government's approach to development in West Kalimantan as elsewhere in the country have yet to be addressed. Instead, leading figures in the regime have taken the opportunity to look for scapegoats amongst journalists, students, the pro-democracy movement and other shadowy figures who want to threaten Indonesia's stability in the run-up to May's elections.

Week-ending 16th Feb: Maj-Gen Namuri Anum - reponsible for security in WKal - said 68 people had been detained on suspicion of criminal actions during the area's clashes, but did not give details of their identities (ST21/2).

Feb 17th: Jakarta: Army Chief of Staff Hartono says he has proof `notables from E. Java' stirred up the trouble and will be dealt with. Ministry of Information sends letter warning Japanese journalists to be more careful in their reporting. (KdP) 300 dead; tens of thousands of evacuees have not yet returned. (K) Officials say traditional ceremonies and peace talks to ease tension have been held (KdP 18/2).

Karangan: military checkpoint failed to prevent six trucks and buses carrying hundreds of armed Dayaks headed south toward Toho going to Madurese settlement at Suap (AT20/2).

Areas north of Anjungan, 55 km NE of Pontianak, and east of Mandor, 70 km N of Pontianak, still under Dayak control with minimal military presence. Dayak checkpoints every few km to Ngabang, 81 km E of Mandor (ST21/2).

Feb 18th: Pontianak: Official peace ceremony held with community representatives of all ethnic groups and military. 1,000 people attended (ST 21/2). Only one Dayak representative (a govt official) involved in ceremony (AT20/2) and few in crowd. Curfew in Pontianak lifted (ST19/2).

Suap: 3,000 Dayaks congregated at Toho. Went to Suap on foot thro' jungle. Death toll reported at 15, five severely injured; 98 houses burnt. Military sent four truckloads of soldiers from Pontianak to secure the situation. (AT 20/2)

Sungai Kunyit:60 km NW of Pontianak, Merdeka daily reported military arrested 86; 107 houses torched; more than 1,000 fled. Security forces (Batillion 643 Wanara Sakti; 612 Modang) confiscated 21 muskets and 96 bladed weapons.12 detained by military; rest in police detention. `Dozens might have died...most of the casualties Madurese' (ST). 17 dead (Forum).

Feb 19th: Jakarta: Human Rights Comission Sec. Gen Lopa says full inquiry into the viloence will wait until peace talks in Pontianak are extended to the villages. Independent estimates of the scale difficult to obtain due to military clampdown on the region.

Feb 20th: Fears that peace pact won't hold. Only at top level.

50 km to north of Pontianak (Sungai Kunyit?) At least 20 more deaths overnight (SMH 20/2)

Sei Duri: SMH (22/2) witnessed Dayak attack on Madurese settlement. Houses burned; occupants fled. Many, many died. Refugees taken by military to safe camp about 30 km N along coast road. Dayaks clearly control the interior. Calls for support - red cup of war - spreading across Dayak communities of all 4 provinces. Solidarity `good' amongst 1 million Dayak (SMH 20/2) Armed Dayaks patrol roads to north and east of Pontianak from Tobo (40km N) to Bengkayang (160km N). Dayak road blocks every few km for 300km in NW up toward Sarawak border. (AT20/2) Many are from interior, not local. Troops sent overnight to Sungaikunyit where large numbers of Dayaks had gathered. (SMH) Dayak talk of hunting Madurese thro' forests and drinking their blood, and reports of ritual cannibalism. Dozens of Madurese settlements burned to ground in last month. People painted "Melayu" across their homes. (AT, SMH 20&22,AW) 3,000 troop reinforcements have been sent (over the last two months?) inc. Batalyon Linud 623 Madang, Brimob from EKal and troops from Kostrad Jakarta (Forum 1/3). Journalists confined to Pontianak. `Local newspapers have been directed not to publish pictures and descriptions of the carnage.'(SMH 22/2)

This is a time bomb. It can explode at any minute. (AT 20/2) But according to Forum (1/3), things were returning to normal apart from Sungaikunyit incident by the middle of the month. Roads were opening up to traffic. Major-Gen Anum "deeply concerned" about Tuesday's clash (18th Feb). Clashes were "only sporadic" (ST21/2). Human Rights Commission investigating reports of large numbers of missing Madurese.

Jakarta: International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID), network of approximately eighty Indonesian and overseas NG0s calls for independent team to be appointed into cause and solution of conflict. Also demands govt figures on missing and dead.

Surabaya: religious leaders from Madura who visited Sanggau Ledo (in early Feb?) were angry about army statements that they had contributed to tension in the region.(SM)

22nd Feb: Jakarta: Kompas reports Armed forces commander Gen Feisal Tanjung used WKal troubles as example of activities of opposition groups, namely the People's Democracy Party, PRD, the United Democracy Party of Indonesia, PUDI, and the Indonesian People's Alliance, MARI. Told reporters that the situation in the country is secure and stable and people need not worry about anything. Nothing is happening in Wkal: "There were indeed problems in West Kalimantan but now that all the parties have been brought together, the matter has been resolved. Called on Indonesian press to refute reports in foreign press which are spreading negative issues about Indonesia. (NB No Indonesian press reports on conferences since 20th Feb!)

26 Feb: Pontianak: WKal governor Aspar Aswin said situation is improving. Peace settlement should be signed as soon as possible. Hopes conflict will not affect general election.

28/2 Rep: W.Kal Gov reported to Interior Ministry in Jkt that life in Sanggau Ledo returning to normal. Distribution of basic food supplies going ahead well. Hoped situation would have returned to normal before the elections and that would not affect elections in the region. Admitted still `minor problems' in the interior. Attributed this to people coming in from the mountains who didn't know of recent (peace) developments. Would not comment on when troops would be withdrawn or involvement of National Human Rights Commission. Said a peace settlement would be circulated amongst all Dayak communities, but govt had no hand in drawing this up. Said draft would be given to him and the Commission. Said community education would be intensified, including amonst migrants. Refuted suggestions that indigenous people were against incomers or that they had been displaced by them. Claimed his meeting with religious leaders from Madura was useful.

28/2 (British journalist based in Jkt) It is pretty difficult at the moment. Many of the contacts we spoke to in Pontianak are being given a hard time by the military, and I don't think we would be welcomed back. CNN has just gone in but they went everywhere in the company of the military, which of course makes our lives that much more difficult because the military will argue that if CNN are willing to accept those conditions, then so should we. I will be interested to see what CNN produces, but my expectations aren't high.

1st Mar: (AW) Troubles have left tens of thousands of refugees and at least 17 troops dead. Catholic research foundation in Pontianak said 7,000 still seeking refuge with the military; at least 3,000 had returned to Madura. (Guardian 3/5) Witnesses in Pontianak report hundreds of Madurans leaving the province by boat as well as refugees still holed up in the dense tropical jungles after fleeing attacks on their homes.(SMH5/3) WKal gov Aspar Aswin said in Jkt (26/2) that death toll was 200 and damage caused Rp 25 billion. Local govt would provide Rp4 for reparations.(MI2/3)

1st Mar: Singkawang: visit by military leader Namuri. Troops are confiscating arms. Unrest confined now to looting and burning of abandoned homes. Local adminstrator for Sambas said 8,000 refugees still receiving food supplies. Hopes they can return home in 2 months. (K3/3)

1/2 March: (SMH 5/3) Another clash: up to 17 people dead. (No other details, but Guardian 5/3 mentions reports of at least 20 killed in the last week).

2nd Mar: (Forum2/3) Official peace ceremony not effective as Dayaks don't feel involved. Need to carry out own traditional ceremonies to quiet `war spirit', said local official. Will take at least a week. Apart from Sungaikunyit incident, situation was generally calming down from mid-Feb. Traffic was picking up between towns; Pontianak Kuching road open. Troops still everywhere and evidence of destruction in evidence along roadsides.

3rd Mar: Sanggau: Two community leaders sent out 228 `red cups' to all villages in the district in ceremony witnessed by military and govt officials as traditional command to make peace.

3rd March: Results of investigation by the Indonesian Youth Forum (done 7-14 Feb). Documented almost 500 homes destroyed along 70-kilometre stretch Anjungan-Ngabang N of Pontianak. The group said about 1,200 people still missing from the scene of the worst fighting (Rep 3/3)

Pontianak: New peace ceremony held between Maduran and Dayak leaders (SMH 5/3).

7th March: Head of the National Intelligence Coordination Agency, Lieutenant General Moetojib stated that the security situation in W. Kalimantan could now be controlled by the security forces. Whether all community groups in West Kalimantan were prepared to live with each other was now the critical issue. (K8/97)

The aftermath According to Sambas local government, 1,094 buildings were destroyed. The most destruction was in Salamalantan followed by Sanggau Ledo, Bengkayang and Tujuhbelas areas. The number of refugees was 5,173 plus around 1,200 who were flown to a camp in Pontianak by the airforce. Material losses were estimated at Rp 13.56 billion (K 13/1).

"The reconciliation of the two ethnic groups is only at the top level, it never touches the people at the grassroots," the Dayak source said. The Dayak source said the bloody campaign was motivated by the tradition of "payback". He said Madurese migrants had taken over the Dayaks' land, had better access to political power, were treated favourably by police in disputes and were rarely punished for past attacks on Dayaks. Development policies have had a devastating impact on their subsistence farming methods but they have been given no alternative skills to compensate for displacement from their land. SMH20/2

The tension has slowed economic activity in the restricted areas. "All the ethnic groups are suffering. The economy is at a halt, and all our development efforts hang in the balance. We have regressed 30 years," said MH Hambali, a Madurese member of parliament in Pontianak.(AT20/2)

"Dayak elders remain steadfast that they will not tolerate Madurese presence in the area any longer and that there will be no peace until all Madurese have left the region," the source said. (ST21/2)

Only one regional head in the whole of West Kalimantan is Dayak, and in some majority Dayak towns the Madurans are in control."I warned the Government that something like this would happen," says an official."I believe we need to adjust development policy. In reality policies don't support the Dayaks. The Government says they should go to school but a school in a Dayak area might have only two teachers for six classes. This is because the teachers are Muslims and don't like living near the Dayaks, who eat pork and keep dogs."So the effect is the Dayaks' human resources are very low and they don't have the qualifications to compete."It is then, he says, that the Dayaks revert to their own laws: harsh, bloody and uncompromising. (SMH 21/2)

28/2: (British journalist) Things have calmed down a bit in West Kalimantan though it clearly isn't over. Strangely the young Dayaks don' talk much about their economic position - they are much more vocal about their culture, and the Madurese insensitivity towards it. They are very single minded about the Madurese -they have to go. They don't talk about problems with other groups, who have been left alone, and they are definitely not anti-Indonesia - yet. Their pan-Dayakism hasn't translated into separatism yet. They impressed me with their seriousness and thoroughness, though the whole headhunting thing is hard to comprehend.

The Ministry of Information now requires foreign journalists to apply for travel permits to enter the province – which puts West Kalimantan in the same "troubled" category as East Timor, Irian Jaya and Aceh. Casting off that label could take years. (AW1/3)

2/3Tempo (P. Florus - Institute of Dayakology Research and Development - IDRD). Many Madurese in W. Kal are migrants - follow family or friends rather than govt trans schemes. Occupy low position in society - badly paid labouring jobs. Indigenous community `confused' by drastic changes in their environment over the last 30 yrs. Their ancestral forests, mountains and rivers had been occupied by `foreigners'. They were called `anti-development' and depicted as cutting down trees, opening land up for farming, burning forests, illegal loggers, illegal gold miners, whereas it was incomers doing this. This had made Dayak community close in on itself. (Forum 2/3) Stephanus Djuweng, Director IDRD, said cultural differences were important. These differences are never discussed and so lead to conflict.

What has the Indonesian Govt learnt? 17/2 JP: The Indonesian Center for Environmental Law (ICEL) attacked the government Saturday for allowing a coal mining firm to control 100,000 hectares of a Kalimantan national park. ICEL executive director Mas Achmad Santosa charged that the government had, once again, violated the laws it made to protect forests and the natural riches therein.

28/2 SP: Jakarta W Kal gov Aspar Aswin explained how some transmigration projects could create social tension in some groups e.g if local people are not given opportunity to live on transmigration site and have same access to facilities. Or if local communities affected byt projects are given priority for transmigration, by nearby ones aren't. In poor areas locals should have more chance to become voluntary transmigrants and trans sites should provide work and training.

Hundreds riot in Eastern Indonesia over new transport terminal

ABC International News - 15 March, 1997

Hundreds of people have rioted in a town on the eastern Indonesian island of Lombok, over the building of a new transport terminal.

Police said the riot in the town of Praya resulted in damage to the new terminal, located outside the town, and to shops built at the site of the old terminal. No casualties or arrests were reported.

The official Antara newsagency said the rioters had also attacked the residence of the businessman who built the new terminal.

The protestors included public transport minibus drivers, who said the new terminal had greatly reduced their income because passengers were reluctant to use it.

1,000 people demonstrate in Praya

Kompas - March 16, 1997

Praya – Some 1,000 people held a demonstration to demand annulment of the relocation of the city transportation terminal on Saturday (15/3) in Praya, Central Lombok. In that action, the crowd damaged the new terminal, broke garden lights, flower pots along the roads, window panes of the Central Lombok Regent's Office, and damaged the house and shop of the contractor involved with the terminal. So far there has been no loss of life.

The Commander of the Miltary Resort Command 162/Wirabhakti, Col.(Inf) Iping Somantri, with permission from the Comander of Military Region IX/Udayana, Maj.Gen. Abdul Rivai, by telephone explained to journalists in Denpasar that the riot had already started at 09.30 Central Indonesia Time. The crowd consisted of 300 city transportation drivers and their sympathizers. "Because the time coincided with market day, there were about 700 onlookers. So the total was about 1,000 persons," thus the clarifiaction by the Military Resort Commander. When contacted, he was sided by the West Nusa Tenggara Area Police Chief Col.(Pol) Muji Santosa. The Military Resort Commander also reported that in that action no physical clash took place between the demonstrators and the security forces.

After doing damage at the terminal, thus Iping Somantri, the crowd then moved to the Central Lombok Regent's Office, yelling demands that operation of the new terminal must be annulled. Along the way, the crowd wrecked garden lights and flower pots. "They also broke window glass at the regent's office," said the Resort Commander. But apparently at that time the crowd had no intention of meeting the Central Lombok Regent.

The crowd then moved towards the house of the contractor of the terminal, Kotong. They damaged the house and horse stall owned by Kotong. "Besides that they broke the windows of the passenger car owned by Kotong," clarified the Military Resort Commander, while adding that the crowd also wrecked the shop owned by Kotong.

According to Iping Somantri, the crowd started to be put under control around 12.30 Central Indonesia Time after two platoons of police and one company of the Armed Forces were deployed on location. The security forces needed about one hour's time to get to Praya which is some 30 kilometers distant from Mataram.

The Resort Commander said that the security forces until this moment have not detained perpetrators of the riot. "But there certaily will be an investigation," he said.

Refuse to move

Further, commander Iping Somantri said that last Saturday about 100 drivers had in fact already held a demonstration at the office of the Central Lombok Regent. "But at that time they did not want to meet the local District Secretary. So there was no meeting," he said.

Fundamentally, the city transportation drivers reject the move of the terminal away from the center of Praya. They are of the opinion that the move will cause them loss, because it is far from the market. "So the old terminal was closed officially about two weeks ago. Then the new terminal was put into operation. But the market has not yet been moved," clarified Iping Somantri. At the time the old terminal was closed, signs of protest on the side of the drivers were starting to be seen.

For the time being, said the Military Resort Commander, the local district government has put the old terminal back into operation. "While the new terminal is being repaired, we open the old terminal until repair of the new one is finished," he said.

Until 20.00 local time yesterday, the situation in Praya was safe, but security agents are still on guard around Edi's house on Jalan Sudirman.

To journalists, the Regent of Central Lombok, H Ircham, said that for the time being the old terminal will be opened again, awaiting support facilities at the new terminal. The regent is regretful and concerned about this incident.

"We are always ready to receive citizens who want to convey problems in a reasonable way, not by yelling in the streets," said Ircham.

Miscellaneous

Separating the powers

Digest No. 28 (Indonesian news with comment) - 20 March, 1997

Gerry van Klinken – Why is it so difficult to secure justice against the interests of the state? Because 'political' cases are sewn up outside the courthouse. But, if not in the courthouse, exactly where are these decisions made? In a little known but powerful club named Makehjapol, say lawyers widely quoted in the press recently. The elimination of Makehjapol is an important item on their agenda of legal reform.

Makehjapol (sometimes spelled Mahkejapol) is an acronym for the Supreme Court (Mahkamah Agung), the Justice Department (Kehakiman), Attorney General's Department (Kejaksaan Agung), and the Police (Kepolisian). It is an occasional forum of top officials from these four departments, first established in 1981 to coincide with the introduction of the new criminal code KUHAP. Its purpose then was to 'come to a common understanding' about the new code.

Similar forums exist at provincial and regency levels. Judges routinely meet police and military officials at Muspida meetings (Majelis Unsur Pimpinan Daerah). There is a provincial equivalent of Makehjapol known as Diljapol, consisting of the chief of court, the public prosecutor, and the police chief. Here favours are given and received, according to critics.

Pointedly absent from all these 'consultations', say legal reformists, are defence lawyers or other representatives of the accused.

In recent years the independent Surabaya lawyer Trimoelja has been a vocal opponent of Makehjapol. He said after being awarded the Yap Thiam Hien human rights award in December 1994 that this one institution did more to 'wreck' the rule of law than anything else. In February 1995 he said Makehjapol 'coordinates important and highly visible cases in which the Executive has interests to protect'. In January 1995 Kompas daily said that Makehjapol in fact decided controversial cases such as the Marsinah murder trial and the implementation of the controversial Traffic Law of 1992.

At a seminar last December to evaluate the implementation of KUHAP these last 15 years, University of Indonesia lawyer Loebby Loeqman said that Makehjapol was formed to shape KUHAP to the institutional interests of the forum's members, and this severely curtailed the rights of the accused. Legal aid lawyer Luhut Pangaribuan said Makehjapol proved that the law stood lower than the interests of the various government departments. Contradicting official rhetoric about 'coordination', he asserted: 'In court there is no harmony. There is only the material truth, in which the wrongdoer must be punished and the innocent freed'.

Constitutional law professor Harun Alrasid pointed out in mid- February that for all its power, Makehjapol was completely non- formal - in as much as it is not based on a presidential or any other decree. Legal aid lawyer Hendardi questioned the 'closed' nature of its deliberations.

Responding to these reform proposals, Sarwata, the new Chief Justice, said: 'Indonesia does not hold to a pure separation of powers, the Trias Politica, but to a distribution of powers'. Former secretary general of the Justice Department, Muhd. Salim, claimed the forum had last met in 1992 to discuss the Traffic Law. Minister for Justice Oetojo Oesman agreed Indonesia did not adhere to a strict separation of powers, and 'guaranteed' the forum never discussed particular cases. He said it may have discussed the registration of (international) brand names (which was controversial much more recently than 1992).

Are the legal reformists being quixotic? Perhaps. But, by tirelessly asserting liberal legal principle in the face of the facades of an authoritarian regime, they at least help counteract the recent alarmism over ethnic violence that drives politics into the arms of the military. At best they are laying the groundwork for a more democratic regime in the future.

[Gerry van Klinken, editor, Inside Indonesia magazine.]

Non-objectivity in induction of candidate civil servants

Kompas - 18 March, 1997

Jakarta – Secretary General of the Home Affairs Department, Suryatna Subrata, affirmed that of late it has been proven that non-objectivity is present in the induction of candidate civil servants in the sphere of the Department of Home Affairs.

"If for just the recruitment of employees, lubrication money is used, this will influence performance and dedication of the involved," said Suryatna moments after giving a speech at the Flag Ceremony on Monday (17/3) at the Office of the Department of Home Affairs, Jakarta.

Suryatna invited all employees in the sphere of the Department of Home Affairs to carry out evaluation and introspection at the end of budget year 1996/1997, both privately and collectively as the Civil Servants Corps of the Republic of Indonesia or as a work unit. "Is what we have done already or not yet in conformance with our position as servants of the state and public servants," said Suryatna.

Suryatna, who is also General Chairman of the Central Board of the Civil Servants Corps of the Republic of Indonesia, invited employees in the sphere of the Home Affairs Department, in case execution of their duties were now not yet successful and at maximum, to improve that in the next budget year.

Previously, after opening the All-Indonesia Work Conference on Home Affairs and Regional Government Civil Service, last Thursday (13/3) in Bali, Suryadi also admitted that the implementation of recruitment of candidate government employees, in the sphere of the Department of Home Affairs, was not objective, including the probable use of "lubrication money". Practices like this, according to him, almost occurred in every region in Indonesia.

Longtime symptom

Former Home Affairs Minister Rudini, in Live Opinion Discussion on Radio Trijaya FM together with President of the Government Science Institute Prof Dr M Ryaas Rasyid, admitted that the existence of "lubrication money" in the recruitment of candidate government employees is a longtime symptom. According to him this is related to the life of the civil servant both from the point of view of discipline, responsibility as well as the mentality of the civil servant himself.

"This is related to the welfare of the government employee. But this does not mean that when welfare is inadequate, insufficient discipline is condoned." said Rudini during a discussion guided by Andi F Loya on Monday (17/3) at The Executive Club, Hilton Hotel, Jakarta. Rudini added, that the life of the civil servant which is on an inadequate welfare level, due to low salaries, compelled them to look for additional livelihood. Rudini took as an example certain desks or counters, which were purposely created to make handling of affairs time-consuming, while actually one counter or desk was sufficient to conclude business.

To prevent occurrence of "lubricating money" and to improve the mentality of the civil servant, Rudini suggested improvement of the selection and recruitment pattern, and a modern administration system. "But the most important thing is to first of all put the human resources in order," said Rudini.

Rudini reminded that in order to prevent cases like "lubricating money", career development in the civil servant sphere must be clear. For instance, he said, avoid wrong placement of an employee in a certain position by not basing it on expertise. "Don't force placement for reasons of career development. This must be corrected," said Rudini.

Rudini suggested carrying out a mental reordering of civil servants towards having high discipline, namely by applying firm sanctions in case of transgressions. To that end the regulations on promotions and change of position must be firmly established. "It should be that those who perform well get higher positions, and those who underperform should be put aside," he said.

Ryaas Rasyid suggested to strengthen professional ethics to prevent the possibility of "lubricating money" from occurring as a result of collusion, corruption and nepotism in the sphere of the civil servant. According to him, not only the law should be a reference, but there should also be clarity in enhancement of career with competitive characteristics.

According to Ryaas, the occurrence of "lubricating money" practices is caused by our government organization which is too large and therefore has inadequate control and is not amenable to close scrutiny. This is worsened by the fact that there is never any evaluation. "There should be reformation and reorganization in our government," said Ryaas. (*)

Soldiers deployed as teachers in Irian Jaya

Straits Times - March 15, 1997

Jakarta – Soldiers are to be deployed to serve as teachers in understaffed schools in the Mamberamo Hulu district of Indonesia's Irian Jaya province, the Indonesian Observer newspaper reported.

It quoted Major-General Johny Lumintang, chief of the Trikora military command which oversees Irian Jaya, as saying that he had also ordered the district military commander to co-operate with the police and local government authorities "to do something about the teacher shortage".

His order that some of the military personnel in Irian Jaya should serve as teachers in Mamberamo Hulu came after he received numerous complaints from residents about the lack of teachers.

The newspaper said he was optimistic that with the military and other civil servants acting as teachers, schools in the area would return to normal.

The lack of teachers was not the only problem for residents in the Mamberamo Hulu district.

They have also complained about the shortage of goods, which has caused prices to soar, in some cases by as much as 200 per cent.

Maj-Gen Lumintang, who was visiting the area on Wednesday, said the short runway at the nearest airport stopped it from accepting bigger transport aircraft.

The few aircraft deployed by state-run Merpati Nusantara Airlines on routes was another reason for the shortage of supplies, he added.

The newspaper reported that he pledged to report the case to the Transportation Ministry.