In a country where the army makes no bones about channeling its support to the ruling political group, Golkar, talk of factionalism within Indonesia's military always causes concern.

In the past, such groupings were described as fluid. But foreign military sources in Jakarta say they have spotted a worrying new trend. Various internal military alliances are becoming increasingly cemented, and the distinctions between the groups are often not ideological. There has always been discussion about what role the military should play in Indonesian society, and what the country's defense posture should be.

But, as one Asian military attache points out, the current factionalism stems from another source: Indonesia has too many three-star generals. The seven men currently holding that rank is about double what it should be, and all must have larger ambitions.

Another problem: rambunctious officers such as two-star general Prabowo Subianto, currently head of the Kopasssus (special forces) battalion. As a rising figure, he should serve a tour as a regional commander before moving to the top echelon. But the same sources quote Prabowo as saying there are no rules that make it necessary to spend time in the provinces before moving up the promotion ladder. Another scenario sees Prabowo heading the Jakarta regional command, keeping him near the center of political life in the capital.

Army chief Gen. R. Hartono is expected to retire after the May elections. Tipped to replace him is one of those seven three-star generals, Wiranto, who currently leads the Kostrad (strategic reserve) unit and is known to be close to President Suharto. If Prabowo gets the Jakarta job, it could lead to dangerous jealousy. Fifteen people died in a shoot-out in Irian Jaya last year when a Kopassus officer opened fire on men from the regional command, apparently after teasing over Kopassus's better facilities. Meanwhile, the military launched a series of exercises to ensure its readiness for the May elections.

In Jakarta, a meeting of some 1,000 people, ranging from academics to artists, met to discuss ways of creating a national alliance for democracy. Organizer Muslim Abdurrahman said declining social solidarity and morality are caused by political policies favoring vested interests. The government, meanwhile, eased tough rules for participants in next month's election campaign.

Crack troops hold exercises in Central Jakarta

Straits Times - March 11, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian army held manoeuvres in central Jakarta yesterday, dropping crack special intervention forces from helicopters in full combat gear.

The unannounced exercise was carried out without a hitch but under the intense scrutiny of passers-by and motorists in Selamat Datang Place, the capital's business centre.

No information was immediately available from officials on the half-hour exercise, which was carried out amid tension in the country over several religious and ethnic killings.

General elections will be held in three months and Indonesian authorities are holding almost daily meetings on possible political security risks.

A hundred soldiers in black fatigues and helmets toting rifles, climbed down ropes from helicopters hovering 30 m overhead.

The troops reassembled in an area sealed off by assault troops in bullet-proof vests, and sped off into the heavy Jakarta traffic on small motorbikes.

The Puma helicopters continued on over the hotels and office blocks of the modern city centre.

No compromise for those who disrupt nat'l stability

Antara News - March 12, 1997

Semarang, Central Java – Commander of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), Gen Feisal Tanjung, warned here Monday that there will be no compromise for those who disrupt national stability.

"The ABRI will take stern measures against those who will disrupt the 1997 general election and the 1998 general session of the People's Consultative Assembly," Tanjung told newsmen after inspecting the election security task force of the Diponegoro Military Command.

It is the ABRI's task to maintain national stability to ensure the success of the May 29 general election and the 1998 general session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), he said.

"The ABRI is also committed to ensuring the continuation of the country's national development programs," he added.

Asked on the handling of the case of former legislator, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, who was arrested on subversion charges last week,Tanjung said it will be handled according to the law. "The law must be upheld," he said.

Pamungkas, chairman of the unrecognised Indonesian Democratic Union Party (PUDI), and two other party executives, Julius Usman and Saleh Abdullah, are being detained at the Attorney General's Office for disseminating Idul Fitri greeting cards which called for boycotting the May 29 general election.

The cards also called for rejecting the nomination of President Soeharto for a seventh term in office and establishing a post-Soeharto political order.

East Timor

AUSAID to East Timor

swatson@banda.ntu.edu.au - March 13, 1997

[Re posting re Ausaid to East Timor in the form of working with the Indonesian government to aid East Timor, specifically in the area of agriculture.]

1. Ausaid cannot assist areas without approval from the Indonesian government to assist those areas. What happens in practice, is that Ausaid office in Dili will recommend improvements to an area, for example supplying water, then give those recommendations to the Indonesian government (in East Timor) to approve. IF THE IMPROVEMENTS ARE RECOMMENDED FOR AREAS OF HIGH TRANS- MIGRANT POPULATION, THAT IS, AREAS WHICH ARE NOT PERCEIVED TO BE ANTI- INTEGRATION/HELPING THE GUERILLAS/FIGHTING IN THE RESISTANCE, THEN THE INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT WILL PROBABLY ENDORSE THE RECOMMENDATIONS. IF AUSAID RECOMMENDS IMPROVEMENTS FOR AREAS POPULATED BY EAST TIMORESE - IE, MOST AREAS IN EAST TIMOR, ALMOST ALL MOUNTAINOUS AREAS, AND THE BY FAR WORSE AREAS IN TERMS OF HEALTH, ROADS, LACK OF ELECTRICITY AND WATER SUPPLIES - THE INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT WILL NOT ENDORSE THE RECOMMENDATION.

Therefore, Ausaid, although it might mean well, is only assisting Indonesia, and not the people of East Timor.

For proof of the above, contact the westerners working in the Ausaid office in Dili (although they might not be able to openly tell you what is happening); I was told about this situation by an Ausaid employee, by East Timorese in from the mountains of East Timor, and by East Timorese from Dili.

2. Also, the following is an account by a Dili resident of Indonesia's way of showing its "developments" to western diplomats: There ARE indeed developments underway to supply water to remote areas, even pro-Resistance areas. However,one such development has been under way for 8 years. When a senator or diplomat from the west visits East Timor, he is taken to the partly-constructed pipe, where lots of people are working, to show the ongoing developments, Indonesia's work to supply water to the East Timorese. When his visit to the site is over, work ceases again. I would like proof of just ONE area populated by East Timorese (and not by a majority of transmigrants) which has had water supplies or electricity given to them by Ausaid or the Indonesian government.

Indonesian troops killed three Timorese civilians, says Australian human

Lusa - March 13, 1997

Melbourne – Three East Timorese were killed during intense Indonesian military operations in the territory, a report by an Australian human rights watchdog has said.

The Melbourne-based East Timor Human Rights Center released a report on Wednesday, quoting what it said to be reliable sources, saying that three Timorese youth had been killed by the Indonesian military squad "Linud 700" involved in military operations in the district of Suai, southern part of East Timor.

The three Timorese were identified as Rui de Jesus, 25, Aniceto, 20 e Miguel, 23.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and annexed it one year later but the United Nations still regards Portugal as the territory's administering power.

DC demonstration in support of East Timor

East Timor Action Network – March 18, 1997

On Monday, March 18, 4-5 PM, activists from around the country will risk arrest at the Indonesian Embassy on 2020 Mass. Ave. in a demonstration against that nation's occupation of East Timor and its ongoing purchases of U.S. weapons.

While illegal campaign contributions from Indonesia continue to capture the media's attention, public pressure is mounting in opposition to the ongoing illegal occupation and repression of East Timor by Indonesia's Suharto regime and the ongoing purchases of U.S. weapons for use by the Indonesian military.

In a letter to Indonesian Ambassador Arifin Siregar, Gordon S. Clark, Peace Action's Executive Director, and Charles Scheiner, Coordinator of the East Timor Action Network, stated:

"Since the onset of your occupation of East Timor, one third of the population has been killed. Torture, arbitrary arrests and disappearances persist with great frequency... the United Nations has passed 10 resolutions condemning your illegal invasion and occupation... Since 1975, Indonesia has purchased over $1 billion in U.S. weaponry. Many... have been used against the citizens of East Timor... The ongoing abuses by your government compel us to bring these issues to public light."

During the protest:

Bread & Puppet Theater of Vermont will perform a lively and colorful street show.
Alan Nairn, journalist present at the 1991 Dili massacre, and Erica Harrold, California Peace Action activist, will speak.
Over 100 persons will join the protest wearing placards bearing the names of those killed in the Dili massacre.
At least fifteen persons will risk arrest. Holding crosses with placards, they will "die" on the lawn of the embassy to call attention to the outrageous campaign of genocide carried on by Indonesia and the need to stop all weapons sales and military aid to that nation.

Moerdiono: Indonesia will not allow the UN to open a human rights office

Republika - 10 March 1997 (Abridged)

Minister of State Moerdiono said that the Indonesian Government will not allow a recommendation to go forward from the UN Commission on Human Rights for the UN Human Rights High Commissioner to open an office in Jakarta. This would be a violation of Indonesia's sovereignty, he said. "It's not for them to get involved in handling a matter that falls within the jurisdiction of a member state," he said. [Moerdiono is Suharto's right-hand man.]

Reuters reported that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had expressed concern about the human rights situation in Indonesia, especially in East Timor. "I hope that agreement will very soon be reached so that we can begin our activities in the interests of Indonesia and East Timor," UN High Commissioner Jose Ayala Lasso was quoted as saying. He said that during his visit to Indonesia in 1995, the Indonesian Government promised to allow the UN High Commissioner's office to open a representative office in Indonesia.

Moerdiono said that Indonesia knows all about the implementation of human rights in Indonesia. "The US which is also calling for the implementation of human rights in East Timor is not better informed about the situation in East Timor. When we ask them about it, most of them know nothing at all about East Timor," he said. Moreover, it should be stressed that the American understanding of human rights differs greatly from Indonesia's understanding of the question.

"They have no right to teach us anything. They have been a colonial power in the past, haven't they?" he said.

Insisting that there were no human rights violations in Indonesia, Moerdiono said: "We are implementing human rights very well. It's not correct to look at the matter through Western eyes."

He also said that the UN had not made any contact with Indonesia on the plan to open this office. "There should be mutual understanding first," he said.

Deputy Chair of the National Human Rights Commission, Marzuki Darusman, said it was Indonesia's right to reject this plan. He said he thought the High Commissioner's plan was intended to make it possible for his officials to monitor the human rights situation in East Timor. "I don't think there is any urgency for the UN to do this," he told Republika.

He said this question had been under review for a long time and he had heard about it at the Indonesian Foreign Ministry. There had been talk of a technical agreement between the UN High Commissioner and Indonesia. The cooperation could take a variety of forms. But difficulties had arisen when the UN asked to be allowed to monitor the situation in East Timor. The National Commission could understand the reasons for the Indonesian Government's refusal to allow this to happen, said Marzuki.

Indonesia rejects Jakarta U.N. rights office plan

Kyodo - March 7, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian government has rejected a plan by the United Nations to station a human rights commissioner in Jakarta to monitor the situation in East Timor, a newspaper said Friday.

'There are not enough grounds for the commissioner to place a representative in Jakarta to monitor the human rights situation in East Timor,' Hassan Wirayuda, director for international organizations at the Foreign Ministry, told the Jakarta Post daily.

Jose Ayala Lasso, U.N. high commissioner for human rights, said in Geneva on Wednesday that an agreement would soon be reached with Jakarta to allow him to station a representative in Jakarta.

He also claimed that Indonesia had made a new proposal on the issue a fortnight ago.

Hassan, however, told the English-language daily that what Lasso had said was completely untrue.

When asked why he thought the U.N. commissioner would make such a false statement, Hassan replied, 'There's probably pressure from Western countries on Ayala Lasso's office to head in that direction.'

Indonesia will send a delegation, headed by Izhar Ibrahim, the Foreign Ministry's director general for political affairs, to the 50th annual meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Commission, due to begin Monday in Geneva.

The East Timor issue is expected to be discussed during the second half of the six-week conference.

Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1976 and annexed it the following year as its 27th province. The U.N., however, still considers Portugal to be the territory's administering authority.

Economy and investment

Bob Hasan's gold touch

Time Magazine - March 10, 1997

Rahul Jacob – At a press conference late last month following his takeover as chairman of carmaker Astra International, one of Indonesia's bluest of blue-chips, Mohamad "Bob" Hasan seemed completely in his element. By turns combative and charming, he even grabbed a camera from the crush of photographers and took a picture of the press. When reporters started to encroach upon the podium, Hasan, who is perhaps President Suharto's closest confidant, snapped that he would leave the press conference if they didn't back off.

At that raucous occasion, Hasan defended the recent deal he brokered to settle an unseemly battle that has raged since last fall over what could be the world's largest gold mine. Estimates of its contents have ranged from 57 million ounces, worth $20 billion, to as much as 200 million ounces. The contestants were President Suharto's two oldest children, daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, known as Tutut, and son Sigit Harjoyudanto. Each child partnered a Canadian mining company: tiny Bre-X Minerals for Sigit and giant Barrick Mining for Tutut. Hasan's deal last month gives Bre-X, which discovered the reserves in early 1996, a 45% share of the mine, but two Hasan-controlled companies will receive a combined 30% stake for which they pay nothing. A Jakarta businessman calls it "corporate robbery," but Hasan isn't flinching: "It's a very clear deal. There's no payment or nothing." Says a financial executive at an Indonesian conglomerate: "If Hasan wants something he gets it, but he always makes sure the First Family gets its share."

Hasan's confidence is understandable. In the past few months, he has graduated from the ranks of the elite businessmen who are close to the powers-that-be in countries like China, Malaysia and Indonesia to a prominence unmatched elsewhere in Asia. Hasan runs Nusamba group, the investment vehicle of three charitable foundations headed by President Suharto. Referred to by critics as Suharto's "retirement fund," Nusamba, which has assets estimated at $5 billion, seems to want a share of every large, long-term deal cut in Jakarta these days. "In any good business, we will move in," Hasan said at his February press conference. In November, Hasan beat another prominent Indonesian businessman in the race to control Astra. In December, he turned his attention to bringing Indonesia's gold rush to an orderly close. Since the death of the President's wife Tien in April, Hasan's influence has grown: he alone has been able to keep the peace among Suharto's six children, whose business rivalries have recently escalated. "He is playing a good uncle, mediating in this civil war," says Christiano Wibisono, who heads a Jakarta consultancy.

Hasan's rise to riches began when he forged close ties to the army not long after Indonesia won independence from the Dutch in 1945. The young colonels who took control of the provinces were given little or no money by the government and had to start side businesses to support their troops. In the web that quickly developed between entrepreneurs and generals, Hasan found himself at the center in the 1950s after General Gatot Subroto, an independence war hero, adopted him as a foster son. It was an extraordinary gesture: Hasan is ethnic Chinese and had started his working life as a driver in Central Java.

Subroto introduced Hasan to Suharto, who was then a colonel in charge of an elite unit in Jogjakarta, historic seat of the Javanese sultanate. "I have been friends with President Suharto for more than 40 years," Hasan says matter-of-factly. Like many long friendships, it has seen twists and turns. In the 1950s, the two were involved in a barter transaction for rice from Singapore in return for sugar from Java; the deal went sour. Suharto was stripped of his command and transferred to Jakarta. Hasan followed his mentor to the capital and waited for his star to rise, which it did after President Sukarno's ouster in 1965. Hasan also undertook a pilgrimage to Mecca and converted to Islam.

Providence has smiled on him ever since. On the recommendation of friends in the military, he was given a 10% stake in the local subsidiary of U.S.-based forestry giant Georgia-Pacific in 1972. That became the base camp for an assault on Indonesia's vast forests. He soon acquired the remaining 90% of the company and built a timber empire called Kalimanis Plywood Industries. In the 1980s, he founded Apkindo, a state-sanctioned cartel that controls Indonesia's plywood exports. In that role, he stood up to buyers elsewhere in Asia and cast himself as a fierce trustee of the country's resources. In an oft-repeated anecdote, Hasan boasted after golf with Suharto and visiting actor Sylvester Stallone, "I told Rambo, 'I am king of the jungle.'"

A well-preserved 66, Hasan today holds sway over not just Indonesia's rich forests but the presidential palace as well. He wields influence on behalf of Suharto, who appears to have grown weary of it. "He is more powerful than Liem [ethnic Chinese billionaire Liem Sioe Liong, whose association with Suharto also spans more than four decades] and the minister of forestry or minister of mining," says consultant Wibisono. That has never been more apparent than in the past few months.

After the battle between the Suharto siblings and their Canadian allies showed no signs of abating, Hasan gathered several of the parties at the President's cattle ranch and forged a compromise. The deal has the Hasan stamp: the appearance of ensuring that Indonesia's national interests are represented while cutting the First Family a slice. Nusamba, which is majority-owned by the President's charitable trusts and 10%-owned by eldest son Sigit, walked away with a 30% share of the reserves. As Jakarta sees it, Bre-X is also a winner because it comes away with a 45% share of the mine. But that is down from the 90% stake it originally claimed, prompting angry complaints from Canadian shareholders.

Meanwhile, some investors in Astra, Indonesia's leading auto assembler and distributor, have expressed concerns since Hasan took an 8% stake in the company in November. Analysts say that Theodore Rachmat, the well-regarded president-director of Astra, is already playing a diminishing role in the company.

The Busang episode may dim Indonesia's new-found luster as a destination for foreign capital. The government liberalized investment regulations in 1994 and last year attracted $5.4 billion in foreign direct investment, among the highest inflows in the developing world. This year's total should top $6 billion. Says Tim Condon, regional economist with Morgan Stanley: "The numbers suggest it remains a good place to invest, but if its reputation is too besmirched, it could have an impact on actual flows."

In Suharto's 32-year reign, his country of 200 million people has made extraordinary strides against poverty and illiteracy, though the admiration he has earned does not always rub off on his family. Says an Indonesian financial executive: "Purely out of self-interest, they should be giving more, not grabbing like the Marcoses did" in the Philippines. Trouble is, there is no one but Hasan to give the President that advice. Photos of Suharto from the years after he brought Indonesia back from the chaos of the 1960s show that he was attentive to his cabinet ministers in meetings. Now, he talks and they listen–and apparently always agree. Today, says a former minister, Suharto has lost interest in governing and only wants to secure his children's future. As steward of Suharto's legacy, Hasan faces his toughest job. – Reported by Michael Shari/Jakarta

Under the volcano

Far Eastern Economic Review - March 13, 1997

Margot Cohen, Cirebon, West Java – Rohiman used to make a decent living selling eggs and cooking oil, but those entrepreneurial days are long gone. Now he spends his days sweating behind the handlebars of a pedicab, hauling people and goods through the streets of his hometown of Cirebon, West Java.

He is haunted by his fallen social status. "Most people think pedicab drivers are no better than animals," blurts the 36-year-old father of two.

Bitterness. Frustration. Insecurity. These are the feelings rumbling beneath the sleek surface of Java's rapid economic transformation. As shopping malls and upscale hotels multiply across the landscape, the heady rush of consumerism masks rising anxiety among those who feel left behind.

Taken to the extreme, these feelings can erupt into violence. In recent months, four major riots have occurred across Java, thrusting obscure towns like Tasikmalaya and Rengasdengklok into world headlines. Some of the violence has been aimed at homes, businesses, and places of worship belonging to ethnic Chinese a historical target of economic resentment in Indonesia. While foreign investors remain bullish, pushing the Jakarta stock market to record highs, local politicians, academics and religious leaders voice deep concern.

Change is sweeping Indonesia, but the family remains the bedrock institution of society and thus provides a window to society's ills. This is the story of one Javanese family struggling to hold its own in the midst of disintegrating traditions and rising modern pressures. It is not a family prone to violence, or even public protest. But the anger and frustration expressed by its members particularly the men provide a sobering insight into the forces that drive similar Indonesians in nearby towns to riot.

If the sons in the family speak to the problems that presage further eruptions, however, their sisters provide some hope for stability and positive change. The eldest daughter, like many hard-working, apolitical Indonesians, believes that her sacrifices will pay off in a better future for her children. Her two younger sisters socialize easily with ethnic-Chinese neighbours and friends, indicating that familiarity erodes stereotypes rooted in the Dutch colonial past (see story on page 44).

On the surface, Cirebon, a town of 256,000 on the northern coast of Java, seems peaceful and thriving. In the 16th century, Cirebon formed the hub of an Islamic kingdom, becoming a Dutch protectorate in 1705. It was jointly ruled by three sultans, whose courts dripped with royal luxury. White colonial facades still grace many of the old buildings, while new hotels line its broad boulevards. A July keraton, or palace, festival is expected to draw elaborately costumed royals from across the archipelago, and spark renewed tourist interest in Cirebon's own royal palaces, batik cloth, and painted wooden masks. But nothing can mask the town's hollow failure to attract the new factories necessary to absorb local high-school graduates. Their favourite place to loiter is Grage mall, a pink spaceship-shaped building erected just last November.

Grage's garish glamour is a world away from the humble traditional market in Kalitanjung, a district on the south side of town. For the Muslim traders here, a haj pilgrimage is the ultimate sign of success. Rohiman's mother, Alimah, overcame hardship to make the trip. Married off at age 13, she gave birth to nine children, seven of whom survived. To support such a large family, she and her husband began selling fried snacks from home, enlisting their children to roam the neighbourhood with covered platters. In the mid-1970s, the family managed to open a kiosk in the Kalitanjung market, selling basics like chili peppers and rice.

By 1993, Alimah had saved enough to go to Mecca, where she died. Hers had been a life of hard work, but one that brought dependable rewards. The sons had different ambitions they wanted to join the marines, drive buses, do something more liberating than being the dawn-to-dusk sentinel in the marketplace. But Alimah had vetoed these ideas as too risky. In the market, you were your own boss, she had counselled. If you got sick, a family member could always cover for you.

In 1992, the fifth son, Nurohman, opened a shop in the same neighbourhood. He, too, started out peddling basic foodstuffs, but quickly decided to offer more sophisticated wares like Mickey Mouse drawing books, Brisk hair cream and Q-tips. Today, those wares remain on the shelves, but they are covered in dust. Nurohman closed the shop in 1995, leaving the unsold goods as a testament of his determination to reopen one day. When he tells the story of his commercial failure, the villains that emerge are ethnic-Chinese shopkeepers and Cirebon's new crop of supermarkets.

"As soon as people get their salaries, they run to the supermarket," complains the 30-year-old bachelor, a small-boned high-school graduate with a pencil moustache and a baseball cap. "Then, if they run short towards the end of the month, they come to shops like mine and ask for credit. Can we sell everything on credit? No way!"

Nurohman knows that the supermarkets can offer lower prices; they deal directly with factories or wholesale grocers. He also knows they provide customers a certain social status, a bright plastic bag with prestigious names like Matahari, Yogya, Alfa stores that have all sprouted in Cirebon within the past five years, seducing villagers from hundreds of miles around to gawk at shiny vacuum cleaners and romp through video arcades.

Who's profiting? The people "on top." For Nurohman, this shadowy category includes both big businessmen and the government. He reasons that the government can get heftier taxes from big stores than from small fry like him. What seems unreasonable is Cirebon's rapid pace of development, which he likens to a sudden rainstorm. "No one even had time to see the clouds," he grouses.

Groping for an umbrella against this onslaught, he looks suspiciously at those who seem safely shielded: the ethnic Chinese the men and women who have been prospering since his childhood, even his mother's childhood. For Nurohman, their success is no accident. It grows from a combination of unfair business practices and certain tactics which he, as a Muslim, cannot tolerate.

His own views are shaped by Friday sermons at a mosque near Grage mall, where Muslim preachers rail against Eddy Tansil an ethnic-Chinese businessman who bribed his way out of a Jakarta prison last May after being convicted in 1994 of swindling a state bank for a record 1.3 trillion rupiah ($542 million). Seen as a classic example of collusion between Chinese tycoons and New Order officials, the case spurred cries of "Hang the Chinese!" at trial. The Indonesian authorities' subsequent failure to track down Tansil has fanned anti-Chinese prejudice across the country.

"Most Chinese here are dangerous. They dominate the economy. They dare to drag prices down below standard," Nurohman says bluntly. He claims that the ethnic Chinese are willing to accept slim profit margins, because they have the capital to buy in bulk and receive discounts from the factories. (This claim is disputed by some ethnic Chinese in Cirebon.) The pribumi or indigenous traders, with much less money at their disposal, can only afford to buy in small quantities and must seek higher margins.

To acquire capital, Nurohman continues, the Chinese borrow within their own community or borrow from the bank. The pribumis are scared off by high interest, he claims. His greatest fear is that the bank would seize his family's newly renovated house if he couldn't pay the interest. "If that happened to a Chinese, he could always go home to his own country," he argues, ignoring the fact that most ethnic Chinese have lived in Indonesia for generations.

Nurohman insists that he has nothing against the ethnic-Chinese Muslims who worship alongside him at the mosque (5% of Cirebon's ethnic-Chinese community adheres to Islam). But despite his own complaints about deadbeat customers, Nurohman targets his non-Muslim economic rivals for reportedly repossessing televisions and other goods that have not been fully paid off. "Our Prophet says, do not pressure people through trade. Help people. We don't want to oppress our neighbours," he says piously, as though parroting a sermon. He also claims that winnings from roulette tables abroad are pouring into local Chinese businesses. "If we used gambling money for trade, we would be fattening ourselves up in an unclean way. Better that we go bankrupt," Nurohman concludes.

To remain solvent, Nurohman occasionally works as a public-transport driver. He makes about 10,000 rupiah a day when his earnings are not clipped by policemen hunting for bribes. More than a hint of rage creeps into his voice when he speaks of the lack of opportunity in Cirebon. With many of the newly created, low-paying jobs at supermarkets, shopping centres, hotels and factories across Indonesia going to young, single women, the men seem to find themselves at a loss. While the diminutive Nurohman hardly casts an intimidating shadow, the same cannot be said for the growing numbers of unemployed young men, many of whom are just spoiling for a fight or even a riot.

For Nurohman's eldest sister, Saoda, the possibility of rioting in Cirebon is one of her greatest nightmares. When riots broke out in Tasikmalaya in December, she worried that they would spread to Cirebon. If that happened, she might have been forced to close her kiosk in the Kalitanjung market, just down the street from her home. "We wouldn't be able to trade. We wouldn't be able to eat," she frets.

Rising at 3 a.m., the gaunt 43-year-old mother of five works every day of the year but one during the Muslim holiday of Lebaran. Even after the birth of each child, she was back at the kiosk within two days. Saoda dropped out in third grade and admits she can't read, but she has trade in her blood and her voice. Even though she has just finished supper at home, she speaks in the raucous staccato of public commerce. "My life is the market," she squawks. "I go to sleep at 9 p.m. I hardly watch TV. I never go to the movies. Better to sleep than to go out. It's a waste of money." Is she happy? Saoda finds the question a bit ludicrous. "Happy or unhappy, I'm used to it." With little time to supervise her children, she dispatched three of them to Islamic boarding schools. It costs 75,000 rupiah, per month, per child. To finance their annual visit home, Saoda relies on the 1.2 million rupiah she gets from her arisan, a women's collective in which participants make daily contributions and draw lots to collect the accumulated capital. "I hope my children won't be like me," she says. "A stupid coolie."

With his trim leather jacket, cropped haircut, and macho black motorcycle streaked with orange and purple, Saoda's 23-year-old brother Agus Junadi hardly looks like a coolie. But despite a high-school education, he has ended up working as a labourer on a construction site. Like many other youths his age, he just can't seem to find a good job.

Agus applied for a job at the Matahari department store, but didn't make the grade. He is philosophical about his rejection: "Maybe I didn't fulfil all the requirements," he says softly.

Agus is the youngest in the family, and his older brothers and sisters feel a bit guilty about him. He never really got much attention from his parents, and now the others feel they should make up for it. After their mother passed away, they spent some 5 million rupiah of the inheritance to buy Agus his motorcycle.

Agus graduated from an economics-oriented high school in 1994 and planned to study banking in Yogyakarta. Given the rest of the family's aversion to the banking system, it was an interesting choice. But after concluding that he couldn't afford to continue his education, he cast around for work. Luckily, he didn't have to look very far. His brother Ramli, the eldest son in the family, was working on a giant petrochemicals project in Cilegon, West Java. Agus was immediately hired for a year. He was happy. For the first time, he was making his own money 240,000 rupiah a month and living in a dormitory with workers from all over Indonesia. He dreamed of working overseas on similar projects.

But when the one-year contract ran out, so did his happiness. By then, Ramli had moved on to another project, and couldn't find work for Agus. So he went back home to Cirebon. His sister offered a spot in the marketplace, but he wasn't interested.

For Agus, the "connections" system in Indonesia has proven to be a double-edged sword. It helped him once, but it has also failed him, leading to a year of unemployment. Meanwhile, the system has engendered a sense of resignation. He has applied for three or four different jobs, but there doesn't seem to be any fire burning beneath him. "I'm still depending on my brother," Agus admits. "There's a lot of competition. If you don't have anyone on the inside, like a father or a brother, it's difficult. If you know someone on the inside, you get hired immediately."

What would happen if he showed up at a job site out of town and applied for work independently? Agus says he would be forced to wait three weeks or more without any guarantee of success. At his last job, he says, workers without connections paid 100,000 rupiah in "administration fees" out of desperation for steady employment.

While he waits for his brother to come through, Agus has decided to dispel his boredom by taking a construction job. He mixes cement, carries planks, and hauls bricks for 4,000 rupiah a day, plus a meal allowance of 2,500 rupiah. It's a job more appropriate for a primary-school graduate but all his friends on the construction crew completed high school.

"The little people don't feel the impact of economic growth," Agus insists. "They are moving backward, not forward."

That sentiment is seconded by Agus's brother Rohiman, the trader-turned-pedicab driver whose stringy muscles emerge from a white T-shirt that has been scrubbed to shreds by his wife. He doesn't approve of riots, but echoes demands for "security" and "justice." Like his brother Nurohman, he sees little justice in a system that seems to favour the supermarkets and the ethnic-Chinese traders. Unlike his sister Saoda, he failed to cultivate the loyal customer base that might allow him to ride out the development whirlwind.

His resentment also stems from his experiences working in construction, a sideline he started after withdrawing from the marketplace. Rohiman reports that he and his fellow pribumi workers have built stores, warehouses and large new homes, all the property of ethnic Chinese. (A number of pribumis, particularly government officials, are known to enjoy spacious Cirebon residences as well.) "The Chinese are the No. 1 colonizers," Rohiman says curtly.

Has he ever purchased anything from a Chinese shopkeeper? "The prices are cheaper, so I buy," he admits. Rohiman exhibits a similar ambiguity towards Matahari and other crowded department stores. He likes to take his family to these places, "to walk around, see how Cirebon has progressed. It feels good. Everything is so luxurious. You can get anything you want, as long as you have money." He says he'll drop as much as 50,000 rupiah on one visit, even though that represents as much as five days' income from his pedicab. "I don't want my family to be behind the times," he insists.

None of these purchases are reflected in his simple home on the outskirts of Cirebon, where he lives with his wife and two small daughters. He once had a TV and a motorcycle, but he sold them both. The windows are covered in chicken wire. The floor is bare earth. Parked outside is the brightly painted pedicab, purchased for 300,000 rupiah.

Actually, Rohiman makes at least twice as much with his pedicab as he would as a new employee at Matahari, where the starting salary is just 132,000 rupiah a month. But that's small comfort, given his sudden drop in social status and the anxiety of competition. Like many other small towns in Java, Cirebon is crammed with pedicab drivers, who seem to spend much of their time lounging mournfully.

Anxious to project a "modern" image to the world, the local government in Jakarta outlawed pedicabs in 1990. What would Rohiman do if the same thing happened in Cirebon? For a moment, he falls silent. "I don't know," he replies.

He is not alone in his uncertainty over the future. The "modern" life has already been rather hard on 26-year-old Siti Zubedah, Rohiman's youngest sister. She and her husband and seven-month-old son live in a brand-new suburban housing estate called Villa Intan, or Diamond Villas. Life does not exactly sparkle within this complex of freshly painted white houses with maroon-tiled roofs. Like many other housing estates on the outskirts of Javanese cities, Villa Intan was constructed in a hurry, and it shows. The tapwater and bathwater is salty, due to proximity to the harbour. Worse, water oozes up through the white-tiled floors, a constant reminder that the estate was built on top of a rice field. Development has not quite conquered Cirebon's pastoral past.

Siti's existence is isolated compared to her former life at her mother's house, where she was constantly surrounded by chattering relatives and neighbours in a close-knit, traditional atmosphere. "Before, I was close to the market," she reminisces. "Now, even finding a banana for my son is tough. If anything goes wrong, the doctor is far away." Whether it's the stress of motherhood or the pressures of living in suburbia, slender Siti looks nothing like the plump, determined bride in the wedding picture decorating her living room.

On the bright side, Siti has got to know some of the neighbouring ethnic-Chinese housewives, whom she enjoys chatting with. "The Chinese mix with the pribumis. There's no problem. They're just like us," Siti says matter-of-factly.

Siti's older sister Saomi, a housewife with five children, is also favourably disposed towards the ethnic Chinese, whom her husband brings home from work. "We have a lot of Chinese friends," Saomi says. "We respect each other."

That respect has a practical economic benefit that may point the way to a more harmonious future. Friendship has led to occasional favours, and vice versa. If an ethnic Chinese is looking to purchase land, used cars or used motorcycles, Saomi and her husband don't hesitate to point a finger in the right direction. For the family, it means a commission of at least 50,000 rupiah. She has earmarked the extra money so that her children can have a better life than hers, another ambition Saomi shares with her Chinese friends. "I want my children to go to university," Saomi insists. "Not like their dumb mother."

She also nurtures hope that her husband will eventually ditch his 250,000 rupiah-a-month warehouse job and set himself up as a trader at a local market. Saomi holds fond memories of her own childhood experiences helping her mother in Kalitanjung. "Maybe we'll have good luck," she smiles.

Democratic struggle

Suharto warns on boycott

South China Morning Post - March 15, 1997

Joe Leahy, Jakarta – President Suharto has renewed threats to punish anyone advocating a general election boycott in May, amid growing government fears a record number of voters will abstain.

Analysts point to an increase in discontented groups like those supporting ousted opposition party leader Megawati Sukarnoputri, and students and intellectuals angry about a recent government crackdown.

"We will take punitive measures if there are people who get in the way," Mr Suharto said in Aceh, North Sumatra.

"People have the right to become a golput [abstainer] but they have to stay out of the way. If they try to prevent others exercising their right to vote, they will be punished."

Minority parties are angry about campaign rules they say favour the ruling party, with the Muslim-based United Development Party calling for a boycott.

Ms Megawati's loyalists claim her government-driven dumping from the leadership of the Indonesian Democratic Party last year has alienated thousands of party supporters.

Syamsuddin Haris, an election specialist with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, said the Government appeared to be rattled.

He said a participation rate lower than 90 per cent would damage the Government's credibility.

Foreign observers of the general elections no investigators

Kompas - 15 March, 1997

Jakarta, Sutoyo NK – The Director General of Socio Politics of the Department of Home Affairs Sutoyo NK justified government's intention to invite foreign observers from a number of neighbouring countries to witness the General Elections process in Indonesia. But their presence was not for investigating.

"There is the perception that those who are invited, you (reporters) translate as observers with the connotation to investigate, however they are no observers for investigating," said Sutoyo Friday (14.3) in Jakarta.

According to Sutoyo, these foreign observers are actually the same as what is performed by other countries. For instance, when Malaysia or Singapore performed general elections, there were Indonesian obervers invited. "And we didn't investigate. but only observed," he disclosed.

Sutoyo who is also the Chairman of the Central Investigation Committee (Panlitpus) said that the presence of the foreign observers has to be seen from the spirit, namely the spirit of the Indonesian government in order that other countries can know how the Indonesian government organizes general elections. "So what is important here is our spirit as a nation which arranges general elections witnessed by other countries," Sutoyo added.

Sutoyo has no objections if foreign observers also view campaigns, even witness the election process, provided that it is no investigation. Because that could be interpreted as intervention of another country's problems. "You (reporters) as citizens are certainly not willing if other people are investigating our country," he said.

When asked which observers of other countries would be invited, Sutoyo admitted not to have made a complete inventory yet. According to him the possibility of neighbouring countries, but it was not mentioned whether it is from Malaysia or other ASEAN countries. "Yes, near neighbours," he said.

Asked whether there would be nonformal observers from other countries, Sutoyo replied that official observers were invited, appointed by the government of the related country. "If they intend to see general elections in Indonesia, it can be just as tourists. But we will not entertain such matters," said Sutoyo while adding that the exact time for foreign observers in Indonesia was when the voting was implemented, because the most important thing in general elections is the taking of votes.

He was not concerned that the foreign observers would broadcast the weaknesses of the General Elections in Indonesia abroad. "Please go ahead. We invite them as observers, not as observers who have the capacity to investigate, evaluate, or others. We have to evaluate, not the foreigners," he clarified.

Towards foreign observers, according to Sutoyo, it is the Indonesian government herself which would decide at which points they would be placed, they may not choose. But he reminded that this also depended on the facilities. Because it was impossible that foreign observers would be placed at every TPS (place of the poll) which amounted to 300,000.

Sutoyo is also not concerned that the foreign observers would become a place for complaints for those who were not satisfied with the arrangement of the general elections. "Just see, no need to be afraid," he said.

Is the KIPP (Independent Committee to Monitor the General Elections) also invited as observers? reporters asked. Sutoyo said that the task to supervise the General Elections was given to the Panwaslak (Implementation Supervising Committee). "They are Indonesian citizens, why ask to be invited?" said Sutoyo. He reminded that every Indonesian citizen could give imput about the General Election process through the existing mechanism. But interfering in the authority of the General Election implementing apparature was not allowed. If it is for imput, please," he said.

Welcome

Meanwhile the Chairman of the Central Board of the United Development Party (PPP) Yudo Paripurno said that the PPP welcomed the idea to invite foreign observers to witness the general elections in Indonesia. "Good in the sense that they can see Indonesian democracy in practice," said Yudo when contacted by Kompas.

He proposed their presence in all stages (12). He did not see that their presence would increase or decrease the votes for PPP but that their presence would create general elections with quality. He had also no objections if the foreign observers were from ASEAN neighbouring countries, because of course we would first invite the nearest.

The Secretary General of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) Buttu R Hutapea had also the same opinion that the presence of foreign observers was no problem as it would give a good image of our country. The problem was only that not all the 300,000 TPS could be reached so that what was monitored would not represent. (*)

Bintang will charge Moestahid Astari

Kompas - 15 March, 1997

Jakarta – The suspect in the subversion case Sri Bintang Pamungkas asked his legal advisors team to prepare a suit against the Chairman of the Group of Functionaries Fraction (F-KP) of the House of Representatives (DPR) Moestahid Astari. Moestahid has according to the General Chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Union Party (PUDI) performed acts which are contrary to his duty as DPR member.

Bintang's request was clarified by Bambang Widjojanto, one of Bintang's legal advisors to the press at the attorney general's office, Friday (14/3). "Indeed. Bintang has asked his legal advisors team to charge Moestahid Astari," Bambang clarified. Presently Bintang's legal advisors team is preparing the suit against mentioned DPR member.

Bintang's reason to accuse Moestahid, according to Bambang, is that as Chairman of the F-KP as well as DPR member Moestahid had done acts contrary with his duty. "Sending Idulfitri cards is no crime. But why must he (Moestahid Astari - Red) report this matter to the attorney general's office?" said BAmbang quoting Bintang.

Before, after the Friday prayers at the attorney general's office compound, Bintang and Julius Usman clarified their right to prosecute Moestahid Astari. Bintang also stated that he still refused to be investigated before his objections addressed to the Attorney General for Special Crimes (JAM Pidsus) was responded.

"I shall prosecute Moestahid Astari. I also still refuse to answer all questions from the attorney before the seven objections to the JAM Pidsus are answered," Bintang clarified from his vehicle from the general prosecutor's detention house which brought him and Julius Usman back to the General Crime Building on the west side of the complex of the General Prosecutor's Office.

Never

Meanwhile Moestahid Astari who was separately approached by Kompas on Friday (14/3) clarified that he never reported the Idulfitri card which Bintang sent to government offices. According to Moestahid, the questions which afterwards arose in the newspapers were caused by questions of journalists at the DPR. "And it was not I myself alone, there were also other fraction members who put forward their opinion," said Moestahid.

He clarified that either personally or representing the fraction, he was not obliged to report Sri Bintang's Idulfitri cards to government offices, because it was evaluated very irrelevant, either for personal interests, the more for interests of the fraction. "I clarify, I never reported (Idulfitri cards) to government offices," said Moestahid.

As was reported, Bintang in his capacity as Chairman of the PUDI sent Idulfitri cards to a number of officials and DPR members. Bintang's Idulfitri cards contained the PUDI Agenda, namely rejecting the 1997 General Elections, rejecting Pak Harto's nomination as RI President 1998-2003, and preparing a new post Soeharto order.

Lunch

In his clarification Bambang Widjojanto also disclosed that upon Bintang's request his party is preparing a suite against the Head of Intelligence Operations (Kapusopsin) of the General

Prosecutor Office, Gatot Hendrarto. "In the near future we will register the charge against Moestahid and the Kapusopsin in court." hesaid.

According to Bambang, Bintang evaluated the act of the Kapusopsin to issue a letter to arrest him a violation of the law. "Because the letter for arrest was not made based on sufficient initial proofs. Because there is no sufficient proof which is strong enough as a base to arrest him, the Kapusopsin was evaluated as having violated the law," said Bambang quoting Bambang.

Besides that Bintang's Legal Advisors Team is also preparing a suite against the Attorney General's Office. "The core is to accuse the acts of the Attorney General's Office on the arrest of Bintang cs. The beginning was an invitation for lunch by the Kapusopsin Gatot Hendrarto but he and his colleagues were then arrested," Bambang clarified.

Bintang, Bambang continued, also asked that his legal advisors team prepared a pretrial suite towards the Attorney General's Office about the legalness or illegalness of his arrest. "For the arrest and detention the needs must be clarified by the Attorney General, but this was not done. If that is not clarified it means that the Attorney General has no legality to arrest Bintang, Therefore we will submit a pretrial suite to the Attorney General's Office," said Bambang.

Meanwhile either the JAM Pidsus Ismudjoko or Public Relations Chief of the Attorney General refused to comment on Bintang's plan to accuse the Kapus Opsin and Attorney General. (*)

Canceled, one-day seminar on honest and fair general elections

Kompas - 14 March, 1997

Jakarta – Because the police were not informed, a one-day seminar with the theme of Direct, general, free, secret, honest and fair general elections, failed to materialize. The organizing committee itself disbanded the program, which was taking place in the PMKRI Students Building on Thursday (13/3), at the request of the Central Jakarta Metro Police.

According to National Committee on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) member Asmara Nababan, who was also a member of the organizing committee, the cancellation notification concerning the seminar was received by the organizing committee at 08.00 West Indonesia Time or one hour before the seminar was to begin. As observed, a number of police agents from the Menteng Sector Police were seen to be ready in front of the entrance and grounds of the PMKRI building, but still permitted seminar participants to come and go.

Initially, the one-day seminar, which had been initiated by the INFID, PMKRI, PBHI, KIPP, and PIJAR, was to have put on stage a number of speakers. Among others, the Executive Director of LBHI who is also Secretary General of the General Elections Monitoring Independent Committee (KIPP) Mulyana W Kusumah, Komnas HAM Vice Chairman Marzuki Darusman, UI Socio-political Faculty teacher Arbi Sanit, and representatives of the three General Elections Participant Organizations, namely F-PP member Hadimulyo, Deputy Secretary General of the Central Directing Board of the Functional Group Moestahid Astari, and former Secretary General of the Central Directing Board of PDI, Alexander Litaay.

Among the speakers and audience already present were, among others, HAM [human rights - JB] activist HJC Princen, paranormal notable Permadi SH, Marsilam Simanjuntak, PSI prominent Soebadio Sastrosatomo, Asmara Nababan, Mulyana W Kusumah, and Arbi Sanit.

Two police agents from the Menteng Sector Police at the PMKRI secretariat requested the committee to contact the Central Jakarta Resort Police. Asmara Nababan accepted the request and went directly to the Central Jakarta Resort Police on Jalan Kramat Raya.

Must be reported

After meeting with the Intelligence Unit of the Central Jakarta Resort Police, Asmara explained that the intention to hold the one-day seminar should have been reported to the police seven days in advance. The committee had been of the opinion that there was no need to inform the police of the seminar, yet the police said that the notification was required as regulated in the Implementation Guidance on Notification of Public Meetings. Admittedly, the committee had indeed not informed the police in advance.

Asmara also explained chronologically about the cancellation. He said that a number of police agents from the Central Jakarta Menteng Sector Police had come to the Margasiswa PMKRI building on Jalan Sam Ratulani No.1, Jakarta, and asked for the meeting permit. "If there is no permit, we request that this seminar be disbanded," said Asmara, quoting the statement of the Menteng Sector Police official.

Asmara asked the police at the Central Jakarta Resort Police, whether it was true that the one-day seminar had to be disbanded because it had no permit. "The police did not make an issue of the permit, but the seven days advance notification had to be complied with," said Asmara, quoting the police.

Finally the committee decided to postpone the one-day seminar for 7 or 10 days. Asmara promised not to change the substance and material of the seminar concerning direct, general, free, secret, honest and fair general elections. "We turn this into a meeting of goodwill and taking food," said Asmara.

Meanwhile, Head of the Information Service of the Metro Jaya Region Police, Lt.Col.(Pol) Edward Aritonang, affirmed that the Menteng Sector Police and Central Jakarta Resort Police had not disbanded the one-day seminar, but prevented the seminar from proceeding because there had been no notification yet from the seminar committee. "The seminar was never held, so it was not disbanded," affirmed Aritonang in his office.

Aritonang said that the committee itself had disbanded the seminar which was to have taken place in the Marga Siswa PMKRI Building on Jalan Sam Ratulangi 1, Menteng, Central Jakarta. "We also did not detain Asmara Nababan at the Central Jakarta Resort Police. He come to the Resort Police by himself to know the official procedure for holding seminars," he said. (*)

No room for political dissent: Suharto

Reuters - March 13, 1997

Jakarta – President Suharto said there was no room for political dissent in Indonesia and that critics of his government did not understand the country's political system, The Jakarta Post reported yesterday. "There are people who analyse our 1945 Constitution using a foreign frame of mind," he told a meeting of senior government officials on Tuesday.

He said these critics did not understand the role of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) – where the majority of members are appointed and which meets once every five years, elects a president formally and approves broad guidelines of state policy.

"The assembly elects a figure it believes is capable of carrying out prepared guidelines of state policy. This implies there should be no opposition to any policy as they have been approved by representatives of all the people," he said.

The 1,000-member MPR consists of the 500-member House of Representatives (DPR) and 500 representatives from various government and community bodies appointed by the President.

The MPR has re-elected Mr Suharto five times since 1968. The former army general first took power after the military crushed an attempted coup in 1965 that was blamed on the Indonesian Communist Party.

Mr Suharto also warned that the globalisation of information and economic activity were, in some ways, a "tremendous threat" to unity in Indonesia.

"The free flow of global information has brought people in all countries closer. This enables people to receive foreign values that can erode their sense of nationalism," he said.

"So extreme is the impact of foreign influences in some people they no longer care about maintaining their nation's unity."

The comments come amid a continuing crackdown on dissent which foreign diplomats said was probably ordered by Mr Suharto, who recently threatened to "clobber" anyone who tried to unseat him by unconstitutional means.

Three leaders of the unrecognised United Democratic Party of Indonesia (Pudi), including its chairman, former legislator Sri Bintang Pamungkas, were detained last week on subversion charges which carry the death penalty. Pudi had urged people to boycott the May 29 general election. – Reuter.

Release Sri Bintang Pamungkas

Human Rights Watch/Asia - 10 March, 1997

Human Rights Watch/Asia today called for the immediate release of Indonesian opposition politician Sri Bintang Pamungkas who was arrested on the night of March 5 in Jakarta on charges of subversion and said his detention was further evidence of President Soeharto's increasingly harsh response to his critics.

"This is a man the President finds intolerable," said Sidney Jones, executive director of Human Rights Watch/Asia. "He's everything that good citizens of New Order Indonesia are not supposed to be: irreverent, defiant, nonconformist, and politically fearless. By challenging curbs on freedom of expression and freedom of association, he's tried to breathe new life into an atrophied political system, and that, to Mr. Soeharto, is subversion."

Sri Bintang Pamungkas, already well-known in Indonesia as an outspoken member of parliament for the small, Muslim-dominated loyal opposition party, the United Development Party (PPP), first came to international attention in 1995. That year saw both his ouster from the parliament and his arrest for a speech he gave in Berlin, Germany.

In February 1995, Sri Bintang was removed from the PPP ostensibly by party officials but in fact, in response to pressure from top government officials, including the Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Soesilo Soedarman, who suggested that Sri Bintang had been publicly questioning of the value of Pancasila as Indonesia's state ideology – political heresy as far as they were concerned.

In April 1995, Sri Bintang was invited to give a lecture at the Technische Universitet Berlin. The lecture coincided with a state visit to Germany by President Soeharto which was marked by rowdy demonstrations, accusing the President of major human rights violations. Sri Bintang was made the scapegoat for the demonstrations, and in an extraordinary demonstration of intolerance of free speech, the Indonesian government charged him with insulting the President for an off-the-cuff response he made to a question after his lecture. He was sentenced to two years and ten months in prison on May 8, 1996, but remained free pending the outcome of his appeal.

On May 29, 1996, Sri Bintang founded a new political party, called the United Indonesian Democratic Party (Partai Uni Demokrasi Indonesia or PUDI). It was immediately denounced by existing political parties as in violation of Law No.3/1985 which restricts political parties in Indonesia to three: Golkar, the ruling party; the PPP; and the Indonesian Democratic Party, PDI. Sri Bintang further enraged the government by saying that one of the goals of PUDI would be to encourage Indonesian citizens to cast a blank ballot (golongan putih) as a protest measure during elections scheduled for May 1997. "Sri Bintang has clearly enjoyed his role as a political gadfly, but he's also played an extremely important role in encouraging open debate on the fundamentals of Indonesia's political system," said Jones. "There is no possible justification for his arrest."

Judges were ordered to find against me, Megawati claims

Sydney Morning Herald - March 12, 1997

Louise Williams, Jakarta – Lawyers for Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri have challenged the Supreme Court to show that its judges were not ordered by the Soeharto Government to rule against the Indonesian democracy leader.

Police lines ringed the Supreme Court yesterday as Ms Megawati's lawyers and scores of her supporters took the petition to the court's chairman. A lawyer, Mr R.O. Tambunan, said he was seeking to ask the chairman whether a senior official of the Soeharto Government had talked with Supreme Court judges and instructed them to prevent Ms Megawati's cases succeeding. Ms Megawati launched numerous legal cases following her removal as chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) at a government-backed rebel PDI conference last year and an attack by security forces on her headquarters which provoked two days of rioting in Jakarta. Mr Tambunan said Ms Megawati and her supporters had received information about two meetings, the first with Supreme Court judges and a later meeting in Yogyakarta, central Java, where provincial judges were given the same instructions.

"We just want to know whether this is true," he said. "Where is justice if you cannot go to the courts?"

Mr Tambunan said a representative of the Supreme Court had agreed to meet him "in the near future" but had made no reply to the challenge.

Ms Megawati has been banned from contesting general elections in May following her ousting from the PDI leadership. But this latest challenge indicates that her followers are unlikely to allow the poll to proceed uninterrupted.

The Soeharto Government has banned all mass rallies in the lead-up to the elections and on Monday staged a demonstration of combat readiness by part of a special military force of 10,000 soldiers to be deployed for the election period. Troops slid down ropes from helicopters into the city's banking district and commanders of the exercise claimed the special anti-riot squad had been deployed from its base to the city centre within five minutes.

The Government has been eager to show that security forces are in control after a series of religious and ethnic riots. President Soeharto this week warned foreign journalists that negative reports could provoke further violence.

"Continuing to blow up the issues of poverty and income gaps without offering a realistic concept for solving them may provoke the sensitivity of our diverse community," he told Newsweek magazine.

"Sometimes such sensitivity leads to riots and destruction of property, even of our social foundations."

Jakarta to allow foreigners to monitor general election for the first

Straits Times - March 9, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian government will break new ground in the May general election by allowing foreign observers free access to the polls.

"We will invite neighbouring and foreign countries to monitor the election," Home Affairs Minister Yogie Memet, also chairman of the National Election Institute, was quoted as saying in yesterday's editions of the Jakarta Post daily.

The paper said it was the first time that the government had declared the general election officially open to foreign observers.

It said the move appeared to be a concession to minority parties who had complained about irregularities in previous elections.

Mr Memet, speaking after signing the official parliamentary candidates' list, warned the press should remain objective and not mislead foreigners.

"Just write the facts. Otherwise, foreigners get different and negative impressions of our election process," he said, without elaborating which countries would be invited to observe the May 29 polls for 425 parliamentary seats.

Meanwhile, a battle over political colours in Central Java took a new twist as residents of the province's capital of Semarang complained that local officials were forcing people to buy yellow wallets for official documents. Yellow is the colour of the ruling Golkar party.

Members of the country's two opposition parties – the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democracy Party (PDI) – have said Semarang residents applying for new identity cards or renewals have been treated badly or even denied service for refusing to buy the wallets.

"The government officials have openly helped Golkar instead of staying neutral," deputy chief of PPP's Semarang chapter, Mr Haryono, told the Post.

Central Java has been the centre of continuing colour wars. Solo, a major town in the province, has seen tree trunks, fences, sidewalks and lamp posts of its central square change colour at least five times in the last months.

The Solo mayor last year ordered objects around the square to be painted Golkar's colour of yellow, angering many residents.

PPP members in early January changed the colour to white, saying it was a neutral colour not linked to any political entity.

Golkar supporters repainted the white with yellow a few weeks later, followed closely by supporters of PDI leader Megawati Sukarnoputri, ousted last June by a government-backed party faction, who daubed everything in the national colours of red and white.

It was later repainted in yellow again by city officials.

Golkar has won every election since 1971. The country's six-million strong civil servants are required to vote for Golkar, and it is known widely that spouses and children of civil servants are also expected to vote for the ruling party.

2,285 election candidates pass muster in Indonesia

Straits Times - March 8, 1997

Jakarta – Indonesia's National Election Committee yesterday approved a final list of 2,285 candidates from three political parties sanctioned to contest the parliamentary election in May.

Eight candidates from a provisional list of 2,293 approved by the committee in January were dropped for various reasons, including resignations and death.

Four of the dropped candidates belong to the ruling Golkar party, while the others are from the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP).

The list, which was approved by the committee headed by Home Affairs Minister Yogie Memet, has 825 candidates from Golkar, 716 from the PPP and 744 from the nationalist and Christian- based Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI).

The list was approved after the committee observed a 28-day period from Feb 18 during which the public could object to the listing of the candidates.

The three parties which have a governmental seal of approval will contest the May 29 election for 425 of the 500 seats in the House of Representatives. The remaining 75 seats are reserved for the military, which does not vote.

Almost 125 million voters are registered for the polls. In the 1992 election, Golkar received 68 per cent of the votes cast, the PPP 17 per cent and the PDI 15 per cent.

Meanwhile, the two opposition parties voiced dissatisfaction over campaign regulations, which they deemed too restrictive, and a severe shortage of funds.

Both PPP secretary-general Tosari Wijaya and PDI chairman Soeryadi complained that the government had yet to give them election funds. – Kyodo, AFP.

The arrest of Sri Bintang Pamungkas Cs

PBHI Press Release - March 10, 1997

Indonesia Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) is deeply concern and protest the arrest of Dr. Ir. Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Julius Usman and Saleh Abdullah in the connection of PUDI affair and Iedul Fitri greeting card which stating PUDI's political agenda. PBHI expressed our point of view as follow:

First, PUDI's lebaran card which stating PUDI's political agenda could not be categorized as illegal. Within democracy perspective it is absolutely legal if each institution possess their political agenda and socialize it. It could not be automatically be interpreted as an effort to persuade or invite others to be involved to that agenda. Moreover, PUDI is not an illegal institution dan the activity is non-violently implemented. Such political activity is analogue, for example, with Golkar which socialized to successfully implementing the election and to promote someone as a candidate for president.

PUDI's political agenda and their activities should be seen as a rights to express one's opinion and peaceful assembly which fully guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on its articles, United Nations 1948. Such act could not be solved by punishment, but by democratic way and through the parliament procedure.

Second, the use of anti subversion article 11/PNPS/1963 as the ground of investigation and arrest of Sri Bintang Pamungkas cs clearly proofed that the government is not serious in their will to discard that very repressive regulation. Eventhough the anti subversion law is still positively operative up till now, but clearly its application on the context of will to establish democracy and respect the human rights. Experience has showed that this law has become the primadona to hit the differences on the citizen's political point of view, and become the tools to maintain the status-quo condition. Therefore, the application of this law should be criticized.

Third, whether PBHI is on accordance or not with PUDI's political agenda stated on that lebaran greeting card, our opinion is what have been done by Sri Bintang Pamungkas cs substantially should be categorized as an effort to grow and develop politic of "frankness culture". Such effort is surely an advantage for the development of democratic atmosphere. Our political culture is directed to the intransparent atmosphere and full with symbols which not only meaningless but also make the people confuse.

Forth, PBHI urge the government (cq. General Attorney of Republic of Indonesia) to discharge Sri Bintang Pamungkas cs and then provide a human and democratic forum to resolve the differences of the political point of view for Sri Bintang Pamungkas cs and others side who possess a different political point of view with the government. Trial mechanism and punishment for such differences is believed to be a great obstacle for the development of democracy

They fell into my trap, says Bintang

South China Morning Post - March 7, 1997

Joe Leahy – Sri Bintang Pamungkas says the Government has played into his hands by detaining him and senior members of his outlawed Indonesian United Democratic Party.

Bintang, the party's founder and chairman, claims his detention is part of a nationwide sweep on dissidents before the national election on May 29.

His wife, Ernalia Sri Bintang, quoted Bintang as making the statements after she met him and two fellow detainees yesterday.

She said the 50-year-old former MP had commented that their detention served only to highlight his cause.

"They are very healthy. When they came in they gave us a salaam merdeka ['long live freedom']," Ms Ernalia said. "Bintang said the Government walked right into his trap. Because of this, PUDI's programme has been given a higher profile.

"The people didn't know about it before because PUDI's following is very small. Now they want to find out."

After Bintang was thrown out of one of Indonesia's three official parties, the United Development Party, in 1995 for allegedly insulting President Suharto, he was sentenced to 34 months' jail on the same charges but until this week he was free pending a Supreme Court appeal.

Ms Ernalia also quoted Bintang as saying he recently received intelligence that all pro-democracy activists would be detained before the election.

Three PRD activists arrested

Amnesty International - 11 March, 1997

Three young student activists, arrested by police in Jakarta on 6 March 1997 and currently believed to be in South Jakarta Police Resort, are feared to be at risk of torture or ill-treatment in custody. There is no information about whether they have access to independent lawyers or family members. Torture and ill-treatment of political detainees is common in Indonesia. The risk is heightened for those held incommunicado.

The three, Bimo Petrus, Hanni and Iing, were arrested as they and one other attempted to display posters and write graffiti slogans in Rambutan, Jakarta, calling for a boycott of the parliamentary election to be held in Indonesia on 29 May 1997. When confronted by police, three of the youths escaped, but Iing was detained. Hanni and Bimo Petrus, however, were later arrested on the street as they were attempting to return to a safe house.

At the time of their arrest, the three are believed to have been in possession of leaflets urging an election boycott. The leaflets are thought to have been published by the unofficial People's Democratic Party (Partai Demokratik Indonesia - PRD), the organization which has been linked by the authorities to the banned Indonesian Communist Party and blamed by the authorities for instigating riots in Jakarta in July 1996. There are currently 14 members of the PRD on trial for subversion in Jakarta and Surabaya.

There are reports that six other people were arrested in the city of Bogor on 7 March. Amnesty International cannot confirm these reports.

Background information

Following the riots in Jakarta in July 1996, up to 108 individuals were arbitrarily arrested, with dozens being held incommunicado before being allowed access to lawyers. Some of those held incommunicado were subjected to torture and ill-treatment.

Arbitrary arrests of political activists have continued, accompanied by the risk of incommunicado detention. Irwan Adriyansah, a student activist, was arrested in Bandung on 26 February 1997 allegedly in connection with opposition pamphlets and magazines. He was held incommunicado in police custody before being released on 1 March.

Indonesian journalists to sue Central Java security officials

ABC International News - 8 March, 1997

The Indonesian Journalists Association is to sue Central Java security officials accused of roughing up a journalist.

The association's branch in Yogyakarta, central Java, says it will sue the local security authorities in the town of Bantul, ten kilometres south of Yogyakarta.

The chairman of the branch, Oka Kusumayudha, told the Republika daily that if the case was successful the association hoped it would become a precedent for the future safety of the journalistic profession.

On Wednesday, a female reporter suffered bruises to her back when journalists questioning the regent of Bantul, Sri Rosa Sudarmo, about a development project were pushed away from him by security guards.

The safety of journalists has come under public scrutiny following the still unsolved murder of a journalist, Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin, of the Yogyakarta daily Bernas in August.

He had been writing about about controversial land cases and corruption issues, some of them implicating Mr Sudarmo.

Irregularities in the arrest of three activists

Kompas - 10 March, 1997

Jakarta – The arrest of three student activists, Ilhamsyah, Bimo Petrus and Herni Sualan, who are suspected of being involved in an action by the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) on March 5 is considered by the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) to have a number of irregularities in the process of their arrest and detention.

This was stated by the secretary of the operational division of YLBHI, Munir, is a press release on Saturday (8/3). "According to a report from their families, they were arrested and detained for three days (March 4) and it was not until March 7 that their families were informed" said Munir.

Lawyers from YLBHI arrived at the central police station but failed to meet with the accused because they had to wait for coordination between other government agencies. YLBHI considers the police violated article 61 of the Indonesian Criminal Code (KUHAP) which guarantees the rights of suspects to receive a visit from their family. "Aside from that the police as the investigating agency should fulfill all of the procedures in accordance with the stipulations of KUHAP and not involve other agencies who do not have the authority to investigate" said Munir. (bw)

[Unabridged translation from Kompas - JB]

Human rights

Seven arrested in Aceh

Amnesty International - 13 March, 1997

Names: Hassan Hamid, 40; Mohammad Daud Abubakar; Ismail Syahputra; Raman Palu; Nijar Kandang; Tengku Affan; Inur Marlia (f).

Six men and one woman, arrested in connection with alleged involvement in armed separatist activity in Aceh, north Sumatra, are currently being held incommunicado in military custody where they are at risk of torture or ill-treatment. Torture of political detainees is common in Indonesia, particularly during the early stages of detention when military officials frequently conduct interrogations without the presence of independent lawyers.

Five men, Hassan Hamid, Mohammad Daud Abubakar, Ismail Syahputra, Raman Palu and Nijar Kandang are all believed to have been arrested about two weeks ago although the precise date of their arrest is not known. Hassan Hamid and Mohammad Daud Abubakar were apparently arrested in the town of Lhokseumawe, while the three other men were believed to have been arrested in nearby districts. The men are believed to have been arrested in connection with an alleged attempt by armed separatists to sabotage a gas pipe near Lhokseumawe.

Two other people, Tengku Affan and Inur Marlia, were arrested on 12 March. On 13 March, the Indonesian military was reported as saying that two people, a man and woman, were arrested in Samalanga sub-district following the discovery of semi-automatic rifles and ammunition in their house. Amnesty International believes that these are the same two people.

All seven are believed to be currently detained at KOREM 011, Resort Military Command in Lhokseumawe, where they are being denied access to independent legal representation. There are reports that they may be facing subversion charges.

Background information

Serious human rights violations including, torture, 'disappearances' and extrajudicial executions, occurred during the security forces quelling of the armed separatist Free Aceh Movement (Aceh Merdeka) from the late 1980s to 1993. Recent military reports that Aceh Merdeka are again planning attacks give rise to concerns that there may be a resurgence of grave human rights violations committed by the security forces in the context of military operations. Independent human rights monitoring is restricted in Aceh and foreign journalists are believed to be being currently denied access to the area.

International relations

Indonesia, Australia to sign maritime pact

Reuters - 13 March, 1997

Jakarta – Indonesia and Australia, whose relations have been rocky at times, take a step forward tomorrow when they sign a treaty delineating for the first time the maritime boundaries between the two countries.

Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas and Australian counterpart Alexander Downer will sign the treaty in the West Australian city of Perth, following a series of negotiations on sea boundaries dating back to the late 1960s.

It is also the first major bilateral international treaty to be signed by Australia's Liberal-National coalition government since it came to power in March last year.

Australia and Indonesia have tended to have a love-hate relationship over the years, with Jakarta angered by critical reporting of its policies, particularly over human rights and East Timor.

But this past year various government ministers from Australia have visited Indonesia, and Canberra has made it plain it is taking a pragmatic approach towards trade and investment with its giant northern neighbour of some 200 million people.

Mr Downer said in a statement last September that the maritime agreement "effectively finalises the maritime boundaries between Australia and Indonesia".

"It provides a firm and legal basis in international law for the exploitation of natural resources, both in the water, and on the seabed and below it, and the protection of the marine environment," a diplomatic source said yesterday.

The agreement does not affect the 1989 Timor Gap Treaty which covers exploitation of oil and gas reserves in the Timor Sea between Timor island and Australia.

RI supports Australia's stance on human rights in EU trade pact

Antara News - March 10, 1997

Canberra – Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas has lauded the Australian government's objection to include human rights in the European Union trade pact, Australian Deputy Prime Minister/Trade Minister Tim Fischer said.

Australia's ABC radio news network on Friday reported that in his bilateral meeting with Alatas in Mauritius, Fischer said Indonesia has thrown its support behind Australia's objection to the demand of European Union which links the trade pact with human rights issues.

It said Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer will further meet with European Union countries to finalize the free trade pact but Fischer reiterated that Indonesia supports Australia's stance.

Fischer also quoted Alatas as saying that the European Union countries have taken the wrong path if they insist on including human rights in the trade pact.

Fischer was in Mauritius to attend the first meeting of the Regional Cooperation Ministers of the Association of Indian Ocean Countries.

He will continue his journey to the Middle East to promote Australian export goods and services and campaign against barriers to the entry of Australian products to the region.

Fischer's 10-day Middle East tour starting March 6 will include Kuwait, Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates.

Labour issues

President denies govt letting children work as laborers

Antara News - March 10, 1997

Jakarta – President Soeharto denied foreign allegation here Friday that the Indonesian government was allowing children to work as child laborers.

He said many young children in the country were working to follow a tradition whereby children help parents earn a living.

The Indonesian government was already adhering to a 9-yearcompulsory education system but it was a fact that many children were still working to help their parents earn a living, Soeharto said as quoted by Manpower Minister Abdul Latief.

President Soeharto said working children in the country could not be equalized as child laborers that foreign countries concerned understood, Abdul Latief said.

"I myself sold newspapers when I was seven years old," he said after meeting with the head of state to discuss the allegation.

Labor bill allows abuse of workers rights: Activists

Jakarta Post - March 10, 1997

Jakarta – The National Commission on Human Rights and labor activists have joined forces to pressure legislators into overhauling a new bill that aims to give the government sweeping control of labor affairs. The commission and representatives of 11 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) said yesterday there could be violations of workers' basic rights if the bill became law. After a 90 minute discussion, they agreed to lobby the House of Representatives and the government.

Commission member Saparinah Sadli said the commission, acclaimed for its relative independence, was particularly concerned about the articles which allowed violations of human rights. "The commission and the NGOs need to meet regularly to discuss field findings that they will use for their proposals for deliberating the bill," she said.

The NGOs are Akatiga, CPSM, Jakarta Social Institute, the Indonesian Women's Association for Justice Legal Aid, LBH (Legal Aid) Bandung, LBH Jakarta, Elsam, Sisbikum, Infid, Women Solidarity and YLBHI. The NGOs said, in a joint statement, that the bill gave the government sweeping authority to control labor affairs, reducing workers' bargaining power.

Comprising 1-8 chapters and 159 articles, the bill has been drafted as an umbrella law for the 14 labor regulations made between 1887 during the Dutch colonial administration and 1969. The bill covers labor policies, such as planning, information, placement and manpower development, and relations between workers employers and government. It affects all workers, including migrants and those working for informal businesses or nonprofit organizations.

The NGOs' spokesperson Teten Masduki of YLBHI, said the bill was dominated by the government's aim to guarantee security for business. The bill aimed to maintain the states' domination of national labor politics that required cheap labor and made workers loyal to the bureaucracy. The bureaucracy's strong role in labor affairs would make employers dependent on non-economic institutions and security agencies while weakening worker;' bargaining power, the NGOs said.

The labor activists said the bill curtailed workers' rights to associate, negotiate with employers, go on strike, seek legal protection and get fair wages. "Labor strikes are restricted with permits that are possible only with government and employers' consent and strikers are denied wages," the joint statement said. "Strikes are also only allowed within company premises, therefore staging protests at the House of Representatives, manpower ministry, Commission of Human Rights will be considered illegal. "

The bill maintains the controversial "corporative" labor dispute settlement system, which gives the government decisive power.

The NGOs said the bill treated workers like capital, goods and production tools in a capitalistic economic system. This, they said, could encourage employers to treat workers' basic rights as "less important" than production and development processes.

Violations of human rights could occur because the bill gave the government practically unlimited power to intervene in industrial problems. "The government's function is not limited to labor inspections and law enforcement but also to controlling labor organizations, wages, social security and labor market and settling labor disputes," they said.

The NGOs also said the bill discriminated against women workers because they were not allowed to work at mining sites for example. It did not address female workers' basic rights such as reproductive rights which would give employers a loophole to discriminate against them, they said.

Social unrest

Six rioters sentenced to 6-14 months

Kompas - 12 March, 1997

Situbondo, Kompas – Six people tried in connection with the October 10 Sitibundo riots have been sentenced to 6-14 months by the Situbondo state court (11/3). They were proven to have destroyed and burnt a court house, files, state documents and office equipment.

The judge said that their actions had humiliated the prestige and authority of the government, particularly the judiciary. The fire resulted and damage to state documents caused loss to those seeking justice.

Names: Abror 6-14 months; Ujang 6-10 months; Geri Widi 6-8 months; Imam Fauzi 6-7 months; Ahmad Baki 6-7 months; Saleh Hadi 6-6 months Hanifun 6-6 months

[Abridged translation from Kompas - JB]

Update on West Kalimantan conflict

SiaR – March 7, 1997

[This is our translation of two news reports on the tragic recent events in West Kalimantan sent via Kabar dari PIJAR on Wednesday, March 12, 1997 4:49 AM (Translation provided by Down-to-Earth).]

A chronology of the conflicts following the Sanggau Ledo events

Pontianak – The ethnic conflict between Madurese and Dayaks in West Kalimantan has claimed thousands of victims and caused considerable material damage. Thousands of Madurese homes were destroyed in districts throughout Sambas, Sanggau and Pontianak. The following chronology of events in the Sanggau Ledo conflict has been compiled from a number of sources in West Kalimantan.

Weds, 29th January, 1997

03.30 (local time). Around forty Madurese youths attacked the Santo Fransiskus Asisi Junior/Senior High School complex in Siantan, Pontianak, which is run by the Yayasan Karya Sosial Pancur Kasih (a Catholic Foundation). They smashed the windows of the Credit Union, the offices and the student hostel. A truck belonging to the Foundation and two motor scooters were burnt. The attackers ran away and were lost in the crowded surrounding housing. Students from the hostel succeeded in putting out the blaze. Damage is estimated at Rp 5 million.

At almost the same time, a bunch of youths attacked the place where six female employees of Swalayan Citra Siantan stayed. Two Dayak women, Efrosena (from Jangkang in Sanggau) and Elia (from Menyuke in Pontianak) were stabbed. The other four escaped to neighbouring homes. Efrosena and Elia were immediately rushed to Santo Antonius Hospital in Pontianak where their lives were saved.

Thurs, 30th January, 1997

23.00 (local time) on the way from Pontianak to Sanggau, a red Kijang car registration number KB 8876 AR, driven by Lanu with four passengers - Mulyadi, Ardian, Rusni Susana and Feri - was stopped by a group of Madurese at Peniraman (32km from Pontianak). The occupants were searched and, when they were found to be Dayaks, beaten up. At that moment a car passed by, driven by Aher - a Dayak. He immediately reported the incident to the nearest security post. The victims were rescued and taken to the military hospital (Rumkit III/Korem 121/ABW Alambana Wanawai), but the driver, Lanu, died on the way.

23.30 (local time). Four Dayak homes in Pinyuh (46km from Pontianak) were burnt by Madurese. At the same time in the village of Sake (Toho area, Pontianak) where most of the population is Madurese, news spread that 30 Madurese had been killed by Dayaks at Peniraman. The inhabitants wanted to go and attack the Dayaks in their village, but were prevented from doing so by security forces. A Madurese who resisted was shot dead.

Fri, 31st January, 1997

09.00 (local time). The Sanggau-Pontianak Setia Jaya bus was stopped by Madurese at Peniraman. Djalan, a Dayak from Batang Terang in Sanggau, was killed. His remains were collected by the security forces. Immediately after this, the authorities banned people from going to Sanggau. Some passengers on public transport and in private vehicles were stranded at the Batu Layang terminal in Pontianak. The Dayaks were evacuated to military camps (Kompi A Batu Layang and Kompi B Arang Limbung Yonif 643 Wanara Sakti) while the Madurese were taken to the pilgrims hostel (Asrama Haji) in Pontianak.

That night, Martinus Nyungkat, a Dayak from the Tebas area of Sambas was killed at Peniraman after attending his daughter92s graduation ceremony at the University Tanjungpura, Pontianak.

Sat, 1 Feb, 1997

News of the deaths of Lanu, Martinus Nyungkat and Djalan spread to the interior. Thousands of Dayaks responded. Madurese who were in refugee camps in Sanggau Ledo, Bengkayang, Samalantan and Roban waiting for their homes to be rebuilt after the first wave of unrest had to be taken back to Singkawang. Many who had no time to flee became the target of the mob. Crowds filled the main roads. Passing vehicles were stopped and passengers examined. Any Madurese among them were killed regardless - men and women; old and young.

Sun, 2 Feb, 1997

The movements of thousands of Dayaks in the Pontianak, Sambas and Sanggau districts could no longer be controlled. Many Madurese were killed in attacks on the villages of Salatiga, Sake, Bintang, Mandor, Pahauman, Senalin, Sidas and Nyabang in the Pontianak district. In Entikong, Balai Karangan, Sosok and Bodok in Sanggau district, a number of Madurese were killed and their homes burned down. Sosok Terminal, where many Madurese-owned eating places, was razed to the ground. 20 Mon, 3rd Feb, 1997

Thousands of Dayaks controlled the main road between Mandor and Sanggau. They stopped every passing vehicle. At the village of Kayu Taman in Sungai Piyuh, 17 Dayaks were shot dead by troops in a determined attack on Madurese who had sought protection at a military post at Anjungan (Markas Batalyon Zipur). The corpses of Dayaks and Madurese were buried in a mass grave at Mandor.

The District Administrator (Bupati) of Sanggau, Colonel ZA Baizuni, who happened to be Madurese, left Sanggau by river at the behest of local security forces (Muspida Kabupaten Sanggau) and sought refuge at the Kapuas Palace Hotel in Pontianak.

18.00 (local time) eight trucks full of Dayaks descended on the military post (Markas Kodim) at Sanggau Kapuas to protest about the protection the troops were giving to Madurese. They had three demands: that the Madurese should leave Sanggau district; that the town of Sanggau Kapuas should not be used as a refugee camp for Madurese; and that ZA Baizuni should be replaced as District Administrator. Troops fired on the crowd to prevent them attacking. Five people were shot dead.

Tues, 4th Feb, 1997

Madurese homes were set on fire all over the place in the villages of Sake, Salatiga, Mandor, Senakin, Pahauman, Darit and Ngabang in the Pontianak district. Many Madurese died. The local military commander, Untung Badja (Letkol Inf. Kodim 1204/Sanggau) gave instructions to shoot on sight.

That afternoon, two truck-loads of Dayaks broke through the military road block at Anjungan. Troops fired at the trucks92 tyres. Both trucks turned over. Any survivors were finished off with bursts of machine gun fire. Their bodies were left to rot in the ditches of the ricefields. At least 100 Dayaks died in this incident.

Weds, 5th Feb, 1997

Three trucks carrying food supplies for troops in Ngabang and Sanggau were stopped by Dayaks at Pahauman. They asked for food because they were starving. The security forces took pity on them and gave them some. The District Administrator of Pontianak, Dr Henry Usman, agreed to provide food on condition that people returned to their villages.

Thurs, 6th February, 1997

The military post at Anjungan became the target of Dayak anger following the shooting incident on February 4th in which some 100 Dayaks were killed. The military leadership banned all troops at Kompi Zipur Anjungan from leaving the compound and from any further crowd control.

Remaining Madurese homes in Sosok were burned.

The massed Dayaks prepared to disperse after the District Administrator of Kapuas Hulu, a Dayak called Jakobus Emilianus Layang SH, made a special visit from Putussibau to restore peace.

At Tayan, in Sanggau, Madurese settlements were again the target of mob attacks. Their houses were razed to the ground. 20 Fri, 7th Feb, 1997

Roads in the interior were still blockaded. The military were busy removing barricades. Corpses strewn around burnt houses between Paniraman and Ngabang were gathered up and given a decent burial. A number of Madurese bodies were also discovered in a cave at Salatiga.

Troops escorted two truck-loads of Dayaks into Pontianak. They were asked to witness that Pontianak was safe contrary to reports they had received that the whole Dayak population of Pontianak had been wiped out by Madurese.

Lingka, a victim of the shooting at Anjungan, died in Santo Antonius General Hospital from a bullet wound in the stomach.

Sat, 8th Feb, 1997

Dayaks in the village of Sempalai, in the Tebas area of Sambas, ran amok. It appears that news of Martinus Nyungkat92s death in Peniraman on January 31st only reached them that day. Some people were killed, but the security forces managed to control the situation.

Violence also broke out at Roban in Singkawang district, but the authorities brought it under control. People from both communities were shot dead by the forces. Several grenades were confiscated from Madurese people. 20

Sun, 9th Feb, 1997

14.00 (local time). Four people who had been shot in Sanggau - Sukirman, Yus, Anim and Junaidi - were taken from Sintang General Hospital by Mission Aviation Fellowsip plane (owned by a Protestant mission) to Pontianak to be operated on. Junaidi92s condition was very serious. The victims were treated at the Military Hospital.

Mon, 10th Feb, 1997

Hundreds of Dayaks who had failed to get into Pontianak from Peniraman and Sungai Piyuh were held at Sungai Ambawang. Violence towards the Madurese and the security forces was unavoidable. Three Dayaks were shot dead by the authorities. Madurese homes at Sungai Ambawang were burned to the ground. Their inhabitants fled to Pontianak. 20 Weds, 12th Feb, 1997

The population of Pontianak feared that Dayaks from the interior were mounting an imminent attack on the city. Checks on vehicles entering Pontianak were stepped up.

Sun, 16th Feb, 1997

The large gatherings of Dayaks along the main roads outside Pontianak were beginning to disperse, but they were still suspicious of any strangers. They still carried out stop checks of every vehicle, just in case any Madurese were in them.

Mon, 17th Feb, 1997

Thousands of Dayaks from Menjalin and Darit gathered at Toho for an attack on the Madurese settlement at Suak village in the Sungai Kunyit area of the Pontianak district. Suak is three hours walk from Toho.

22.00 (local time) Thousands of Dayaks had gathered at the borders of Toho and Sungai Kunyit. The military authorities were unable to do anything as they had not enough troops or transport.

Tues, 18th Feb, 1997

08.00 (local time) Between two and three thousand Dayaks armed with rifles, blowpipes and knives attacked Suak. The sound of gunfire went on for an hour. The military finally restored control. 98 Madurese homes were burned and 17 people killed. 78 Dayaks were arrested.

Sat, 22nd Feb, 1997

Madurese settlements in the villages of Pasi, Cap Kala and Mandor were attacked by thousands of Dayaks. 60 Madurese houses were burned. the number of dead is not known.

Thurs, 27th Feb, 1997

Another attack took place on a Madurese settlement in the village of Parit Jawai, in the Tebas area of Sambas district. Three Madurese were killed.

Fri, 28th Feb, 1997

Dayaks in Subah, in Sambas district attacked Madurese settlements in the villages of Sarang Burung, Jambu and Seberuak. Hundreds of the assailants were captured and held by the military at Singkawang. One of them was severely injured after being beaten by troops. SECOND REPORT, PONTIANAK, (SiaR, 7/3/97).

The ethnic conflict between the Madurese and Dayaks in the interior of West Kalimantan has begun to subside. However, there are no definite figures for the number of deaths. The government has yet to release the official figures. The local military head Major General Zacky Makarim (Aspam KSAD) said 300 had died, half from the Madurese community and half Dayak. This figure is supported by Major General Namoeri Anoem from Tanjungpura.

SiaR92s sources in the West Kalimantan government report 400 dead. However, a community organisation in Pontianak which has monitored this ethnic conflict since it first erupted in Sanggau Ledo, said the death toll was 1,720. One hundred of these were Dayaks, "most of whom were shot dead by the security forces", according to this source.

SiaR92s source thinks this is still a rough estimate. The numbers of victims were distributed across several districts: 3 in Peniraman, 250 in Salatiga, 100 in Anjungan, 100 in Mandor, 75 in Sakek, 200 in Pahauman, 17 in Sungai Kunyit, 115 in Bintang, 100 in Ngabang (all in the Pontianak Administrative District); 3 in Tebas, 50 in Roban (in Sambas District); 200 in Sosok, 450 in Tayan, 5 in Sanggau Kapuas (in Sanggau District).

The same source reckoned that the final total could be higher. Other unofficial sources report that 3,000 have died. " Once this conflict is over, the government must verify the death toll and make this available to the public", said an NGO activist in Pontianak.

Two churches destroyed in West Java

Indonesian Christian Communication Forum - March 10, 1997

1. Pasundan Church

On Feb 22 at 2 in the morning, the Pasundan Church in the Cimahi kampung, Cisewu village, Garut, West Java was burnt to the ground by a crowd.

2. Sidang Jemaat Allah Church

The Sidang Jemaat Allah Church in the village of Rancangbuaya, Garut, Jabar, on March 7 at two in the morning was destroyed by a crowd.

[Abridged translation - JB]

West Kalimantan – Killing fields

AHRC Urgent Appeal - March 13, 1997

The Dayaks have lived peacefully with all the incoming ethnic groups, except the migrants from Madura. There had been clashes since the 1950s, but the recent violence is the worst. Dayaks who are mostly Catholics had destroyed property belonging to Muslim Madurese in the villages. Both the Dayaks and Madurese are marginalised, poor and compete for the same jobs. But the Madurese are treated favourably by the local police and authorities. The recent riots by the Dayaks are due partly by the to pent-up frustration with the migrant influx.

Background information

In recent decades, logging and intense mining has destroy the forest and the livelihood of the Dayaks. The governments development program encourage investments in plantations, timber factories, mining and other private enterprises which provide employme nt. But land disputes have increased, the National Human Rights Commission established in 1993 have received numerous pleas from villagers and indigenous peoples struggling for their land rights. The Indonesian political system does not allow space for any alternative groups or local parties to develop in the rural areas. Often the displaced people find themselves facing the bureaucracy of the ruling Golkar party. When the development projects go wrong, the ruling party is not wlling to take the respo nsibility to resolve the issues with the local people and the investors. The Golkar party wins the votes of the rural people by campaigning on the basis that the various development projects or enterprises will contribute to the indigenous communities economic growth.

In the district of Kelam, only 3 years ago, a bulldozers of the logging contractors path a road leading into the village. When the bulldozers came, three-quarters of the people were scared. They could not understand how they will survive without the trees. The Indonesian Government offered basic wooden cottages a few kilometers down the road on the edge of a rubber plantation. The governments current target is to permanently resettle 20,000 families a year. Many Dayaks relocate and become squatters on the edges of towns filling the dirty, dangerous and low paid jobs in the plywood factories.

Chronology

December 1996, initially the ethnic conflict between the indigenous Dayaks and migrants from Madura island occurred in the Sanggu-Ledo district, about 100 kilometers north of the provincial capital, Pontianak, West Kalimantan. The Dayaks rioted over the failure of local police to prosecute a Maduran man accused of raping a Dayak woman. The Dayak later killed the Maduran man, inciting violent retaliations and province-wide conflict. The Dayaks of West Kalimantan have more confidence in adat, their own traditional tribal laws, than in the national police and justice system. The Dayaks also complain that migrant workers receive preferential treatment by local officials and are rarely prosecuted for breaking the law. The Dayaks traditionally belief that an offense against an individual is an offense against the whole tribe.

On January 28th, 1997, in the provincial capital Pontianak, a Catholic school attended by Dayak children was attacked and set on fire. In retaliation Dayak youths attacked the Madurese leading to massive violent clashes.

February 5th, military reinforcements landed overnight in West Kalimantan. More then 3,000 troops were flown into the region following the outbreak of riots. The Indonesian military conducted a harsh crackdown leading to scores of deaths to restore order with force. The military has arrested 86 people, 12 of those detained were being questioned by the military while the rest were in police detention

February 6, 1997, the conflict escalated into violent massive clashes. In Menjalin parish, Pontianak, the Catholic dormitory received 5,000 Dayak refugees from neighbouring villages. The refugees were mostly women and children scared of Madurese attacks. The Dayaks are only 2 per cent of the population in Pontianak. The Dayak refugees sought protection from the Madurese who sought revenge.

February 18th, clashes erupted in Sungai Kunyit, some 60 km north-west of the provincial capital of Pontianak. Dayak warriors had looted more then 100 houses and stores belonging to the Madurese. The polices estimated that 100 to 300 people may have died in the riots.

Five thousand Dayaks warriors rampaged through the town and attacked the villages of Merabu, Kampung Jawa and Jirak plus four transmigration sites. These Dayak warriors from the forest hinterland killed Madurese around the area of Pontianak, one of the th ree regions where the killings occurred. Christian church leaders claim the number of Madurese missing or dead is in the thousands and the Dayak casualties, shot by troops, are less than 200. More then 1000 displaced people fleet from the district and s ome are in refugee camps controlled by the military. The damages caused is estimated to be 8.4 million US dollars and the destruction of nearly one thousand homes.

Dayaks armed with spears and machetes attacked road block in Anjungan manned by the military killing one soldier. The troops shot and killed about 20 Dayaks. Areas north of Anjungan, 55 km north-east of Pontianak, and east of Mandor, 70 km north of Pon tianak, were still under Dayak control with minimal military presence. There were Dayak checkpoints on roads leading to Ngabang, 81 km east of Mandor. About 1 million Dayaks in solidarity may continue to attack the Madurese and even the military if they block their path.. It is alleged and widely believed that the army itself has killed large numbers of Dayaks, killings it now wants to cover up.

Basic facts

Indonesia

Population: 200 Million Religion: 90 per cent Muslims

West Kalimantan

Population: 9 million (Chinese, Malays, Bugis from South Sulawesi, Javanese and migrants from Madura) Dayaks: 40 per cent (mostly Catholics; marginalised and poor; majority in the rural areas)

Pontianak

Population: 500, 000 Dayaks: 2 per cent (mostly Catholics; marginalised and poor; minority in the city)

Migrants

- Ethnic Chinese, mostly Christian traders, are wealthier than the majority of Muslims
- In the 1930s the Madurese started arriving in West Kalimantan
- In 1970s under government's transmigration program, the Madurese population sharply increased; marginalised and poor
- Most of the transmigrants are Muslims from Java or Madura with no links to the Catholic Dayaks
- New transmigrants work in the plantations - rubber, palm oil, coconut, timber and primary industry

1,720 people killed in ethnic conflicts Sin Kalbar

SiaR - March 12, 1997

Pontianak – The ethnic conflict between Madurans and Dayaks in Kalbar has calmed down. However there are still no definite figures on the number of victims. The government has yet to release any official figures. Army chief Maj-Gen Zacky Makarim gave a figure of 300 dead, half Dayaks and half Madurans. This figure was supported by Commander Tanjung-pura Mayjen Namoeri Anoem.

A SiaR source in Kalbar mentioned 400 dead. Although a SiaR source in Pontianak, a social institute which monitored the ethnic conflict since it erupted in Sanggau Ledo, said the number dead had reach 1,720 people. From this, 100 Dayaks were killed. "Most were shot dead by security forces" said the source.

These figures according to this SiaR source are still a rough figure: Peniraman (Kabupaten Pontianak) 3 people, Salatiga (Kabupaten Pontianak) 250 people, Anjungan (Kabupaten Pontianak) 100 people, Mandor (Kabupaten Pontianak) 100 people, Sakek (Kabupaten Pontianak) 75 people, Pahauman (Kabupaten Pontianak) 200 people, Sungai Kunyit (Kabupaten Pontianak) 17 people, Bintang (Kabupaten Pontianak) 115 people, Ngabang (Kabupaten Pontianak) 100 people, Tebas (Kabupaten Sambas) 3 people, Sosok (Kabupaten Sanggau) 200 people, Tayan (Kabupaten Sanggau) 450 people, Roban (Kabupaten Sambas) 50 people and Sanggau Kapuas (Kabupaten Sanggau) 5 people.

The SiaR source did not think that the total dead could be more than this rough estimate. A number of other unofficial sources which were able to be compiled by SiaR mentioned 3,000 people killed in the conflict. "After the conflict was over, the government must verify the total number of victims killed and publicise it openly", said a NGO activist who met with SiaR in Pontianak.

The Kalimantan unrest - Why villages were razed to the ground

Straits Times - 9 March, 1997

A verbal spat at a concert late last year unleashed a wave of riots in West Kalimantan that left about 200 people dead and two dozen settlements destroyed. In a recent special report, The Jakarta Post examines the causes of the riots that have pitted the native Dayaks against the Madurese community.

The Dayaks have dismantled their road-blocks on the inland roads and peace is being restored gradually to the north-east of West Kalimantan.

The government's latest peace initiative was held late last month in Anjungan, 70 km north of Pontianak. About 1,000 people attended a ceremony where Dayak and Madurese leaders pledged to work towards peace.

The latest clashes between the Dayaks and the Madurese had its beginnings in a quarrel between youths from the two ethnic groups in September last year. The lingering ill-feelings flared up during a Dec 29 concert, when a verbal spat led to two Dayaks being stabbed. Rumours that they had died triggered riots in which thousands of houses were set on fire and many lives were lost.

Religious teacher Tadjul Anwar, 31, was among the hundreds of Madurese who fled their homes in the hot-spot of Sanggau Ledo and sought shelter in Singkawang, 70 km away.

He and his family hid in the woods for some three days before seeking protection at a local military station. During that time, he watched from afar as rampaging Dayaks vented their rage.

"I had to watch them burn not only my house, but also my books, most of which were gifts from my brother in Medina," he recalled.

Madurese Zainul Amin, 28, was an Arabic teacher at an Islamic boarding school in Jirak village, 80 km from Sanggau Ledo. He and his family fled Samalantan when the upheaval swept the area.

Like Mr Tadjul, he came to West Kalimantan in 1990 to teach. "I never thought the violence could spread to my area," he said. "I shall never return there. There's no guarantee we will be safe."

One of the sights he could not forget was the dead bodies lying on the roads as he made his escape. "I didn't know the Dayaks had intended to eliminate us," he said.

The latest outbreak of violence appears to have run its course, with the last violent incident occurring on Feb 22, when Dayaks razed 60 houses in Capkala Mandor, 100 km north of Pontianak.

However, it will be a while yet before a sense of confidence takes hold.

The Madurese have yet to return to the towns in the interior where their homes were set aflame by the Dayaks, and many refugees were still leaving Pontianak by boat, said Mr Dismas Aju, a researcher at a Pontianak-based Catholic institute investigating the ethnic conflict.

They are not the only ones who are scared. Dayak families living in and around Pontianak have also retreated to their home villages for fear of retaliation. The family home of Mr Martinus, a Dayak, was set aflame despite the fact that his brother is a soldier. He has since moved his family to Ngabang.

The police are preparing dossiers on 70 people charged with various offences, including murder, arson, assault and weapons possession. They are expected to be tried before the May 29 General Election.

Mr L. H. Kadir, the head of the Directorate of Village Development, said it would be difficult to collect evidence to prosecute those involved in the ethnic conflict.

"Dayaks in the villages will say teriyu is what set them off," he noted, referring to a traditional ritual which puts Dayaks into a violent trance. "If there's no evidence, what can we do?"

Conflict between the indigenous Dayaks and the Madurese immigrants is not new. The two groups have clashed several times since the late '60s, when the Madurese began settling along the roads in the interior.

The triggers for the violence were usually minor in themselves. But they were allowed to fester, leading eventually to a showdown between communities.

The latest bloodshed in Sanggau Ledo, for instance, started with a Madurese making a crude remark to a Dayak woman. Taken to be an insult to the Dayak community, it led to an escalation of violence.

Army Chief, General R. Hartono, has expressed the view that ethnic differences are only one of a few causes of the West Kalimantan riots.

Rapid economic development has been cited as another possible source of trouble.

Gross Domestic Product for the province has risen from 3.2 million rupiahs ($1,933) in 1986 to 4.6 million rupiahs in 1991, based on constant prices in 1983.

However, the growing wealth has brought with it social envy, as segments of the population grew richer while others remained mired in poverty.

Mr Tadjul acknowledges that many Madurese are better off financially than the Dayaks, and attributes this disparity to the former's skill in trading. "We used to have a good relationship with our Dayak neighbours, especially those who converted to Islam," he added. "When violence broke out, our good neighbours turned their backs on us."

The vast Kalimantan forests are a source of enormous wealth which has attracted investors and entrepreneurs seeking exploitation rights.

In the past five years, widespread felling of trees has fuelled resentment among the Dayaks, who feel that their native land rights have been brushed aside to accommodate the interests of transmigrants and commercial plantations.

"This is about land conflict," said Mr Laurentius Kadir, a Dayak and head of the province's Directorate for Village Development. "What has to be done is more balanced development."

Gold fever is another source of contention.

The locals believe that they did not get sufficient compensation for their land in the vicinity of the Monterado gold mining project.

Early last year, a protest was held by local landowners and workers of the Monterado gold mines against its foreign owners.

To some members of the Dayak community, what is more important than differences in economic status is the perception that the authorities are partial to the outsiders. "Many Madurese are pedicab drivers or construction workers," said a Dayak who requested anonymity. "Sure, some are rich, but we're not jealous. What we don't like is the way they've gotten their land with government help."

Indonesia's ambitious transmigration programme, which resettles the very poor of Java and Madura to the outer provinces, has had its share of blame for the riots.

Often arriving with little knowledge of their hosts' culture, the transmigrants expand the cultural divide by living in separate hamlets. Analysts have advised that the Coordinating Body for National Unity should focus not only on assimilating the ethnic Chinese, but also on acculturating migrant communities.

Cultural differences between Dayaks and Madurese do lead to friction. The Dayaks, for instance, complain that the Madurese are quick to draw the knives they always carry – itself an affront to Dayak adat or custom.

Some observers point out that hatred towards outsiders is being fuelled by a fear among the Dayak community that its people are being marginalised. Many Dayak warriors who razed Madurese villages were from the poor interior, where there is, in fact, much less contact with the migrant community.

Pastor Yeremis of Menjalin parish, which saw 5,000 Dayak refugees during the peak of the violence, said the Madurese were scapegoats of pent-up Dayak anger.

"The Dayaks are so gentle and generous, but they are also easily manipulated and used. This frustration is exploding now, and manifesting in their conflict with the Madurese," he said.

Inland Dayak communities – from areas such as the Kapuas Hulu, Sambas and Putussibao regencies – have kept more of their traditions than their southern kin.

However, they, too, have not escaped the upheavals brought about by government-led modernisation.

For instance, the famous communal longhouses have been replaced by single-family dwellings. This, in turn, has undermined the oral traditions, cultural cohesion and political unity of longhouse culture. Economic development has also disrupted the Dayak's traditional barter system and pushed many into greater debt.

It was, thus, a matter of time before the combination of economic, social and political frustrations burst into open violence.

Two dozen Madurese settlements were reduced to ashen rubble in its wake.

Since then, attempts have been made by the authorities to restore peace and reconcile the communities.

Some Madurese leaders have expressed the wish to move on rather than dwell on the past. Mr M. H. Hambali, a Madurese MP who lives in Pontianak, believes that the two sides can reconcile their cultural differences.

Mr Hambali, who was born in Kalimantan and sees himself and his Dayak wife as Kalimantan natives, said: "It is a hardship that we must overcome. If we want to continue living together, we have to just let it pass."

This land is my land...

The term "Dayak" describes more than 400 groups of Kalimantan's indigenous people. While they may differ in language and art form, they share such features as a tradition of longhouse living and a world-view which holds that all things, be they man or stone, have a living spirit which must be respected. So, if a Dayak were to pick up a bird's nest, he has to perform an appropriate ritual.

What is most basic to them is their land, which is seen not just as an economic resource, but also as a birthright and the basis for cultural, social, political and spiritual life.

Territorial boundaries between banua or villages are usually agreed upon by the village heads. Breaking this consensus would be a source of collective conflict.

The stripping away of their traditional land, to make way for plantations and transmigrants, has thus become a sore point with the Dayaks, who often lack legal papers to assert their rights.

Confronted with the law which declares that all uncertified land belongs to the state, one Dayak remarked: "We resent the Madurese taking our land, but we also resent the government for not protecting our rights."

The shrinking size of their traditional land has also hurt the Dayaks in other ways. Dayak farmers are forced to shorten their fallow period, thus destroying the sustainability of the land.

The spread of palm oil and rubber plantations has not brought much cheer either. Despite an annual export-led growth rate of 10.7 per cent, West Kalimantan has a high local unemployment rate – it was 13 per cent in 1995.

Said Mr Laurentius Kadir, a Dayak who heads the province's Directorate for Village Development: "These projects have to stop bringing in labour from outside. They must hire Dayaks, too."

For the moment, the Dayak frustration has been vented on the Madurese. Those who set Madurese houses ablaze avoided attacking government buildings, mosques and houses belonging to people of Javanese or other descent.

A sign painted next to the road near Anjungan stated: "The Dayaks will struggle until their last drop of blood if the Madurese are still in Kalimantan."

The Madurese have a reputation for being a tough, hardworking lot, having come from a dry and unproductive land.

They have a saying, "kar-karkar colpe", which is analogous to a hen scraping the soil to find something to eat, no matter how small the food, according to Mr H. A. Latief Wiyata, a lecturer at the University of Jember, East Java, who is doing an anthropological study of the Madurese people.

That some Madurese have prospered in their new settlements has added to the resentment of the Dayaks, who do not see themselves as the notorious head-hunters of old, but as a hospitable people whose generosity has been "abused".

In West Kalimantan, the Madurese have the reputation of being short-tempered, vengeful and quick to draw their knives. Although it is customary for them to carry a dagger or celurit, this has not been well received by the Dayaks.

Land and wealth issues aside, the Madurese insularity has also irked the Dayaks. "It might appear as ethnic solidarity, but it could also be interpreted as exclusivity," said Mr Latief Wiyata. (from the Jakarta Post)

Political trials

Five PRD activist withdraw statements

Kompas - 13 March, 1997

Jakarta – Five Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) activists who are witnesses in the trial of Garda Sembiring in the Central Jakarta State Court on Wednesday (12/3), jointly withdrew their statements in their Preliminary Investigation Reports (BAP). The grounds were that they were in the same position as Garda, that is accused in the same case.

"In accordance with article 168 of the Indonesian Criminal Code which states that witnesses who are also accused can withdraw themselves. I use that right, and as a result I withdraw my BAP statement. Therefore, I cannot continue to be used as a tool by the court", said Budiman Sudjatmiko, the head of the PRD.

Aside from Budiman, four other PRD activists were presented by the court as witnesses. All of them refused, they are Petrus H Hariyanto, Suroso, Ignatius Damianus Pranowo, and Eko Kurniwan.

The presiding judge, Madnjono had already warned the five witnesses that it was the obligation of all citizens to give testimony and that a person who does not want to be a witness can be punished.

Separately however, the five witnesses stated that they will continue to refused to be witnesses along with withdrawing their BAP statements. "When I was questioned [prior to going to trial - JB], the investigator did not explain my rights as a suspect. Only now do I know them, so I withdraw my BAP statement", said Budiman.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - JB]

Afan Gaffar gives testimony in Dita Sari's trial

Bali Post - 11 March, 1997

Surabaya – After HJC Princen, Prof Dr. Mudji Sutrisno and Prof Dr. JE Sahetapy, S.H., giliran Dr. Afan Gaffar, political experts from the Gajah Mada University (UGM) were witnesses in the trials of Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) members Dita Indah Sari (25), Coen Husein Pontoh (28), and M. Sholeh in the Surabaya State Court.

The three figures Princen, Mudji Sutrisno and Sahetapy gave their testimonies on the request of Dita and her lawyers, Afan Gaffar on the request of the public prosecutor Septinus Hematang, S.H.

Afan Gaffar, Tuesday (11/3) gave testimony in two cases at once (Dita, Pontoh) and M. Sholeh. In Dita and Pontoh's trial Gaffar said that according to article 28 of the 1945 Constitution regarding the organise and express opinion, all Indonesian citizens, must conform with current regulations. "However, if the accused went to a factory, to provoke and organise workers with the aim of improving their wages or conditions though a strike, that is wrong" said Gaffer.

According to him, it should be done through SPSI factory unit, not to encourage workers to demonstrate at the local Parliament. If arbitrate by SPSI between workers interests and the company fails, then they can complain to the parliament. "If that is done [strikes - JB], it can be called anarchy. Because the accused went to the factory to encourage, provoke and coordinate workers to strike", he said. He also "explained" [inverted commas added - JB] about democracy. A similar testimony was presented in Sholeh's trial.

Garda Sembiring withdraws statement

Kompas - 12 March, 1997

Jakarta – Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) activist, Garda Sembiring at the Central Jakarta Court on Tuesday (11/3), withdrew all of this "testimony" [quotes added - JB] on Budiman Sudjatmiko in his Preliminary Investigation Report (BAP). He also refused to become a witness against Budiman.

"I am not ready to be witness. I withdraw all of my testimony from my BAP. Because when I was questioned, I was not accompanied by a lawyer. [It is] my right to withdraw myself as a witness in this trial", he said.

The court had planned to present PRD members as witnesses in a number of trials however of six of these, three from Surabaya and three from Jakarta, were not able to attend because of the tight schedule of their own trials.

The judge had already warned Garda that if a person refuses to be a witness they could be punished but Garda answered "In accordance with article 168 of the Indonesian Criminal Code it states that a witness who is also on trial may withdraw themselves [as a witness - JB]", he said.

The accused in the subversion case against the General Secretary of the PRD, Petrus Hari Haryanto and his lawyers carried out a "walk out" in the South Jakarta State Court (10/3) following the reading of witnesses testimonies by the public prosecutor Slamet Soebagio without the witnesses being present.

"We protest to the court because already many times the testimony of witness on the activities of the accused have been read by the public prosecutor" said Petru's lawyer to the press.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - JB]

Indonesia: Pakpahan admitted in hospital for treatment

ICFTU Online - March 10, 1997

Brussels – Indonesia's detained labour leader, Muchtar Pakpahan has been admitted to a private hospital in Jakarta yesterday where he is being treated for vertigo. The admission comes after weeks of battles in and out of court to have him admitted to a private hospital and exmanied by his own doctor rather than government doctors at the Jakarta police hospital.

In a letter dated March 3, Pakpahan said that since the beginning of January 1997 he had been suffering from continued sharp pain in his right hand that has spread to the head, and frequent dizziness and colds followed by breathing problems. Pakpahan, chairman of Indonesia's independent trade union, SBSI, was arrested on July 29 and charged with subversion for his alleged involvement in the July 27 opposition demonstration during which thousands of pro-democracy activists protested against the violent police raid on the headquarters of the PDI, a legally-recognised opposition party.

His trial opened on December 12 and continues Thursday March 13 in the Jakarta District Court, although it is still unclear whether Pakpahan will be well enough to attend this Thursday's hearing.

In a letter addressed to the Indonesian Minister of Justice, Mr Oetovo Oesman, on February 28, the ICFTU had expressed strong concern over Pakpahan's deteriorating health. The ICFTU told Mr Oesman that Pakpahan suffered various heart ailments as a result of earlier detention and that the Minister would be held responsible should Mr Pakpahan fail to receive the proper medical treatment.

The battle for medical treatment and Presiding Judge's resistance to have Pakpahan properly examined is only one of the many flaws of the present subversion trial.

Last month the ICFTU took the unprecedented step of referring the case to the UN's Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, citing attacks on defence lawyers, threats against witnesses, repeated changes in charges, and the reversal of a Supreme Court decision quashing an earlier sentence, as proofs that the charges were fabricated and that Pakpahan was being prosecuted for his legitimate trade union activities. The Special Rapporteur was asked by the ICFTU to investigate the charges and report to the UN Commission on Human Rights the annual session of which opens today in Geneva.

Asia Watch calls for release of arrested Indonesia dissident

AP-Dow Jones News Service - March 8, 1997

Jakarta – Human rights group Asia Watch called for the immediate release of noted dissident Sri Bintang Pamungkas, who was being arrested on charges of subversion.

The New York-based group described the detention of Pamungkas, a former outspoken legislator, as further evidence of President Suharto's increasingly harsh response to his critics.

'Sri Bintang has clearly enjoyed his role as a political gadfly, but he's also played an extremely important role to encouraging open debate on the fundamentals of Indonesia's political system,' said Sydney Jones, executive director of the New York-based Asia Watch.

Pamungkas, 50, was taken Wednesday to the attorney general's office for questioning and later arrested on charges of subversion, which is punishable to death.

'There is no possible justification for his arrest,' added Jones in a statement faxed to the Associated Press.

The authorities said Pamungkas and his unrecognized Indonesian Democratic Union Party have called for a boycott of May general elections.

Attorney General Singgih said the subversion charge was lodged not only for calling for boycotting the general elections but also several other activities under the party.

Miscellaneous

The perils of nonconformity: Upsetting Suharto is only asking for trouble

Asia Week - 14 March, 1997

Keith Loveard, Jakarta – President Suharto is not a man to be crossed, or to be taken for granted. Those who do so invariably put their careers at risk, as two prominent Indonesians recently learned the hard way.

One is Amien Rais, who resigned from a sub-committee of the Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association (ICMI). The reason given for his departure was that he had too many other responsibilities – he heads the progressive-minded Muslim group Muhammadiyah. But it didn't help that Amien, 52, has repeatedly attacked the authorities over everything from corruption to social injustice. Also down, though not out yet, is National Planning Min-ister Ginandjar Kartasas-mita, 56, once regarded as a potential compromise candidate for vice-president, a key stepping-stone for the No. 1 job. His crime: an excess of ambition.

Just over a year before the next session of the People's Consultative Assembly, which selects the president and vice-president, Indonesia's political climate is warming. Over the past seven months, Amien has been on the offensive at rallies and in the press. "The masses used to shout that they supported president Sukarno without reservation," he says. "Our message is that we support the present government, but with reservations." Amien's latest peeve is the mining sector. He suggests that handing over control to foreigners – as is the case with a major mining operation in Irian Jaya province – is unconstitutional.

Mining has to do with Ginandjar's stumble too. He ran the relevant ministry until 1993, but he has been reluctant to let go. Ginandjar's confidants say his attempts to undermine the current minister, I.B. Sudjana, have angered Suharto. Rumors of funds being transferred from state mining companies to Sudjana's personal account have been traced to backers of Ginandjar. Top businessmen have now been advised to sever their links with him.

Though his vice-presidential hopes are dashed and his own ministerial post may be in jeopardy, Ginandjar is putting on a brave face. "I don't have problems with anybody," he says. He certainly has his admirers. "Few people in government have the foresight that he has," says a veteran consultant in the National Planning Agency. "The long-term development plan he oversees has the potential to create a much better and fairer country for all Indonesians."

The reversal of fortunes for Amien and Ginandjar underscores the firm grip Suharto maintains in Indonesia. Amien's case is especially significant. ICMI, entrusted to Research and Technology Minister B.J. Habibie, was a major plank in Suharto's campaign to counter the power of the military. Many believe Amien's expulsion and the emergence of dissenting opinions within the body shows its usefulness to the president has passed.

The fallout may also reach Habibie, long a Suharto favorite and increasingly mentioned as a vice-presidential candidate. Recently, one of Habibie's pet projects, the pampered aircraft maker IPTN, was told to transfer up to 25% of its staff to other state enterprises, fueling speculation that he was out of favor. But his supporters remain optimistic. "In getting rid of Amien, Habibie has done what the president wanted," says one. "He's still on track to become veep." Provided he keeps the president happy.