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ASIET Net News 6 – February 3-9, 1997

Political trials

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Political trials

Suara Independen' trial begins

Thursday, February 6, 1997

Jakarta, Kompas - the Suara Independen (Independent Voice) trial began at the South Jakarta State Court on Thursday, February 5. Andi Syahputra (31) is accused of insulting the president in October 1996.

Syahputra's defense lawyers Luhut MP Pangaribuan and Irianto Subiakto from LBH (Indonesian Legal Aid Institute) have stated that they will not present a demurrer (eksepsi) as the case will resume on February 13 with the questioning of witnesses. They also asked the court to allow the accused to be given leave to celebrate Lebaran (end of the fasting month) with his family.

The Judge said he would consider the request. Jasrul Zen, who is also to be tried in the same case is still being investigated.

[Abridged translation from Kompas - JB.]

Four opposition supporters jailed for July rioting in Indonesia

Associated Press - January 30, 1997

Jakarta – Four supporters of Indonesia's pro-democracy leader were sentenced Thursday to jail terms of six months and 15 days each for throwing rocks and breaking windows at a police station.

They were arrested during July rioting prompted by a crackdown on supporters of Megawati Sukarnoputri. The four were among thousands of Megawati supporters stoning a police station near her party's headquarters in the worst political violence in Indonesia in two decades.

Lawyers for M. Nur, Dagelan Rajagukguk, Domingus dos Santos and Sanggek Suhendro said an appeal was probably useless.

Megawati, the daughter of the late President Sukarno, has become popular for her calls for more democracy. President Suharto, who ousted Sukarno in 1966, apparently views her as a threat.

In November, 116 Megawati supporters were sentenced to up to four months and three days in jail for refusing a police order to leave the headquarters. All were released because they already had detained them that long before their trial.

Indonesian political trials to finish before election campaign: Official

Agence France Presse – February 1, 1997

Jakarta – Indonesian Attorney General Singgih has indicated that several political trials now underway could conclude before the start of the election campaign in April, a report said here Saturday.

"We hope that all the trials will go according to the court rules and conclude within the next three months, that is, before the start of the campaign," Singgih was quoted as saying by the Kompas daily. Around 120 million Indonesians are to go to the polls on May 29.

Between April 25 to May 23 Indonesia's three political parties – the United Development Party (PPP), the ruling Golkar party and Indonesian Democracy Party (PDI) – will hold election campaigns. Indonesian courts are hearing a dozen controversial political cases, including the subversion trials of pro-democracy and labor activists and a presidential insult case by a parlimentarian.

Activists of the small pro-democracy People's Democratic Party (PRD) and independent union leader Muchtar Pakpahan were arrested and charged with subversion shortly after a mass riot here on July 27.

The riots, which left five people dead and 149 others injured, followed the attack on the PDI headquarters by a troop-backed rival party faction, until then controlled by Megawati Sukarnoputri.

Indonesia's crackdown on dissent since the riots has received harsh international criticism, including from the United States and the European Union. Indonesia's three parties will compete at the May elections for 425 seats in the 500 seat parliament.

President Suharto personally appoints to the parliament 75 members of the armed forces, who are not allowed to vote in the elections. Golkar has won each of the five general elections held since 1971. lis/be/lk

PRD: East Timor student leaflets

Surabaya Post – February 4, 1997

On February 4, A group of East Timorese students from a number of Indonesian cities held an action at the Surabaya State Court. Their arrival cased a "hubbub".

Previously, they had also arrived at during the trials of Dita and Pontoh last January 30 when Moh. Soleh was a witness. After the hearing they gave East Timorese leaflets to Dita and Pontoh then yelled. Although their arrival made the atmosphere at the court lively, the scores of security personnel at the court did not interfere.

In the recent incident, they also handed out leaflets who's "essence" was support for the struggle of the PRD and the formation of a shadow cabinet [see ASIET NetNews #05 - JB] by Ramos Horta. At the bottom it was signed by the Coordinator of East Timor Student Solidarity for the Struggle for Indonesian Democracy.

[Abridged translation from the Surabaya Post dated February 4 - JB.]

Prosecution witnesses sympathetic to the PRD

Bergerak - January 27, 1997

Asmawati, a worker at PT Indoshoes in Citeurep, Bogor, who appeared as a witness in the case against Petrus Haryanto, Secretary of the PRD, in the beginning of January. He was silent for a moment after being asked by Petrus' defense lawyer if worker strikes/actions had had a positive impact on workers.

He then answered that the action [no date specified - JB] resulted in forcing the company to improve the situation. "All of our demands were fulfilled" she said. "So the strike was positive?" asked Leonard. Asmawati answered yes.

Apparently Asmawati's answer angered the public prosecutors since she was appearing as a prosecution witness, and the judge bullied her.

In questions directed to the involvement of the accused in two strikes at PT Indoshoes, Asmawati who admitted she didn't know the accused, said that she did not see him at the strike.

In her testimony in the case of PRD Chair Budiman Sudjatmiko, Asmawati praised the PRD which she referred to as greatly helping workers in their struggle for prosperity.

Other prosecution witnesses were hesitant in their answers. Agus for example, the PT Indoshoes SPSI [Government controlled All Indonesian Workers Trade Union - JB] Secretary said he didn't see the accused at the strike although he did see a man who admitted to being from PPBI [Indonesian Center for Labour Struggle] giving a speech at the workers living quarters but it was not Petrus. He also found a number of "black" leaflets which invited the workers to strike but he could not say who produced them.

A witness from the Dutch Embassy called Ahmad Yani also appeared as a prosecution witness. However he was also unable to confirm that Petrus was at the demonstration during the occupation of the Embassy [The PRD lead occupations on December 7, 1995 - JB]. He said only that around 50 people jumped the fence and occupied the Embassy grounds.

Another prosecution witness, the Director of PT Indoshoes, Jakob, who pretended to know [about the case] when questioned by defense lawyers actually knew nothing. Although he seemed certain at the beginning, in the end he was also "cornered" when it turned out that what he knew about the strike was from a report he got from a subordinate.

The defence team was addressed by the presiding judge, Mugihardjo SH because he considered they ware asking questions which were not relevant. Defense lawyer Leonard Simorangkir responded by reminding [him/the court - JB] that from the start the defence team had rejected the witnesses presented by the court because it was considered that [their testimony - JB] was not relevant.

But the protest was rejected. "Because his testimony is not relevant then all of it is not relevant" responded Leonard. However the judge did not respond to Leonard's statement and the witness' testimony stopped.

The PRD was charged with subversion on the basis of the worker demonstrations which they organised, including the demonstration at the Dutch Embassy which opposed the occupation of East Timor. But what made the judge resentful, the witnesses which were mostly workers whose fortunes had be struggled for by the PRD did not try to [lit] drop the accused in a hole.

"We are trying to lead the testimonies of the prosecution witnesses to admit that the worker demonstrations were a positive action because all of their demands were fulfilled. So are positive worker actions a subversive act?" asked Johnson Panjaitan SH, one of the PRD's defence lawyers.

So far there have been no prosecution witnesses which have damaged the PRD activists. Sri Bintang Pamungkas, the head of PUDI (Partai Uni Demokrasi Indonesia, Indonesian United Democratic Party) who was a witness in Petrus' trial said that he did not her the accused express words which had the intent of overthrowing the government.

The prosecution witnesses for Ken Budha Kusumandaru, Victor da Costa and Ign Putut Arintoko at the South Jakarta State Court could not "corner" the accused. The same witnesses also said that the worker actions [organised by the PRD - JB] were extremely advantageous for workers because worker's rights as decreed by law were soon fulfilled by the management.

The prosecutors were clearly disappointed although it is certain that the accused will be found guilty by the judge who does not have the courage to act independently. So it is not important if the PRD activists are proven to subversive or not. What is important, in accordance with the desires of the regime's leaders, they must be found guilty.

[Bergarak (lit: to be active) is a journal published weekly by the Surabaya KPP-PRD Advocacy Committee. The KPP-PRD Advocacy Committee overseeing the trials in Jakarta produce a similar weekly news letter called BUI (Jail/Prison) - JB.]

East Timor

Letter sent by President Clinton to Senator Russell Feingold

reg.easttimor – January 27, 1997

This letter was sent by President Clinton to Senator Russell Feingold in response to the letter by Feingold and 14 and other Senators to the President before the APEC conference last November. It is significant that the President "notes with interest" the letter's proposal for a referendum on East Timorese self-determination. – Charlie Scheiner, ETAN

The White House Washington December 27, 1996

Dear Russ:

Thank you for your letter expressing concern about the East Timor issue. I share your desire to see this situation resolved in a peaceful and constructive manner.

My Administration has consistently encouraged the government of Indonesia to improve its human rights record, and has strongly supported dialogue among the relevant players that will lead to political reconciliation in East Timor. Although I did not have the opportunity to speak privately with President Soeharto at the Manila APEC meetings, I will continue to use every opportunity, as I have in the past, to encourage the resolution of the Timor question in a manner that is consistent with universal values with regard to human rights.

I note with interest your support of a UN-sponsored self-determination referendum in East Timor. I will take your idea into consideration. In the meantime, we will continue to support the UN-sponsored discussions between the Portuguese and the Indonesians, as well as the "intra-Timorese" dialogue.

As we work to achieve progress on Timor, we also should recognize the importance of a strong relationship with Indonesia, a country of strategic significance that has helped to promote several common goals in the region. Indonesia has been an active supporter of maintaining the U.S. presence in Asia, and has advocated a deeper regional security dialogue and a stronger APEC. The combination of engagement and pressure represents our best hope of seeing the situation resolved to our satisfaction.

I appreciate learning your views on this important issue.

Sincerely, /s/ Bill Clinton

The Honorable Russell Feingold United States Senate Washington, D.C 20510-4904

Group may face legal action

Unknown - February 1, 1997

Kuala Lumpur – Umno members who were part of the group which disrupted the second Asia Pacific Conference on East Timor (Apcet II) on Nov 9 may be facing suits for "assault and battery."

Spokesman for the Apcet II participants Tian Chua said the Attorney-General's Chambers' decision to drop charges against 60 of the organisers and participants proved that the Apcet meeting was legal and within their legitimate rights to organise.

"Apart from the four Youth members already charged by the Attorney-General, we have identified another 10 to 20 members whom we will file suits against in the next six weeks," Chua told a press conference outside the Jalan Tun H. S. Lee police station.

Former executive director of Centre for Peace Initiatives (Cenpeace) Fan Yew Teng said they would sue the Umno members to "teach them a lesson not to take the law into their own hands."

"We fully intend to see justice take its proper course. We will be considering all our options," said another participant, Parti Rakyat Malaysia president Dr Syed Husin Ali.

Lawasia Standing Committee on Human Rights' acting chairman Datuk Param Cumaraswamy said a public apology should be extended to the organisers of Apcet II by MCA and MIC leaders.

"Both Datuk Seri Dr Ling Liong Sik and Datuk Seri Samy Vellu announced their support for the Umno Youth members on television, the same night the Apcet meeting was disrupted," he said.

Bar Council chairman Hendon Mohamed urged the Government to consider compensating those who were detained, for the loss of their liberties, and called for the prosecution of the other demonstrators.

Parliamentary Opposition Leader Lim Kit Siang hailed Mohtar's decision to clear the 60 participants as restoring faith in the independence and integrity of the Attorney-General's office.

Lim said the Attorney-General's chambers should consider prosecuting Umno Youth chief Datuk Ahmad Zahid Hamidi for having admitted to "masterminding" the Apcet II disruption.

"In Malaysia, no one is above the law, not even the King. No one has the right to take the law into his own hands with impunity and expect to get away with it," said Jelutong Member of Parliament Karpal Singh.

Puzzle over Horta 'hypocrisy' claim

South China Morning Post - February 4, 1997

David Barber in Wellington – Nobel Peace Prize winner Jose Ramos Horta and East Timor independence campaigners stormed out of New Zealand yesterday, leaving Foreign Minister Don McKinnon wondering: "What did I say?"

Mr Horta left, vowing he would not to return until the Government changed its policy towards the former Portuguese colony, now absorbed into Indonesia.

"New Zealand should drop dead. I will not set foot here again," he said, dubbing a press statement by Mr McKinnon on their talks "as utterly hypocritical, dishonest and misleading".

His attack stunned Mr McKinnon who had moved to assure local East Timor independence campaigners that New Zealand no longer saw Indonesia's occupation as irreversible. Recently, Mr McKinnon wrote to the local East Timor Independence Committee saying the Government supported the objectives of United Nations-backed talks aimed at finding a "just, comprehensive and internationally accepted settlement".

Mr Horta initially commended the minister for maintaining discreet but firm diplomatic pressure on Indonesia.

But later he appeared incensed at Mr McKinnon's reference to encouraging "reconciliation among the East Timorese factions". "I take offence at that," he said. "It's a myth that East Timorese seeking freedom from Indonesia are divided.

"The problem is the political and security situation. There are 20,000 to 30,000 Indonesian troops there and the arrests and torture are getting worse."

New Zealand should drop dead. I will not set foot here again

BHP considers go-ahead for $2bn LNG project

Sydney Morning Herald - 24 January, 1997

Bruce Hextall – BHP Petroleum and large US oil and gas group Phillips Petroleum should decide by the end of March whether to press ahead with the development of a $2 billion-plus liquefied natural gas (LNG) project which would exploit the Timor Sea's Bayu/Undan gas field.

The two oil majors are locked in negotiations about the best way to exploit the field, which extends over permits operated by both BHP and Phillips in the Timor Sea Zone of Co-operation.

BHP, and its other Australian partners, Santos and Petroz, have previously favoured a lower capital cost liquids-stripping development with the gas being reinjected for future use, but growing demand for LNG means there could be a profitable market for the field's gas in the near term.

BHP Petroleum president and group general manager (Australia Asian region) Mr Mike Baugh said yesterday a number of development opportunities were being assessed, including the possibility of establishing Australia's second LNG project. As well, the North-West Shelf partners - including BHP - are pressing to double the size of this project because of Japanese and Korean customers' readiness to sign additional long-term contracts.

Speaking at an oil and gas conference in Sydney yesterday, Mr Baugh said the Bayu/Undan partners were holding discussions on the siting of an LNG plant in Darwin or Timor.

But BHP has also raised the possibility of an offshore LNG development utilising floating production facilities.

Mr Baugh said there were a number of issues to be resolved before development of the LNG project went ahead, including the size of the reserves and whether there was sufficient market demand. At present, BHP estimates Bayu/Undan contains about 2.2 trillion cubic feet of gas, making it a significant gas field. Work to date indicates at least 160 million barrels of condensate could also be extracted.

The BHP estimates are expected to be conservative when the results of further exploration work are known. Bayu/Undan is already rated as one of the best gasfield discoveries in this part of the world since the Bass Straight find.

Bayu and Undan sit in separate production-sharing contract areas but are on the same structure of some 160 square kilometres.

BHP is the largest interest holder in the Undan permit (ZOCA 91-12) with 42.41 percent. Santos has 21.42 percent and Petroz 14.94 percent. A Phillips-led consortium operates the adjoining Bayu permit area.

Indonesia: US speaks out, Canberra silent

Sydney Morning Herald - February 1, 1997

Jennifer Hewett, Washington – The United States has accused the Indonesian Government of committing "serious human rights abuses", in contrast to Australia's muted stance on the issue.

In its annual report on human rights in 193 countries, the US State Department criticised Indonesia's record, citing many abuses and what it called "pervasive corruption".

"Despite a surface adherence to democratic reforms," the report says, "the Indonesian political system remains strongly authoritarian. There continued to be numerous credible reports of human rights abuses by the military and the police."

In even harsher language than in previous reports, the State Department says rising pressure for change in Indonesia has triggered tough Government action that further infringe fundamental rights. "In practice, legal protections against torture are inadequate and security forces continued to torture and mistreat detainees, particularly in regions such as Irian Jaya and East Timor."

The report's uncompromising judgments and detailed examination of human rights complaints will irritate the Indonesian Government and make it much harder for the White House to get Congressional approval for the proposed sale of F-16 warplanes to Indonesia this year.

This week, Indonesia's Foreign Minister, Mr Ali Alatas, attacked what he called the West's "double standards" on human rights, referring in particular to US criticism over East Timor.

Mr Alatas presented as an example the criticisms raised by a US Congressman, Mr Patrick Kennedy, who recently wrote to the Indonesian Government seeking information about the fate of East Timorese arrested after anti-Government riots on Christmas Eve.

"In my reply to him, I said it was very strange for him to be so persistent in his questions about those detained but not express any concerns about the one who died and the many who were injured," Mr Alatas said.

The letter highlighted the West's "continuing hypocrisy" and "double standards", he said, adding that it was common in many countries for demonstrators to be arrested after a protest turned violent.

The White House - under pressure about campaign donations from Indonesia's wealthy Riady family - is unlikely to soften the rhetoric towards Indonesia even it does not alter its policies significantly.

The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to a Timorese activist and the region's Catholic bishop last year has sharpened the US focus on the plight of the East Timorese.

The US approach is increasingly at odds with Australia's. Both Liberal and Labor governments have refused to offer anything but mild and general public comments about what is happening in Indonesia.

The US report cited human rights abuses of other Asian countries, in particular the military regime in Burma, abuses in the Indian judicial system and the repressive political regime in North Korea.

Saudi Arabia, which last year beheaded 66 people, was among several Middle Eastern countries criticised for systematically denying their citizens' human rights. Both Israeli and Palestinian authorities were blamed for abuse and torture of political prisoners.

The State Department, while generally approving Australia's human rights record, says Aborigines continue to suffer "significantly higher rates of imprisonment, inferior access to medical and educational infrastructure, greatly reduced life expectancy rates, elevated levels of unemployment, and general discrimination which contribute to an overwhelming feeling of disenfranchisement".

[The US State Department report cited above was sent to ASIET branches on February 3. If branches have not seen/recived the report, please let me know and I'll send it again - JB]

No charges to be laid against APCET meeting participants

Unknown - 30 January 1997

Malaysian Atourny General's office press statement - The police have referred the Investigation Papers concerning the meeting of the Asia Pacific Conference on East Timur [sic] II (APCET) and the one concerning the unlawful assembly which disrupted the said meeting on 9 November 1996 to the Attorney General Chambers.

The Hon. Attorney General after perusing the Investigation Papers concerning the participants of APCET, of which sixty(60) persons had been arrested, has decided not to prefer any charge whatsoever against them.

As for the one which involved the participants of the unlawful assembly, seven(7) persons had been arrested by the police on the said day. Four(4) were arrested in the meeting room on the fourth floor Asia Hotel Kuala Lumpur whilst another three(3) were arrested outside the said hotel. There were several others identified but were not arrested.

The Hon. Attorney General after having carefully reviewed and assessed the evidence disclosed in the investigation conducted by the police, has decided to institute criminal prosecution against the four of them, namely:

1. Saifuddin Nasution Bin Ismail
2. Nadzri Binismail [sic]
3. Mohamad Supardi bin MD. Noor
4. Abdul Hadi bin MD. Zam for their conduct of illegally disrupting the meeting of APCET.

They will be charged in the Magistrate's Court Kuala Lumpur tomorrow, 31 January 1997.

[signature] Tun ABD. Majid bin Tun Hamzah Special Officer of the Attorney General, Malaysia

30 January 1997

Four East Timorese at French Embassy in Jakarta

Agence France Presse – February 4, 1997

Jakarta – Four East Timorese broke into the French embassy here early Tuesday, an embassy source said. Embassy spokesman Dominique Roubert said they entered the embassy early Tuesday morning, but declined to elaborate further.

He did not state whether the four have sought political asylum.

"I confirm that there are four East Timorese at the embassy," Roubert said.

Since September 1993, 115 East Timorese have left for Portugal after seeking sanctuary in foreign embassies here, 72 of them in 1996.

Lisbon automatically grants Portuguese citizenship to any East Timorese applying for it.

The last group, consisting of three East Timorese youths, sought asylum at the French mission here in December.

Indonesia annexed the former Portuguese colony in 1976 in a move that has not been recognized by the United Nations, which still views Lisbon as the administrator of the territory. bs/lis/cmc

France says East Timorese to leave by Wednesday

Agence France Presse – February 4, 1997

Paris – Four East Timorese youths who broke into the French embassy in Jakarta on Tuesday will leave for Portugal by Wednesday, the French foreign ministry in Paris said.

"We are in contact with the ICRC (International Committee for the Red Cross), who are in contact with the Portuguese authorities," said spokesman Yves Doutriaux, saying they would leave "today or tomorrow." He confirmed that the four had "scaled the railings of the embassy" to get into the grounds of the French mission in the Indonesian capital early Tuesday morning.

Since September 1993, 115 East Timorese have left for Portugal after seeking sanctuary in foreign embassies in Jakarta, 72 in 1996.

Lisbon automatically grants citizenship to any East Timorese applying for it. hm/mt/job

Nobel laureate urges Australia to press for end to East Timor conflict

Agence France Presse – February 5, 1997

Canberra – Nobel laureate Jose Ramos Horta urged Australia Wednesday to press for an end to the continuing conflict in East Timor by proposing measures such as a permanent UN presence in the province.

Horta told the National Press Club here that he was still hopeful that Indonesian President Suharto might overturn his opposition to some form of autonomy for the Indonesian-occupied territory.

But he said East Timor's future must be determined by a UN supervised referendum of the people, suggesting Jakarta may allow talks mediated by a third party away from the international spotlight of the United Nations.

Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony in 1975 and annexed in 1976.

Horta said Suharto was the last stumbling block to resolving the issue after he rejected a proposal from his foreign ministry two years ago for limited autonomy.

"But Suharto is also a survivor and an astute man.

He might realise that it is in his own interests in the next few months to make some changes," he said.

If there were any sign of that, the independence movement would bend over backwards to find a way of allowing Indonesia to disengage without the president having to lose face.

Horta said he had not given up hope that Suharto would change, citing the examples of Mikhail Gorbachev, a loyal communist who had initiated reforms which led to the collapse of the soviet states.

"Sometimes from unexpected sources you have people who have had the courage, the wisdom to do changes," Horta said.

"Sometimes the more conservative elements in a society or in a power structure are the ones capable of taking dramatic steps that would surprise everyone."

Horta, awarded the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize with Timor's Catholic Bishop Carlos Belo, said the independence movement was grateful that Australia consistently had raised the issue of Timor with the Indonesian government.

"But please, they must bear in mind that the problem of East Timor is not one of band-aid diplomacy, that is you address only human rights problems." They had to look into the root of the problem which included military occupation and migrants from Indonesia taking the best land.

He appealed to Foreign Minister Alexander Downer to talk to the United States and the European Union in consultation with Portugal about concerted action to persuade Indonesia it was in its best interests to disengage. jt/jkb

Malaysian police clear East Timor activists but charge government

Agence France Presse – January 31, 1997

Kuala Lumpur – Fifty Malaysian activists involved in a banned meeting on East Timor were Friday cleared of all charges but four members of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's ruling party were charged.

"The police told us this morning that all charges have been dropped and the case terminated," Tian Chua, a spokesman for the November 9 Civil Rights Group told reporters.

The group represented the 50 who were among 106 people detained on November 9 after the youth wing of Mahathir's ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) led a protest to disrupt the East Timor meeting.

The government had opposed the East Timor conference, fearing it would harm Malaysia's ties with Indonesia.

Tian said the police had followed a recommendation of the attorney-general's office.

The attorney general's office had Thursday announced that four UMNO members, including its youth wing's assistant secretary Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, would be charged in court on Friday with taking part in the illegal disruption of the conference.

It said the 50 conference participants, including leaders of several non government organisations, would be cleared of all charges.

Another activist, Fan Yew Teng, said the decision ha restored public faith in the rule of law in Malaysia.

However, the NGOs would still take legal action against those who broke up the conference to ensure "justice is done and the appalling actions of the National Front youths will not be repeated," Fan said.

UMNO is the largest political party and leader of the country's ruling 14-member National Front coalition.

The government has announced a crackdown on local NGOs to prevent what it calls exploitaion of the groups for individual interests.

Mahathir last month labelled NGOs as "leftists" and "traitors" and accused them of being an extension of foreign NGOs who want to tarnish Malaysia's reputation. jsm/en/tw

Horta urging more New Zealand action over East Timor

Agence France Presse – January 31, 1997

Wellington – Nobel Peace Prize co-winner Jose Ramos Horta on Friday asked New Zealand to help push for a referendum on independence in his native East Timor which was annexed by Indonesia.

"New Zealand has had, in the last couple of years, a good, discreet record in putting pressure on Indonesia," Horta told a press conference.

He called on New Zealand to support the East Timorese people in their call for a referendum on their own future by quietly pressing Indonesia on the issue, but said he was not asking for trade sanctions to be imposed on Jakarta.

"We have no objections to New Zealand's trade relations and investment with Indonesia," he said.

"We are not asking for trade sanctions, we are asking for New Zealand to take a lead, even though discreet, in concert with Australia, the United States and European Union for a joint effort to put pressure on Indonesia." Earlier he met with New Zealand's Foreign Minister Don McKinnon who in a statement later said Wellington supported the concept of tripartite talks between Indonesia, Portugal and the United Nations.

McKinnon said he had listened carefully to Horta and give backing his goal of a public consulation while impressing on him the need for all parties to work constructively.

"Their objective is a just, comprehensive and internationally acceptable outcome on East Timor," McKinnon said.

"The Asia-Pacific region has had this issue on its plate for many years and we all want to see it resolved.

"Whenever I meet Indonesia's Foreign Minister Ali Alatas we discuss East Timor and I register New Zealand's concerns about human rights issues and our wish to see progress towards a long term solution." Indonesia, the world's biggest Moslem country, invaded East Timor, a predominantly Christian former colony of Portugal, in 1975 and annexed it the following year.

The move has never been recognised by the United Nations, which considers Portugal to be the area's official administrator.

Ramos Horta won the 1996 Nobel Peace prize jointly with Bishop Carlos Felipe Ximenes Belo of Dili, the capital of East Timor. mjf/mdl

NZ minister surprised at Timorese leader's call to 'drop dead'

Agence France Presse – February 3, 1997

Wellington – Foreign Minister Don McKinnon was Monday clearly surprised but made no formal comment after Nobel Peace Prize winner Jose Ramos Horta from East Timor said New Zealand "should drop dead." On Friday after meeting McKinnon, Horta hailed New Zealand's "good, discreet record in putting pressure on Indonesia" but by Sunday he was saying he would never set foot here while the current government remained in power.

After the Friday meeting McKinnon issued a statement which in part said New Zealand endorsed United Nation's moves to "encourage reconciliation among the East Timorese factions themselves." Horta appears not to have seen McKinnon's statement until Sunday and was enraged by the reference to factions.

"The root of the problem is the military occupation, annexation and gross and systematic abuse of the Timorese people," he said.

He then claimed the New Zealand government was "utterly hypocritical" and its conciliatory line to Indonesia "abominable".

"If I keep reading this kind of communique, New Zealand should drop dead, I will not set foot here again," he added.

McKinnon's office said Monday the minister was trying to get hold of a complete transcript of what Horta had said, but from what had been reported, the minister was very surprised.

Both McKinnon and Horta had emerged from their meeting indicating it had gone well, a spokesman said.

The press statement had not been contrary to any previous government position.

East Timor was annexed by Indonesia in 1975 and East Timorese people have been fighting for independence since then. mjf/jkb

Indonesian 'security approach' fails to solve East Timor woes: Cardinal

Agence France Presse – February 1, 1997

Jakarta – Indonesia's "security approach" in East Timor has failed to reduce tension in the disputed territory, the Catholic Church warned here Saturday.

Cardinal Justinus Darmaatmaja said Jakarta's actions in East Timor had done little to address the territory's problems and called for dialogue to end a stand-off which is now in its 22nd year.

"The situation there is still the same after 20 years," Darmaatmaja told a press conference. "It is clear that many still do not want to join (Indonesia). These people have been handled with the security approach, with all its consequences.

"If this does not change I am afraid that the younger generation ... won't easily respect and join Indonesia.

They will inherit hate." Indonesian troops invaded the former Portuguese colony of East Timor in 1975 and formally annexed it the following year, a move never recognized by the United Nations or most states, including the Vatican.

Indonesian troops have since kept a tight grip on the territory, a source of constant criticism by observers who accuse security officials of frequently arbitrarily detaining and torturing East Timorese.

Observers have identified one of the main problems in East Timor as the high level of discontent among local youths. Since September 1993, 115 East Timorese, mostly youths, have left for Portugal after seeking sanctuary in embassies in Jakarta.

Darmaatmaja called for the inclusion of all East Timorese in finding a solution for the territory. "Let's hear openly what their (the East Timorese's) grievances are, what their laments are.

An open dialogue is essential and do not sharpen differences of opinions with a firm hand," he said.

While Jakarta claims it has seven battalions in East Timor, of between 600 and 650 men per battalion, western military sources say there are up to nine battalions there, totalling 15,000 to 20,000 soldiers, plus irregular troops such as intelligence officers.

While almost 90 percent of Indonesia's 200 million people are Moslems, the majority of East Timor's 800,000 inhabitants are Roman Catholic.

In December, the Nobel Peace Prize was jointly awarded to East Timorese Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo and exiled freedom activist Jose Ramos Horta, once again putting East Timor's troubles in the international spotlight.

Jakarta has discouraged the vocal bishop from making political comments or engaging in political activities. lis/kf

Elections

Soerjadi begs PDI members not to read newspapers

Waspada - February 4, 1997

Kupang – Soerjadi [the government installed head of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) - JB.] has begged PDI members not to read newspapers if they have reports on the PDI. On February 3 he said that reports in the mass media tend to "corner" the party and do not give a true picture, "as far as articles concerning the PDI, it is better not to read them" he added.

The lead story in the Kupang newspapers on Monday (February 2) reported that when Soerjadi and Fatimah Achmad were trying to consolidate the party in Sumba Island, demonstrations were held by Megawati supporters. He claimed there were no more than 5 demonstrators while the reports mentioned large demonstrations.

He also said the consolidation in Sumba was going smoothly and that his group would continue to provide "understanding" and motivation to PDI cadres so that they will not be provoked by reports.

[Abridged translation from Waspada - JB.]

Campaigning manuscripts must be checked, campaigners must have a permit

Kompas – February 1, 1997

Jakarta – Every manuscript which will be used in the campaigns of the coming general elections (Pemilu) must first be checked by the Examination Committee for General Elections Campaign Manuscripts formed by the Minmister of Home Affairs/Chairman of the General Elections Institution (LPU). Likewise, the campaigners must have a permit from the police to may campaign in certain areas. While in a dialogic campaign, to avoid "all kinds of" questions, there will be placed a Mediator of the Agenda.

Said stipulation forms a Decision of the Minister of Home Affairs/LPU Chairman No. 7/1997 about the Directives To Implement the General Elections of 1997 which was conveyed by the Vice General Secretary II Waluyo, sided by the Vice Bureau Head of the LPU Public Relations Djumaedi, Tuesday (4/10). The implementation directives of the campaign referred to Presidential Decree No 99/1996 about the Arrangement of Pemilu 1997 which is for the first time compiled during the pemilu implementation.

Besides the checking of the manuscript, the permit of the campaigner, the signs of the campaign in the implementation directives are quite strict, among others that the campaign location will be determined by the IInd level regional head/resident/mayor together with the local police, and information will be given to the police which will issue a Certificate on the Information of the managing board of the pemilu participating organization (OPP) concerned. The campaign will take place from 27 April - 23 May for 27 days between 09,00-18,00, with a period of silence between 24 May-28 May before D-Day of the Pemilu implementation, namely 29 May 1997.

The Examination Committee for General Elections Campaign Manuscripts will examine the campaign manuscripts through radio and TV before the broadcast. Reporters asked whether this means that the government is censoring campaign manuscripts? "No censor but an examination whether the campaign manuscript is true or false," said the Vice General Secretary of the LPU II Waluyo.

He added that conform the stipulation the campaign manuscripts had to give priority to OPP programs for imput of the GBHN (Broad Outlines of the Nation's Direction)'s compilation. "Not to step out of that. The campaign should not besmirch other OPP," said Waluyo. "If it is positive critics there is no problem. Now most are criticizing but not giving the way out," he added.

According to Waluyo said team to examine the manuscripts has various elements as members including from the Department of Information, Home Affairs and others. "The team with smart members are expected to examine the (campaign) manuscripts not perfunctorily," he said.

In this relation was questioned if the teams consisted of government elements which are nota bene Golkar, whether they could be expected to examine the manuscripts of other OPP's objectively. "Yeah, don't know (about that problem). But they are citizens who can be accounted for," said Waluyo.

Big role

The magnitude of the role of bureaucracy in the regulation of the campaign implementation was also questioned by the press. "Is it guaranteed that it will not create biasses when evaluating campaign manuscripts of other OPP's?" reporters asked. Acording to Waluyo the government indeed arranged the campaign as organizer of the pemilu. "Are not the public places from the government," he said.

Regarding the campaigners, Waluyo said that there were indeed terms which they had to meet, including general terms like being an Indonesian citizen, member of the OPP in concern, not involved in the communist coup. "And passed the special investigation (litsus). Those who are included in the caleg (candidate legislative member) have certainly passed the litsus," he said. Waluyo also said that the Indonesian Elections Committee (PPI) had no list of campaigners who were on the black list. Whether a person could or could not perform as a campaigner depended on the police which gave the permit.

Besides the monologic campaign, said implementation directives arranged dialogic campaigns (communication) in form of questions and answers, informal discussions, discussions, meetings, workshops, seminars or symposiums.

Conform with Presidentioal Decree No 99/1997, the campaign is divided into six regions, namely Sumatra; Java; Bali, NTB (Western lesser Sundas), NTT (E. Lesser Sundas) and East Timor; Kalimantan; Sulawesi; and the Moluccas and Irian Jaya which could only cover the region of the regency, districts, villages and administrative units.

Five Indonesian students to go on trial for advocating election boycott

Agence France Presse – February 1, 1997

Jakarta – Five Indonesian students will be tried for allegedly distributing stickers advocating a boycott of upcoming parliamentary elections, a report said Saturday.

The four students in Purwokerto, Central Java, were accused of inciting people to engage in crime and the police are preparing dossiers for trial, said Captain Abdul Jalal, the head of the district's police detectives, in a report in the Republika daily.

The four, arrested on January 18, could face up to four years in jail.

They were arrested following the questioning of another student who will testify against them in court, Jalal said.

The stickers advocated an election boycott if "labour wages remain low, (land) evictions continue and the package of five laws is not revoked." The package includes laws which limit the number of political parties to three, sets government supervision on them through the home affairs minister, and requires the parties to swear allegiance to the state ideology.

The stickers were first discovered in the town early in January.

One of the detained students said that 50 stickers had been sold at between 500 and 1,500 rupiah (21 and 63 cents) each last year to fund a student book discussion, Republika said.

The five students have designated lawyers from the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute to defend them, the daily said. The date of their trials has yet to be set. Around 120 million Indonesians are to go to the polls on May 29. bs/lk

Medan police have withdraw 5 certificates of non-involvement in the

Waspada – February 1, 1997

Medan - The Medan police have "withdrawn" 5 legislative election candidate's Certificates of Non-involvement in the G30S/PKI affiar (SKTT, Surat Keterangan Tidak Terlibat G30S/PKI) which were presented by the head of the Golkar Sumut branch.

According to a Waspada source in the police department, the five are:

Army Brig-Gen H.M. Effendi Ritonga (ex-head of Sumut Golkar), H. Marzuki, Drs. Layari Sinukaban, Ir. Elmadon Ketaren and Wagirin Arman. The withdrawl was based on a Bakorstanasda telegram number STR/155/Stada/XII/1996 dated 19 December 1996. Wagrin has complained that there was no clear explanation/basis for the withdraw saying that "the widthdrawl of [my] SKTT is indirect murder, not just for me, but also [my] family. Because by its wthdrawl, I am considered to have been involved in the G30S/PKI affair".

[Abridged translation - JB]

Shades of discontent protest ballots may give elections a contentious hue

South China Morning Post – February 6, 1997

John McBeth, Jakarta – When Golkar painted the town yellow, Indonesia's opposition finally saw red. It happened in early January in the historic Central Java city of Surakata, where overzealous loyalists from Indonesia's dominant political party splashed large tracts of the city in Golkar's trademark canary yellow. Incensed, rival politicians of the Muslim-oriented United Development Party (PPP) armed themselves with brushes and painted everything they could find back to a basic white.

"All we want is fair treatment from the local government," fumes Amin Sulthoni, deputy chairman of the PPP's Solo branch. He wasn't placated by Central Java Governor Soewardi's explanation that he was merely promoting the province's mascot, a yellow-plumed bird called a kepodang. "If they paint a public area it should be in a neutral colour," Amin insists. "If there's a political motive behind it, then there should be all three colours-green, yellow and red."

That's green for PPP, yellow for Golkar and red for the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). The three shades will be seen widely across Indonesia ahead of the May 29 parliamentary elections. But the polls could also sport an important fourth colour-white. Why? White is the colour of golput, an acronym which also means "invalidated ballot." There's a strong sense that disenfranchised Indonesians may use this method in May to voice their protest in the election.

Ever since the government engineered the downfall of Megawati Sukarnoputri from the PDI's leadership, analysts have been predicting either a smaller turnout among the 124 million registered voters or a larger percentage of spoiled ballots. These are the only two practical ways for constituents to express their dissatisfaction in an election where Golkar has already pronounced it will win 70.02% of the vote to choose 425 members for the 500-seat House of Representatives.

But staying away from the polls presents significant hazards. "Voting is seen to be an obligation," says political researcher Syamsuddin Haris. "In the villages, people are afraid not to vote because they can get into a lot of trouble"-even tarred with the communist brush. Syamsuddin doesn't expect turnout to drop from the 90.4% recorded in 1992, but he believes there could be an increase in invalidated ballots from the 8%-9% thought to have been cast in the previous election.

Most of the disillusioned are likely to be young urbanites with strong political awareness. But there are indications the golput concept is also being embraced by people from lower income brackets who have grievances against the government or who feel their MPs-securely ensconced in Jakarta-don't really represent them.

To be sure, spoiling ballots won't do much to dent Golkar's dominance. And because the Home Affairs Ministry keeps the golput vote as close to its chest as the management of the election itself, it will be almost impossible to determine the real extent of the dissenting vote.

The Independent Electoral Monitoring Committee has considered establishing informal sampling centres away from the official polling stations as a way of analyzing voting trends. But Chairman Goenawan Mohamad says it may be asking too much of voters to use such centres under the watchful eyes of local officials. Goenawan's committee is not recognized by the government and has already been warned it can't directly monitor the polls.

Golkar's predicted 70.02% majority is two percentage points more than it took in 1992. "It's not a prediction based on nothing," says Abdullah Alatas Fahmi, a member of Golkar's central executive committee. "It's a scientific calculation." Party officials say it's based on 11 different variables, ranging from Golkar's 36 million members to local political and economic issues.

At Golkar headquarters, the head of the quaintly named Department of Winning the Election, Rully Chairul Azwar, produces a province-by-province breakdown of how the party is likely to do in the May elections. Rural provinces top the list: Golkar expects 97% of the vote in Central Sulawesi and 91% in East Nusa Tenggara and the Sumatran provinces of Lampung and Jumbi. At the other end of the popularity scale, the party doesn't expect to do so well in Jakarta (61%), East Java (62%) or once-rebellious Aceh (63%).

"Golkar's campaign is a dialogue campaign," says Rully. "It's not a show of power, it's a sale of ideas." But there might be disagreement from Central Java, where the local administration's unabashed Kuningisasi-or yellowization-campaign has covered everything from fences and tree trunks to private homes, public buildings and street curbs. The media might also disagree: Many reporters have been bluntly told to cover only Golkar activities in the lead-up to the official 27-day campaign period.

In an electorate where 60%-70% of the voters are under 40, the younger generation is what concerns Golkar the most.

"The younger people are saying things have to change, that they want to be heard and they want to be asked," says South Sulawesi MP Marwah Daud Ibrahim. "We're told we have to approach them differently. We have to win their hearts and minds, we can't just promise more bridges." Or paint their town yellow.

Govt bans public gatherings over Indonesian election period

Agence France Presse - February 5, 1997

Jakarta – The Indonesian government has ordered a ban on public gatherings which could incite social unrest prior to the May general election, officials said yesterday.

The Indonesian Interior Ministry, in a statement, urged governors, regents and mayors to postpone any meetings, congresses and seminars organised by the country's sociopolitical and mass organisations that would involve large groups of people.

"Any activity that could incite social unrest and disturb public order should be postponed," said the statement signed by Interior Minister Yogie Memet, who is also the National Election Institute chief.

It said the restriction would be imposed one week prior to the scheduled April 27-May 23 election campaign and would end a week after the May 29 election.

The ban also applies to research activities that would involve a large number of people. However, research or field surveys that do not involve the masses and are unlikely to cause unrest and public disorder are exempted.

The nearly one-month campaign would be followed by a five-day cooling-off period before voters go to the polls.

Last year, the government for the first time since 1972 barred outdoor election campaigning and ordered so-called indoor discussion sessions instead.

Last Thursday, thousands of Muslims burned or damaged four churches, two Buddhist temples and over 100 homes and shops mostly belonging to ethnic Chinese in Rengasdengklok, 40 km east of Jakarta.

The violence flared after a Chinese woman allegedly scolded Muslim youths for making noise at a nearby mosque before dawn.

Three other major outbreaks of ethnic and religious unrest on the islands of Java and Kalimantan since October have left at least a dozen people dead and scores injured. The upcoming general election would be the sixth under President Suharto's administration and the seventh since Indonesia gained independence in 1945.

More than 119 million people are expected to cast votes to choose 425 members of the 500-seat Parliament from among candidates of the three political parties – the ruling Golkar, the Muslim-oriented United Development Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party.

The 500 members of Parliament will be joined by 500 regional representatives and public figures to form the People's Consultative Assembly, which will meet next year to elect the President and Vice-President.

Mr Suharto's party, Golkar, has won each of the five-yearly general elections held since 1971. – DPA, AFP.

Now Jakarta bans all political meetings

Sydney Morning Herald - February 5, 1997

Louise Williams, Jakarta – The Indonesian Government has banned all social and political meetings involving large crowds until after the May national elections, and Malaysia has moved to close its land border with Indonesia in the face of continuing social unrest.

The Minister for Home Affairs, Mohammad Yogie, ordered all local officials to postpone until after the elections any public activities that could incite social unrest as a new rampage was reported in West Kalimantan, the Indonesian-controlled territory on the island of Borneo.

Troops have been flown to the province, sources said.

The Soeharto Government has already banned outdoor campaigning. The campaign period runs from April 27 to May 23 and voters go to the polls on May 29 after a five-day cooling off period.

The tension surrounding the run-up to the polls does not reflect political rivalry among the candidates but, rather, the level of frustration of the Indonesian people for whom the election holds no prospect of real political change.

The election process is tightly restricted and following the ban on candidates from the opposition party of Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri the elections offer no real alternative to the ruling Golkar Party, which has fielded a team sprinkled with the wives and children of the ruling political elite.

In the latest Borneo unrest, police said some 5,000 Dayak people, the mainly Christian indigenous tribes of the island, rioted against Muslim immigrants from East Java, continuing a violent conflict which began on Christmas Eve last year.

Malaysia announced it was closing the border between Kalimantan and Sarawak, the Malaysian-controlled territory to the north, in response to the unrest.

Bus operators said thousands of Indonesians who had travelled across the border to shopahead of the major Muslim holiday this weekend were stranded on the Malaysian side.

The Dayak people, formerly the fierce "headhunters" of Borneo, have been marginalised by Government-sponsored "transmigration" of Muslims from densely populated Java to Kalimantan as labour for new rubber, palm oil, and timber plantations.

The Dayaks, who once practised shifting cultivation in the towering rainforests and believed the land was sacred, have lost most of their former territory to clear-cut logging, mining and plantations and are unable to continue their subsistence farming methods.

Since December 24 a series of clashes have been reported between Dayaks and Muslim migrants. At least three people have died and 21 are still reported missing. At the same time in the capital of West Kalimantan, Pontianak, an overnight curfew has been imposed following further arson attacks on Christian and Chinese targets.

Pontianak has the largest Chinese population of any major Indonesian city and aggression against this ethnic minority on the largely Muslim island of Java over the past few months has spilled over into Kalimantan, resulting in a string of attacks on Chinese targets.

As in much of Indonesia the urban Chinese minority control the local economy.

The official Malaysian newsagency, Bernama, reported the land border would remain closed until further notice. Malaysia is also a multi-racial society with a Chinese minority that has dominated the economy and is highly sensitive to any racial unrest which could spill across its borders.

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Opposition parties cry foul over rules for upcoming elections

Unknown – February 1997

Sarah Smith – Opposition parties held rallies in early January to protest against the conditions under which this year's parliamentary elections will be held. Most parties will be excluded altogether from the vote, scheduled for 29 May.

The government of President Soeharto introduced a series of electioneering rules in December, designed to limit candidature and to restrict the manner of campaigning. One of the most stringent measures concerns political broadcasts during the official campaign period, which runs from 29 April until 23 May.

In apparent contravention of an all-party consensus not to censor campaign material, live campaign speeches and discussions are to be subject to script approval before being broadcast on either the state-owned TVR1 channel or any of the country's five private television stations. The government has dismissed opposition criticism of the new ruling, which it says is a 'technicality' designed to preserve election ethics and avoid name-calling on the air.

Other measures include a tightly controlled election schedule which will oblige the three competing parties to campaign in pre-designated areas and at set times. The opposition United Development Party (PPP) has threatened to withdraw over this rule, which it believes favours Soeharto's Golkar party. The PPP also fear their limited budget may prohibit them from following the schedule, which may requires parties to campaign in two towns in one day.

Only three parties are permitted to contest the elections – the Golkar, the PPP and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) – and even these are subject to government sanctions. Known supporters of Megawati Sukarnoputri, who was ousted as leader of the PDI by the government last year, have been excluded from the General Election Institute's approved list of PDI candidates, while Megawati herself has been warned that she will not be permitted to stage rallies during the election period. She will also be abnned from staging her own campaign.

A clampdown on political dissent is expected to coincide with pre-election manoeuvring. Thirteen opposition activists are currently standing trial under Indonesia's harsh anti-subversion law for their alleged involvement in the Jakarta riots of June 1996. Early this year one of the government's most virulent critics, ex-legislator Sri Bintang Pamungkas, had his 34-month sentence for defamation upheld. He is expecting to be in jail by the time the elections come round.

Riots, social unrest

Street vendors run amok at Pondok Gede market

The Indonesia Times - 27 January, 1997

Bekasi – Tens of street vendors at the new Podok Gede market here run amok damaging an office in the complex.

The incident occurred Saturday at about 10:30 a.m. when officers tried to relocate them from Jalan Inkopau, besides the market complex, to the front of it. Some vendors felt dissatisfied, though a discussion about the relocation that has been held earlier by traders [formal] and vendors [informal].

The vendors came to the market office to seek for Edi Supriadi, the market unit leader. He was not in the office.

Supriadi is not here. But, I am a chief of the sub market retribution unit, said Abdur-razak as quoted by Pos Kota.

He said the vendors suddenly stormed and shattered the glass of office door after the reply. Afraid to become a victim, he ran to the second floor with two others, including a woman.

The skirmish was quieted after the police, military and market security guards appeared at the site. It was uncertain if anyone was detained in the incident.

Abdurrazak did not know whether the assault was motivated by dissatisfaction or other reasons.

I do not think it was because the vendors disagreed with the relocation, he added.

Unsatisfied

The vendors said they destroyed the market office was due to their dissatisfaction with relocation. We fear that we will lose customers, one of the vendors said.

Two days ago, the Bekasi regional government failed to relocate the vendors. To avoid any incident, local authorities let the vendors discussing among themselves to make a decision, said Anton Zakaria, an official of the regional government.

He said he still did not understand the reason of the destruction.

Officers were still investigating if there was a third party involved in the case, Zakaria said.

Agustiana, officially arrested in Tasikmalaya case

Kompas Online - 31 January, 1997

Bandung – The Attorney General's Office of West Java on Thursday (30/1) arrested Agustiana bin Suryana (24) as official detainee of the Attorney General's Office with status as suspect of subversive crime in the Tasikmalaya affair.

At the moment he is detained at the House of detention in Tasikmalaya.

The certainty of this arrest was said by the Public Relations Head (Kahumas) of the Attorney General's Office of West Java, TP Tampulolan SH, Thursday (30/1), in his operation room in Bandung.

In the press meeting at the same day, the Institute of Legal Aid (YLBH) Nusantara questioned the evidences for the capture and arrest of the suspect.

The Kahumas stated to Kompas that the suspect is the chairman of the Forum of Youth Pupils and Students of Garut (FPPMG) and is only arrested in the frame of investigating.

While his colleagues Iman Taufik, Agus Rulli and Yudi Kurnia have for the moment the status of witnesses.

YLBH Nusantara with as chairman Effendi Saman SH as legal proxy from Agustiana was not satisfied with the result of the decision to detain the suspect.

In the near future, this dissatisfaction will be conveyed to the Attorney General's Office.

"We question the legal measurement taken by the Attorney General's Office of West Java, because the arrest of the suspect must be accompanied by clear evidences,' he said.

YLBH Nusantara is also not satisfied with the acts of investigating and arresting performed by the District Attorney of Tasikmalaya and the other apparatures on 8 January 1997.

The measurement was only based on the Request for Information Letter No... Pg1 179/P.2.16/Dp 3/1/97 dated 6 January 1997 which formed a form of violation and insult towards the KUHP (civil code) and Human Basic Rights (HAM).

He clarified that the violation caused a loss which has to be accounted for by the District Attorney's Office of Tasikmalaya, because KUHP does not know the term Intelligence Operation like said by the District Attorney's Office of Tasikmalaya (Kompas 11/1), namely as one form of deviation which does not uphold freedom and integrity.

"Against this measurement also, we urge the Attorney General to take actions against the District Attorney's Office of Tasikmalaya and the Attorney General of West Java is considered to have performed a legal deviation towards the KUHP," Effendi clarified.

One day before the official arrest towards the suspect, around 14.00-14.30, YLBH Nusantara intended to meet with the suspect.

But this intention was rejected by the police chief of Tasikmalaya with the reason that they already had their own lawyers. When YLBH Nusantara tried to contact Agustiana at Hotel Yudha Negara where the suspect lodged, a Mitsubishi car even followed the YLBK Nusantara team.

Upon arrival at the hotel, the person on duty informed that the name of Agustiana was not recorded in the hotel guest records. Meanwhile according to Agustiana's parents, the suspect was in room 210 of said hotel.

It is time that Indonesia has laws on national security

Kompas Online – February 1997

Jakarta – The Chief of Staff of Socio Politics (Kassospol) of the Armed Forces (ABRI) Lieut. Gen. Syarwan Hamid said that Indonesia presently very needed a set of Laws on National Security. This is particularly needed when ABRI personnel are on duty in efforts to neutralize a riot.

Syarwan said this in his meeting with 52 leaders of Social Organizations and three Participating Organizations of the General Elections (OPP). Various military brass attended the meeting.

According to Syarwan, at the emerging of various riots accompanied with various damages on social facilities, either in Situbondo, Tasikmalaya, Sangau Ledo Pontianak, or Rengasdengklok Karawang, the ABRI personnel who were dropped just only relied on showing their bodies. "We don't have yet Laws on National Security. Not yet. Yesterday I shouted, if this continues ABRI will not be able to safeguard this country. This is not realistic, people are given the responsibility to pacify but the sets are minimum," he clarified.

ABRI, according to Syarwan, actually does not demand much. "ABRI only needs a set of Laws that its actions in pacifying this country will not deviate from general stipulations or the law in force and they are not hunted by the accusation of violating basic human rights (HAM)," he said.

To pacify this country, he added, we have not to wait until a crime is performed. "ABRI cannot wait till this whole country is aflame and destroyed. There must be preventive efforts. The problem is still in embryo form when we localize it. If needed it will end that far," he said.

He also said that conflicts with religious backgrounds were indeed more dangerous compared with other elements as background. Because religion does not know sociological, demographical or geographical boundaries. "Besides that religion has a big influence on the totality of the personality, because religious comprehension is more subjective and emotional," he said.

Syarwan also said that Laws on National Security differ in substance from Laws on Subversion. "Those Laws are more directed to threats which are already on the surface or have already manifested, like the presence of support, destructive activities which has spread, etc. While Laws on subversion are more directed to activities under the surface," he said.

The possibility of efforts aimed at threating the integrity of the RI unitarian state, he said, is not something impossible because the fact is that those attempts continue. "The PKI will continuously emerge in various manifestations, utilize various shortages and weaknesses due to the quick development which is now going on," Syarwan said.

To spread alertness

Syarwan also appealed to all leaders of social organizations and OPP to continue to spread alertness in all sectors and strata. "Elements which want chaos in this country will always try to enter in various sectors where it can develop. Therefore, to answer this wheresoever, we must spread this alertness," he said.

Answering the question of the General Chairman of the Ansor Youth Movement M Iqbal Assegaf that ABRI immediately take clear actions towards perpetrators who are classified as the intellectual actors who master minded all the riot actions which recently happened, Syarwan said, that the ABRI efforts were actually very colliding with the existing institution of laws. "We actually want to take actions. But the institution of laws much hampers ABRI's room for movement," he said.

"For arresting a person in these times there are regulations and legal signs, which must also be acompanied by sufficient reasons and evidences. Therefore ABRI asks that the society also understands the situation of the nation at this moment," Syarwan said. He clarified that the communist phenomenon was something real and not just useless rumor.

NGO files slander complaint against Indonesian Moslem leader

Agence France Presse – February 1, 1997

Jakarta – The leader of a non-governmental organization filed a complaint with the police against an influential Moslem leader for having accused the group of inciting a mass riot in West Java, reports said here Saturday.

Andrianto, leader of the Humanika Foundation, filed the complaint with the Jakarta police Friday against Abdurrahman Wahid, the Jakarta Post daily said.

Andrianto claimed that Wahid, head of the mass Moslem organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) which numbers 30 million followers, has tarnished the foundation's good name by publicly accusing its activists of masterminding a December riot in Tasikmalaya, West Java.

Four people died during the riot which also saw score of churches, police, government and commercial buildings destroyed, many by fire as thousands of Moslems went of a rampage, angered by alleged police mistreatment of three teachers of Islamic schools.

Jakarta police chief detective Colonel Paimin Aboeamr said Friday that the police would study the Humanika claim and possibly summon the conflicting parties for further information.

Wahid has said here this week that he has evidence to support his accusations against Humanika activists and was ready to be challenged in court.

Tasikmalaya is one of NU's strongholds and one NU member was among the main suspects in the riot, officials have said. Wahid has said that the Tasikamalaya riot was part of efforts to tarnish his image and that of the NU, a strong grassroots Islamic movement. The Islamic leader is also known to be a frequent government critic. lis/lk

PT Kahatex workers run amuck in Sumedang, Pontianak also paralysed

Kompas - 1 February, 1997

Jakarta – PT Kahatex, one of the largest textile factories in West Java situated on Jl Rancaekek Km 25 (about 25 kilometers from Bandung), on Friday (31/1) was destroyed by some 7,000 of its workers. As a result of that riot, 5 office buildings, 8 factories, 4 storehouses, 1 employees mess, 68 trucks and employee operation cars were damaged and 60 cycles burned by the mob.

PT Kahatex is among the largest textile industries in West Java with a workforce of 9,600 persons. However, no loss of life has been reported in that incident, except for wounds suffered by dozens of workers and management members.

According to Kompas sources at the factory which stands on a plot of 34 hectares, the riot started around 05.30 West Indonesia time, when some 5,000 workers who had gathered around the factory, conducted a demonstration of concern with a number of posters, requesting that the company fulfill their rights as workers, such as pregnancy leave, monthly period leave, holiday allowances, wages, medical allowance and some other allowances.

Feeling that their concern attracted no attention from the factory management, hundreds of workers started to throw stones, followed by thousands of others of the night shift who numbered about 3,500 persons. Meanwhile the mess for foreign workers from Taiwan did not escape the raging of the mob. They did not only smash the windows of the mess, but also ransacked the house equipment of some 30 foreign workers. The accommodations for female workers with a capacity of 3,905 persons and the men's accommodations also suffered heavy damage.

The Priangan District Police Chief, Col. Drs Sudirman Ail, when on location mentioned that in that case, his side had detained seven suspects thought to be the instigators of the mob and two others were held because they were caught redhanded stealing factory property when the riot occurred.

This riot by the workers, besides causing loss to the company thought to amount to hundreds of millions of rupiahs, also paralysed traffic on the Bandung-Garut-Tasikmalaya southern main road for five hours. Hundreds of vehicles from the direction of Bandung and Garut as well as from the opposite direction had to be diverted to the alternative route of Wado and Cijapati. The riot was finally smothered by agents around 09.30.

Bandung deserted

Various issues which were circulating about the possibilities of rioting, caused a number of shops in Bandung to remain closed and parents to fetch their children from school. A number of main roads in Bandung also became deserted.

The owners of row upon row of shops along Jalan Oto Iskandardinata, Jalan Asia-Afrika and the areas around the grass park, chose to close their business premises. On the grass park, security agents, including two armored cars and a few Rapid Reaction Unit cars were seen in readiness.

Some of the areas rumored to be the target for rioting were Cimindi, Cicadas, Cimahi, Palasari and Dayeuhkolot. Further spreading to Jalan Oto Iskandardinata, Asia-Afrika, Jalan Lengkong, and Pasar Baru.

Some private schools were also forced to cease their teaching activities. "Actually there was no decision to have the school take the day off," said a school principal to Kompas. But many pupils were taken home by parents afraid for their children.

Pontianak paralysed

In Pontianak economic and trade activities along the main roads and central markets became paralysed starting Friday (31/1). Shop owners and shopping centers closed down simultaneously after a rumor started that a group was bent on revenge as an after-effect of the Sanggau Ledo rioting. As a result, market centers in the town of Pontianak became deserted. The head of the Socio-political Section, Lt.Col. Yacob Adrianto, representing Danrem 121/ABW West Kalimantan, yesterday in Pontianak admitted to the press that as a result of the rumor that attacks would be made by a group of people, shop owners became afraid and immediately closed their businesses. Authorities are looking for the person who spread the rumor.

Some shop owners who were questioned by Kompas said that they believed the rumor because on Friday morning there had been an altercation around the Kapuas Indah market.

Actually, according to information gathered by Kompas, the noisy group had been hire car drivers holding a demonstration, protesting the licensing of new hire cars by the Pontianak municipality. This protest action was a continuation of the strike by 140 hire cars, stationed at the Sungai Jawi terminal, on Thursday (30/1).

Pontianak blockaded

The town of Pomtianak since Thursday night had been practically blockaded by the guard posts set before the headquarters of the 643/Wanara Sakti Infantry Battalion in Anjungan Village, about 60 kilometers north of Pontianak.

Anjungan is crossed by the road connecting Pontianak with three regencies of the interior, namely the Regencies of Sanggau, Sintang and Kapuas Hulu. Night and day, this is the main road very densely packed with both passenger and freight transportation. Moreover, these three regencies are across from Kuching.

Armed Forces personnel – some armed with stenguns – stopped passenger buses and freighter trucks, especially those coming from Pontianak and going to the three mentioned regencies, because the further journey was risky. The buses finally returned to Pontianak, while the freighter trucks were temporarily parked on the grounds of the military headquarters.

On Thursday night, the military and police authorities of the area issued a statement that the development of the situation of late could disturb the stability of the security and development of the region.

The statement also appealed to the community to remain calm and not to be incited by rumors. The Armed Forces would take firm steps according to the law against all parties disturbing the stability of security in the region, and which could sever the unity and union of the nation, specifically in West Kalimantan.

Tension eases in West Java town hit by riots

Straits Times - February 1, 1997

Jakarta – The situation in Indonesia's West Java province was less tense yesterday with shops re-opening and a cleaning up under way a day after Thursday's violent incidents caused widespread damage.

A policeman in the town of Rengasdengklok said 108 people had been questioned in connection with the unrest, sparked after an ethnic Chinese-Indonesian woman complained of the noise Mulsim youths were making as they beat drums before dawn to summon people to eat before the start of the Ramadan fast.

Residents said yesterday that troops remained deployed in the town, part of a rice-growing area about 50 km east of Jakarta.

"People are clearing the rubble from their damaged houses and shops and soldiers are patrolling in the town.

"There were no incidents overnight, but it was tense last night because we heard rumours the people would attack us again," said a church attendant. Rioters burned a church and a Buddhist temple, damaged four other churches, and wrecked and looted shops and homes during the rampage.

Sixteen cars were also destroyed, but there were no reports of serious injuries.

Co-ordinating Minister of Political and Security Affairs Soesilo Soedarman called on Indonesians to act to prevent violence that threatened national unity, the Pikiran Rakyat daily said yesterday.

He made the remarks after a meeting of the military, the Attorney-General's office and government departments dealing with political and security matters.

However, he said the government was "not worried" about the country's socio-political condition and security in the run up to the general election scheduled for May 29, adding that political stability and security were "under control" but that "we need to enhance our alertness".

"But if there are individuals in the society who do not want the general elections to proceed smoothly, the possibility that other incidents could take place cannot be ruled out," he warned. – DPA, AFP, Reuter.

More rioting in West Kalimantan and Bandung

Unknown – February 1997

Pontianak (West Kalimantan) – On Friday and Saturday, Pontianak security forces are carrying out armed raids against suspected rioters. They have also ordered people not to leave their homes between 9pm and 5am. The order came after around 30 to 40 people rioted and burnt a number of houses and other buildings last Friday and Saturday and allegedly threatened/injured a number of people. A number of locations have been affected by the rioting including Sungai Jawi, Kota Baru, Sepakat, Parit Pangeran, Batu Layang, and Tugu Katulistiwa. The treat of more rioting in Pontianck has resulting in many people deciding to seek refuge with families or in most cases requesting protection from security forces.

Only days after massive rioting broke out in Bandung, West Java, street venders in the centre of the city attacked shop with a number damaged by stones. Thousands of security personal with armored personal vehicles and anti-riot gear were mobilised and took control of the situation but most shops in the city centre remained closed.

The trouble started after the Bandung major, Wahyu Hamidyaya issued a new policy prohibiting street vendors from five parts of the city. A delegation of street vendors went to the majors office, but although they were received by the assistant major, Endjang Sudarsono, no agreement was reached and in frustration, they left and began rioting.

[Abridged translation. Source and date of original article unavailable -JB.]

Fresh arrests as workers riot

Sydney Morning Herald - February 3, 1997

Louise Williams – Security forces made further arrests at the weekend following last Thursday's Muslim riots west of Jakarta, and new tensions flared in the city of Bandung, where leaflets were dropped calling on Muslims to attack Christian and Catholic targets.

The armed forces reported that unrest was quickly contained in Bandung, an important industrial and university centre about 200 kilometres south-east of Jakarta, after about 10,000 factory workers went on a rampage which left at least 60 cars destroyed.

The factory riot was in protest over the failure of a major textile manufacturer to pay the traditional bonus to mark the end of the Muslim fasting month and was not directly related to a recent wave of attacks by Muslims on Indonesia's minority Chinese and Christian communities.

However, security forces were deployed across the city over the weekend after the discovery of pamphlets calling on Indonesia's majority Muslim population to continue the attacks against Chinese Christians.

Security forces announced new arrests west of Java, where thousands of Muslims rioted last Thursday, bringing the total number of people in detention to 20. An influential social organisation, Kosgoro, which is aligned with the ruling Golkar Party, warned that Indonesia was witnessing an ongoing moral crisis.

Indonesian military chief warns against rioting

Reuters – February 1997

Jakarta – Indonesia's armed forces chief General Feisal Tanjung said on Friday the military would take sterner measures against riots following disturbances in a town east of Jakarta in which buildings were burned or wrecked.

"If riots continue, the armed forces will take sterner action ... because this country is based on the rule of law," the official Antara news agency quoted him as saying.

Troops patrolled the town of Rengasdengklok, about 50 kilometres east of Jakarta, and residents cleared rubble from wrecked buildings after a Muslim mob went on the rampage on Thursday over a reported insult against Islam, witnesses said.

Rioters burned a church and a Chinese Buddhist temple, wrecked four other churches, and destroyed and looted shops and homes during a rampage on Thursday, officials and residents said. Sixteen cars were also destroyed.

There were no reports of serious injuries.

The rupiah fell against the dollar on Friday morning but later recovered on a nervous money market on rumours of trouble in the major west Java city of Bandung.

Bandung residents said thousands of workers from a nearby textile factory were demonstrating in demand of a bonus. Police said two cars were set on fire but the situation was quickly brought under control.

Government officials said Thursday's riot in Rengasdengklok apparently started after an ethnic Chinese woman complained of the noise Muslim youths were making as they beat drums before dawn to summon people to eat before the start of the daylight Ramadan fast.

Residents said troops were stationed in many parts of the town, which is part of the Karawang regency, a rice-growing area east of Jakarta.

Last month, four people died when a mob went on a rampage in the town of Tasikmalaya in West Java, setting fire to shops, buildings and churches. That riot was sparked by reports of police brutality towards a Muslim religious teacher.

Political and social analysts have blamed the eruptions of violence on socio-economic tensions. Some government members have said they believed there was a Maoist conspiracy involved but have provided no proof of this.

While more than 80 per cent of Indonesia's nearly 200 million people are Muslims, the state recognises the world's major religions.

Rumours of racial riots halt bus service to Pontianak

Unknown - February 3, 1997

Kuching (Sarawak, West Malaysia) – Local bus companies which ply between here and Pontianak in Kalimantan, Indonesia, have suspended operations out of concern for the safety of their employees and passengers following rumours of more riots there.

They stopped their services three days ago following reports by foreign new agencies that racial unrest erupted in West Kalimantan. Several thousand indigenous Dayak tribemen had apparently burned and looted scores of homes and stores belonging to settlers from the Indonesian island of Madura.

Another report had quoted residents in Pontianak as saying that soldiers were guarding churches after rumours of a tribal riot.

When contacted yesterday, an employee of Biaramas Express said the company suspended services to Pontianak two days ago, adding that other companies had done likewise.

Pontianak is a popular tourist destination for many Sarawakians.

Agustiana, officially arrested in Tasikmalaya case

Kompas Online - 31 January, 1997

Bandung – The Attorney General's Office of West Java on Thursday (30/1) arrested Agustiana bin Suryana (24) as official detainee of the Attorney General's Office with status as suspect of subversive crime in the Tasikmalaya affair.

At the moment he is detained at the House of detention in Tasikmalaya.

The certainty of this arrest was said by the Public Relations Head (Kahumas) of the Attorney General's Office of West Java, TP Tampulolan SH, Thursday (30/1), in his operation room in Bandung.

In the press meeting at the same day, the Institute of Legal Aid (YLBH) Nusantara questioned the evidences for the capture and arrest of the suspect.

The Kahumas stated to Kompas that the suspect is the chairman of the Forum of Youth Pupils and Students of Garut (FPPMG) and is only arrested in the frame of investigating.

While his colleagues Iman Taufik, Agus Rulli and Yudi Kurnia have for the moment the status of witnesses.

YLBH Nusantara with as chairman Effendi Saman SH as legal proxy from Agustiana was not satisfied with the result of the decision to detain the suspect.

In the near future, this dissatisfaction will be conveyed to the Attorney General's Office.

"We question the legal measurement taken by the Attorney General's Office of West Java, because the arrest of the suspect must be accompanied by clear evidences,' he said.

YLBH Nusantara is also not satisfied with the acts of investigating and arresting performed by the District Attorney of Tasikmalaya and the other apparatures on 8 January 1997.

The measurement was only based on the Request for Information Letter No... Pg1 179/P.2.16/Dp 3/1/97 dated 6 January 1997 which formed a form of violation and insult towards the KUHP (civil code) and Human Basic Rights (HAM).

He clarified that the violation caused a loss which has to be accounted for by the District Attorney's Office of Tasikmalaya, because KUHP does not know the term Intelligence Operation like said by the District Attorney's Office of Tasikmalaya (Kompas 11/1), namely as one form of deviation which does not uphold freedom and integrity.

"Against this measurement also, we urge the Attorney General to take actions against the District Attorney's Office of Tasikmalaya and the Attorney General of West Java is considered to have performed a legal deviation towards the KUHP," Effendi clarified.

One day before the official arrest towards the suspect, around 14.00-14.30, YLBH Nusantara intended to meet with the suspect.

But this intention was rejected by the police chief of Tasikmalaya with the reason that they already had their own lawyers. When YLBH Nusantara tried to contact Agustiana at Hotel Yudha Negara where the suspect lodged, a Mitsubishi car even followed the YLBK Nusantara team.

Upon arrival at the hotel, the person on duty informed that the name of Agustiana was not recorded in the hotel guest records. Meanwhile according to Agustiana's parents, the suspect was in room 210 of said hotel.

Jakarta's Chinese told: Tone down New Year joy

Agence France Presse – February 4, 1997

Jakarta – Jakarta's ethnic Chinese community was asked yesterday not to make any overt displays to celebrate the Lunar New Year following a series of attacks on Chinese and Christian properties by Muslim rioters.

Jakarta Governor Suryadi Sudirja called on the ethnic Chinese community not to hold public celebrations of the Lunar New Year and avoid displaying Chinese paraphernalia, a report said.

In a written statement quoted by the official Antara news agency, he called on people "not to hold celebrations, theatre, dances and other art forms with themes from Chinese stories and culture, in public places".

Saying that the Lunar New Year was not a Buddhist sacred day but a Chinese one, Mr Sudirja also called on people not to celebrate the day at Buddhist temples.

He also urged people celebrating the Lunar New Year not to display ornaments, banners, flyers or symbols reflecting "the affinity of the Chinese ancestral culture".

Lunar New Year celebrations, he said, should be restricted to the environment of the family.

However, traditional red greeting cards, moon cakes and various ornaments, have been on sale for several weeks in many commercial centres, including Jakarta's Chinatown.

Indonesia's ethnic Chinese community accounts for about seven million of the country's 200 million people but the minority plays a dominant role in the economy.

Most ethnic Chinese Indonesians are either Christians or Buddhist and have been the target of mass unrest in various towns in the past months.

More than 100 ethnic Chinese and non-Muslim properties were torched or damaged during a riot by thousands of Muslims in Rengasdengklok just east of here, last week.

Similar targets were also attacked by a Muslim mob of thousands in the West Java town of Tasikmalaya in December. The rioting left four people dead.

Economy and investment

Indonesia trade surplus grows; some export worry: Amplifier

AP-Dow Jones News Service - February 5, 1997

Jay Solomon, Jakarta – Indonesia recorded another healthy trade surplus in November, though analysts expressed some concern about future trends in the country's exports.

Data released Wednesday also showed inflation firmly in check, with a surprisingly modest 5.5% rise reported for January's consumer price index (CPI).

But analysts cautioned against any substantial extra cut in interest rates by Bank Indonesia, the nation's central bank. Though the trade picture looks more stable, Indonesia still needs to keep a close eye on the level of its current account deficit, they said.

'November trade figures aren't overly bullish for Indonesia's economy,' said Don Hanna of Goldman Sachs in Hong Kong. 'And it shows the economy is certainly not out of the woods yet.'

As reported, Indonesia's trade surplus amounted to $764.6 million in November, up from $708.8 million in November 1995, an official at the Ministry of Industry and Trade said Wednesday.

That brings the surplus for the first 11 months of 1996 to $6.14 billion, nearly double the $3.67 billion during the same period a year earlier, noted Manmindar Singh, a Singapore-based economist at the Nomura Research Institute.

The trade ministry official said Indonesia's exports, including oil and gas, rose in November to $4.409 billion, up 8.1% from the previous November's $4.080 billion. Its imports, including oil and gas, rose to $3.645 billion from the previous year's $3.371 billion.

Singh and others said that the trade surplus benefited dramatically from the weakening of the Japanese yen against the U.S. dollar, higher oil prices, and Bank Indonesia's succes in slowing import growth.

But economists also noted the declining growth in Indonesia's non-oil exports, a factor which pushed the November surplus down from October's surplus of $995.7 million.

Non-oil exports in November were up 4.3% at $3.346 billion from $3.207 billion in November 1995. Non-oil imports rose to $3.173 billion in November 1996, up 2.3% from $3.101 billion in November 1995.

Dominique Maire, an economist at UBS Securities in Singapore, said the November data underlines the recent declining trend in non-oil export growth.

In 1995 Indonesian non-oil exports grew by 15%, but the rate dropped to 13% in the first half of 1996. Since then, it has continued to slow, with November's rate down sharply from annual growth of 8.3% in September.

Maire said the trend has been driven by the poor performance of Indonesia's 'traditional' non-oil exports: plywood and textiles.

Plywood exports fell 3% over the first half of 1996, Maire said, while textile export growth slowed to 6%. On the positive side, however, manufactured goods - like electronics, shoes, and circuit boards - grew by 10%.

Meanwhile, import growth - which Bank Indonesia has successfully slowed this year - is expected to pick up again in 1997.

For 1995, total imports grew by 28% from a year earlier, but through November 1996 the growth rate slowed to only 5%. Economists said that that a number of indicators suggest that imports are bound to pick up.

In October, for example, credit growth was at 24%, significantly higher than the government's target of 17%. Meanwhile, foreign direct investment (FDI) over the first nine months of 1996 was still relatively high at $4.5 billion.

'Import (growth) dropped so much in 1996 in some ways because ot a high base effect and weaker demand for consumer goods,' said Maire. 'It is only natural in 1997 - with easing interest rates - that these imports will start to trend higher.'

Economists also said that Indonesia's trade balance remains vulnerable to any strengthening of the Japanese yen and a weakening in oil prices.

As a result, economists caution against any major rate cuts by Bank Indonesia in the year ahead.

Bank Indonesia already cut a key deposit rate by 50 basis points in December, and many think cuts of as much as 200 basis points are possible in 1997. The economists warned, however, about cutting by more than 100 basis points. 'Interest rates have already come off, though it is unclear if the economy is really that stable or the current-account (deficit) is still a threat,' said Hanna. 'We think it is - though its not as bad as Thailand - and caution against easing.'

Indonesia's government projected in January a current-account deficit of $9.8 billion for the year to March 31, 1998, equivalent to 4% of GDP. Most economists say this is a respectable estimate and significantly lower than Thailand's current-account deficit, which is running around 8% of GDP.

Meanwhile, Indonesia's CPI, the main inflation measure, was at 191.58 in January, up 1.03% from December and up 5.5% from January last year, the government announced Wednesday.

The 1.03% figure was below market expectations, as economists had expected the fasting month of Ramadan to boost prices.

'We were expecting something more like 1.3% so the results were quite good,' said Singh. 'This is one of the lowest Januarys in a long time.'

Jakarta to build $3.4b triple-deck road-railway in July

Agence France Presse - February 4, 1997

Jakarta – Indonesian authorities are to start building a US$2.4 billion (S$3.4 billion) triple-deck road and railway project in July to overcome Jakarta's transport problems, a report said yesterday.

The project includes a 23.55-km elevated train built above a surface road but under a tollway, the Antara news agency said.

Soil testing and drilling will start on April 21, it said.

Antara quoted Mr Bambang Suroso, chief executive of PT Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada which is to build the project, as saying that the actual construction would start in July.

The project will link the southern residential suburb of Bintaro to Kota in north Jakarta.

It was awarded without tender by a presidential decree to Lamtoro Gung, a company controlled by President Suharto's eldest daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana. Mr Suroso said that the project would be funded partly by foreign loans.

He said 75 per cent of the investment would come from loans while the remaining 25 per cent would be in capital equity.

About 40 per cent of the loan would be in foreign syndicated loans that could involve up to 61 banks, he said.

He said the state railway company would operate a light rail transit system on the railtrack.

Lamtoro Gung has built several toll roads in Jakarta and other Indonesian towns, mostly on long-term build-operate-transfer schemes.

Jakarta also plans to build a subway network to alleviate the city's clogged traffic ways. Plans have been drawn for an underground line that would link a commercial area in the southern part of the capital to the northern business district.

Mining giant Freeport top Indon corporate tax payer in 1995

Reuters - 4 February, 1997

Jakarta – Mining giant PT Freeport Indonesia was the top corporate tax payer in Indonesia in 1995 and Salim Group founder Liem Sioe Liong the top individual tax payer, a senior tax official said at the weekend.

Two of President Suharto's sons were listed the 10th and 13th highest taxpayers in figures released by the director-general of taxation, Fuad Bawazier, on Sunday.

Freeport, 81.28 per cent owned by the US Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc, runs the giant Grasberg mine in remote Irian Jaya province, one of the world's largest copper and gold producers.

It jumped to first place from number 53 in 1994.

"Freeport is the largest corporate tax payer in Indonesia in 1995," Mr Bawazier said, adding this was because of a dramatic increase in profits.

He did not reveal how much Mr Liem, a close associate of Mr Suharto, or other tax payers handed over to the state. The Salim Group is a diversified operation with interests ranging from plantations and banks to cement and property.

State-controlled Telecommunication company PT Telekomunikasi Indonesia (Telkom) and PT Indonesian Satellite Corporation (Indosat) came second and third among corporate tax payers in 1995.

Eka Tjipta Widjaja, an ethnic Chinese born in China's Fujian province and head of the diversified Sinar Mas Group, was listed second among individual tax payers, up from seventh in 1994.

Mr Suharto's sons Bambang Trihatmodjo and Hutomo Mandala "Tommy" Putra were listed 10th and 13th respectively. Bambang had ranked fifth in 1994. Bambang is head of PT Bimantara Citra Group and Hutomo is the head of PT Humpuss.

Among other corporate taxpayers, PT Hanjaya Mandala Sampoerna, PT Gudang Garam, PT Indocement Tunggal Prakarsa and Bank Negara Indonesia, were ranked fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh respectively.

Mr Bawazier said the top 200 companies contributed 36.7 per cent, or 4.8 trillion rupiah (S$2.88 billion), of total corporate income tax.

He said the top 200 individual list accounted for 2.7 per cent, or 194.89 billion rupiah of total individual tax revenue.

A private affair: Indonesia's 1997 state sell-offs may only benefit the

Australian Financial Review - January 30, 1997

Jay Solomon, Jakarta –-With as many as four state-owned companies priming to hit the Jakarta Stock Exchange in 1997, it looks likely to be a banner year for the Indonesian privatization programme. Market conditions are perfect for floating new shares as the exchange trades at all-time highs. As Singapore-based Jardine Fleming economist Rajeev Malik puts it: "Indonesian privatizations are seen as having the best bang for the buck in the region."

Despite this optimism, financial analysts in Jakarta offer a stern warning. If 1997 follows the script set during Indonesia's two 1996 privatizations-the initial public offering of Bank Negara Indonesia and the second placement of telephone operator Telekomunikasi Indonesia-things could be less-than-rosy for investors. International investment banks were largely frozen out of securing any underwriting fees, both local and foreign brokerages cried foul over an inability to secure shares, and-judging by the 82% jump in BNI's share price since its listing-even the Indonesian treasury seemed to get a raw deal.

But if so many got left out in the cold during last year's government sell-off, just who did benefit? Certainly a few major local underwriters took home good profits from underwriting and placing fees, but some foreign and local investment professionals are convinced large portions of the new shares were hoarded by prominent local businessmen and institutions, many of them apparently linked to Indonesia's first family.

"BNI was placed strictly to make a few chosen businessmen rich," charges the president-director of an Indonesian brokerage house, who insisted on not being named. "It was obscene in that it was just a straight transfer of wealth from the government to private individuals."

The November 25 BNI offering did provide a big boost to the domestic securities industry, though. For the first time, the government placed all 1.1 billion BNI shares domestically, rather than on overseas bourses. It used three Indonesian underwriters-state-owned Danareksa Sekuritas, Bahana Securities, and Makindo.

Priced at just 850 rupiah (36 U.S. cents) per share, the IPO was more than four times oversubscribed. Pent-up demand drove BNI's share price up 47% upon its listing, and it has continued up to 1,550 rupiah on January 21. BNI's IPO was a primary factor in helping drive the Jakarta Stock Exchange index up 29% from lows sustained after the July 27 riots.

But for a number of reasons it was a less-than-ideal privatization. For one, the 82% rise in BNI's share price suggests the government undersold state assets. While that would not cause much fuss if the shares were spread around, the problem was that other than the three big local brokerages, both Indonesian and foreign investors complain that they were cut out of the action.

"All of the subunderwriters during the issue were just scavenging for shares and the truth is that there were none left," says an Indonesian sales executive at a European bank. Numerous other brokers, working both for foreign and local banks, say they received as little as 1% of their requested allocations.

"As much as half of the shares were preplaced through nominees" representing well-connected Indonesians, says the sales executive. "Often this is through a state pension fund or insurance company." Adds another angry member of the Indonesian financial community: "BNI technically wasn't a privatization at all."

Due to less-than-adequate enforcement of disclosure requirements in Indonesia, it is virtually impossible to verify such charges. Despite repeated efforts to contact senior officials at Bapepam, the government's capital-markets regulation agency, the Finance Ministry, and the government's privatization team, no senior official could be found to comment on the issue. Asked if Bapepam was investigating the BNI privatization, one agency official replied that allegations had only been made in the press.

But BNI wasn't the only privatization where fingers pointed towards powerful interests. Representatives of several top international investment banks say they pulled out of the second Telkom placement in December for fear of running afoul of the United States' Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

A top executive at an international investment bank that bid for the deal told the REVIEW how American banks Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and Merrill Lynch-as well as European banks SBC Warburg and Jardine Fleming Securities-all had been called in by Indonesia's government to bid on the underwriting contract. But the executive claims the banks were being asked to allocate as much as half of their shares to an offshore company controlled by a businessman with close links to Indonesia's first family-with attractive financing.

"At this point we all had to pull out," said the banker. "We knew we could be in violation of the FCPA, and it just wasn't worth it. It obviously made me furious as I had spent weeks trying to secure it."

To understand this shift to a more domestic role in Indonesia's privatization programme, analysts assert that one must turn to the 1995 IPO of Telkom, Indonesia's third privatization after tin company Tambang Timah and long-distance telephone company Indosat. At that time, four global underwriters-Merrill Lynch, Goldman Sachs, Lehman Brothers and SBC Warburg-and four locals combined to float 25% of the company (12.5% abroad, 10% domestically, with 2.5% undecided). It was 1995's largest IPO in Asia, but it ran into trouble. A lack of cooperation between the eight underwriters plagued the process, as did a slackening global investment climate. Ultimately, due to lack of demand, the Indonesian government ended up slashing the number of shares being offered, as well as the price, in order to save the deal. The government got less than 60% of the $3 billion it hoped to raise from the offering.

A former Merrill Lynch executive who worked on the deal recalls that "during Telkom's IPO, local brokerage companies argued that foreign companies should not be so involved in the underwriting process and that not such a large portion should be placed overseas. When Telkom went astray they could effectively argue that the locals deserved a break."

Some of Indonesia's business leaders felt the country would be better served staying with international players, and practices, but were shunted aside, according to financial sources. "Before, the target was to get the shares to key foreign investors. Now it is to get them to important local businessmen-cheap," charges the Jakarta-based chief of a European bank.

Toll-road company Jasa Marga, Krakatau Steel, mining company Aneka Tambang, and the massive electricity company Perusahaan Lestrik Negara are the main companies the government is targeting for privatization this year. But with so much derision among foreign investors, one would wonder how many still want a piece of the pie.

The truth is, however, that foreign investment banks and investors aren't going away. According to an attorney whose firm represents one of the banks that withdrew from Telkom: "Everyone would like to say that these investment banks are going to pull out, but they're not. The bottom line is that they are driven by greed, and until their fear of losses exceeds potential gains they will continue to pitch for these projects and keep their mouths shut."

Price increase of unhulled rice is not right

Kompas - 27 January, 1997

Jakarta – Observers and farmers evaluated government's policy to increase the price of fertilizers at the same time with the price increase of unhulled rice (gabah) and rice as something that is not right. The more the price increase of fertilizers with around 20 percent, which causes trouble for the farmer because fertilizers take up to 30 percent of the paddy production cost.

The farmers of a number of rice production center which were approached by Kompas also stated that the announcement of this fertilizers price increase is not at the proper time. Because at this moment the farmers just entered the planting time, so they need fertilizers in big amounts.

They also admitted that the increase of gabah with around 16 percent is still not satisfying yet. With the price increase of gabah with 16 percent only, which is accompanied with a price increase of fertilizers of around 20 percent, they still have to look for additional capital for production costs which are now increased. This pushes the farmers to make debts with banks or money lenders.

While the Minister for Agriculture Sjarifudin Baharsjah brought forward on Saturday (25/1), that the increase of fertilizers, particularly ZA abnd SP-36 was because the price of raw material which has to be imported, also increased.

He did not say why the price of urea which is mostly used, was also increased. Urea was increased with 21.1 percent from Rp 330 to Rp 400/kg, while ZA increased with 26.76 percent from Rp 355 to Rp 450/kg, and SP-36 increased with 14.28 percent from Rp 525 to Rp 600/kg.

Pity for the farmers

The lecturer of the Institute for Agriculture in Bogor (IPB) Prof Dr Bungaran Saragih regretted the fertilizers price increase until 20 percent. The government should actually consider not to increase the price of gabah and rice together with fertilizers. This price increase of fertilizers has this time a big influence on the farmers.

"Have pity for our farmers. They are even not given the chance to get a rice price which will refresh their hearts," said Bungaran Saragih when contacted in Bogor last Saturday (25/1).

While the economic observer from Universitas Hasanuddin, Hamid Awaludin MA LLM who was contacted separately, stated that this increase clearly reflects that the government does not care for the fate of the farmers, particularly the insignificant farmers. The increase should actually be postponed, because the fertilizers are produced at home by state-owned corporations.

Acording to Bungaran, the fertilizers increase of around Rp 70 has of course no meaning for the minister or big entrepreneurs. But for the insignificant farmer, it has a very big value. Because it means a very significant increase of the production price. The more if taking into account that fertilizers take a big segment of the production cost.

"This must be brought forward so that we will not be not sensitive anymore for the problems of the insignificant farmer," said Prof Bungaran in a calm tone.

He said that the increase could make the farmer take extreme actions, namely decrease of fertilizers use and substitute it with manpower. In other words, manpower will more be used to work on the wet rice fields, water for the rice fields, control of weeds etc. Only, with increase of manpower, is not yet known whether the rice production will decrease or not.

Regarding the price increase of rice [purchase by the Logistics Bureau (Bulog) from the Village Unit Cooperatives (KUD) 15.99 percent and Bulog purchases from non-KUD to the amount of 16.16 percent], he said that the increase has not much meaning for the farmers, as it would not certainly increase the rice price which at present is already above the government's standard price.

While the fertilizers price increase is directly felt by the farmers who have to buy it. Hamid Awaludin has the same opinion as Prof Bungaran, stating his concern because the fertilizers increase scattered the expectations of the farmers to get better income.

At a glance the price increase is high indeed, compared with the inflation of 1996 of 6.47 percent. But the fertilizers price increase foiled the wish of the farmers to improve the exchange value.

As an example Hamid mentioned that in the '70's a hand tractor could be obtained for 8 tons of rice. At present a farmer has to change one hand tractor with 23 tons of rice. In the '70's a farmer had to sell 4 kg rice for entering a first class cinema. Now for entering Planet Hollywood he has to sell 13 kg rice.

Hamid who lived for 10 years in Washington said that Indonesia should not feel awkward to subsidize its farmer, the hero of development and self support of rice. Other advanced countries for hundreds of years subsidized their farmers. "America even till this day is subsidizing its farmers, feeling that it is a proper price for the farmers, the heroes of mankind."

Not the proper time

The farmers from Indramayu, Subang and Cirebon evaluated the time of the fertilizers price increase not proper, as it should be done during the harvest, when the farmers do not need fertilizers.

At the moment the planted paddy in West Java is 1-30 days where they need much fertilizers. Fertilizing is done three times with spreading urea, namely two days before planting, and when the paddy is 15 days and 35 days old. While with tablet urea is done once only. Fertilizing of one ha was first Rp 180,000 per season, needs now an increase of Rp 40,000, which is the same as 100 kg gabah according to Tukiman (50), a farmer from Wanakersa village, Pegaden Baru, Subang Regency.

In the Subang regency the price of fertilizers is already higher than the government price. Urea is average around Rp 500/kg (Government Rp 400). A retailer of fertilizers at the District of Pamanukan, Regency Subang, explained that the distributor already sold above the price of Rp 400. While ZA was sold for Rp 550 (Government Rp 450) and SP-36 for Rp 700 (Government Rp 600) per kg.

"Before the price increase fertilizing per ha was more than Rp 100,000. Now it has become Rp 135,000, not yet included cost for the workers," said Waslim, a farmer from Bulakamba to Kompas, Sunday (26/1). This was separately confirmed by Moh Sueb and Sukendi, farmers from Wanasari.

Sukendi said that even before the increase he had a bank debt of Rp 600,000 for production costs at end November 1996. "The middle of this month is actually the due date but I have asked postponement of payment because I have no money," he explained.

Many farmers in the Brebes Regency are forced to stuck in their credit, said the village chief of Pakijangan, Atmo Sidik. This month three farmers average per day came to him for a recommendation letter to extend their stocked credit at the BRI Unit Bulakamba Bank. "While usually the credit is below Rp 1 million with the land of the house (letter D) as collateral," said Atmo.

Barrick stands pat on offer of 10 percent

Kompas Online - 3 February, 1997

Elko – Barrick Gold Corporation, the gold mine company from Canada, affirmed not to change the offer of 10 percent of shares in the Busang gold mine for the Indonesian government, although its competitor, Placer Dome Inc - which associates with entrepreneur Mohamad (Bob) Hasan and plans a merger with Bre-X - offers 40 percent shares for Indonesia.

This largest mining company in the world outside South Africa also said it is optimistic it will prevail in the competition to exploit Busang. The figure of 10 percent is already fixed, and the opportunity (to win Busang) very excellent, as was disclosed by Vincent Borg, Barrick's Vice President Corporate Communications to Indonesian journalists, including Kompas journalist Sri Hartati Samhadi in Elko, Nevada (USA) on Friday (31/1), or Saturday (1/2) West Indonesia time.

But as was the case with Placer Dome which is also from Canada, Barrick rejects the possibility of cooperating with Placer Dome. No way. For a mine that big, a party is needed who is capable of making decisions and who has experience managing mining with lowest risk. And that is Barrick. It is like a house not needing two bosses. If Placer Dome wants to enter, Barrick wants no part in that discussion. If Placer Dome wants to talk facts and figures, come on, he said.

From the aspect of performance, according to him there is a contrast between the two. Last year, for instance, the debt equity ratio of Barrick was 19 percent while that of Placer Dome was 52 percent, annual cash flow of Barrick was 500 million US dollars, that of Placer Dome 139 million US dollars. Barrick's profit was 1.4 billion US dollars, that of Placer Dome 400 million US dollars.

Similarly from the aspect of production capability, Barrick's production is now 3 million ounces (gold), that of Placer Dome 2 million ounces. According to him, currently Barrick is the only world gold mining company capable of developing mines with capacities over 3 million ounces. By comparison, Placer Dome only 800,000 ounces.

According to him, it is not fair to compare Barrick's 10 percent offer with the maximum 40 percent offer from Placer Dome. What is more important is the whole picture. What economic benefit Indonesia derives in the form of royalties, taxes, infrastructure construction and public facilities, he said.

Concerning the possibility that the government might decide that Barrick, Bre-X and Placer Dome must cooperate if no agreement is reached up to the time limit set by the government, he did not want to talk speculation. He did not think the government would do that. They would leave it up to the government if no agreement is reached, he said.

From the aspect of performance, according to Borg, Bob Hasan should derive more profit from cooperation with Barrick compared to Placer Dome, which during the last 10 years, according to him, has recorded a market capitalization gain of not more than 1 percent, namely from 6.7 billion dollars in 1987 becoming 6.8 billion dollars last year, far below Barrick's 10 percent. He thinks that Mr Bob Hasan is not a dumb person. He knows business, he said.

Selling shares

Concerning the figure of up to 40 percent offered by Placer Dome itself, Borg said that that figure is still subject to negotiation. In the sense that up to 40 percent can well be just 10 percent or whatever. According to current rumor, the 40 percent offered for Indonesia also includes 20 percent shares to be issued in the capital market of Indonesia.

Placer Dome itself is suspected not to be capable of furnishing funds amounting to about 1.5 billion US dollars, needed for initial development of Busang, from its own capital. Possibly, the funds will be obtained through borrowing in the money market. On the other hand, for Barrick, according to Borg, there is no problem, because the figure of 1.5 billion dollars is approximately equal to Barrick's annual cash flow.

Up to this moment there is no certainty who will finally exploit Busang. Through the Minister of Mining and Energy, IB Sudjana, on 15 January last the government issued a new decree (following the previous deadline on 4 December last) that Barrick and Bre-X should finalize negotiations latest 17 February, with composition of shares ownership expected to be 67 percent for Barrick and 23 percent for Bre-X. The remainder of 10 percent to be for the government.

But although this kind of directive has been issued, it is difficult to estimate who will finally get Busang, because the government also wants Bre-X and Barrick to be able to finalize negotiations with their local partners, with entrepreneur Mohamad (Bob) Hasan indirectly being designated. It was not clarified what share was expected for the local partner besides the government.

Bob Hasan, through PT Nusamba (Nusa Ampera Bakti, 10 percent of its shares owned by Hasan, 10 percent by Sigit Harjojudanto and the remaining 80 percent by foundations chaired by President Soeharto) in the beginning of this year acquired the shares of PT Askatindo Karya Mineral, a company owned by East Kalimantan entrepreneur H Sjakareni who controls 10 percent of two among the three Busang mines.

Human rights

Hundreds of RI'S women believed to work as prostitutes in Saudi Arabia

Kompas - February 7, 1997

Jakarta – Minister for Women's Affairs Mien Sugandhi will soon leave for Saudi Arabia to probe into an allegation that hundreds of Indonesian women are working as prostitutes in the Middle East country.

"Not only tens of women but hundreds of Indonesian female workers have become prostitutes (in Saudi Arabia)," the minister said after meeting President Soeharto here Thursday.

The female workers came from under-developed villages in the country, she said adding that most of them are under 20 years old.

The "female workers" were assembled in Jakarta before they were sent to Saudi Arabia, she said.

During her planned visit, she will be accompanied by members of the eight commissions at the House of Representatives, which among others in charge of manpower affairs, officials of the foreign ministry and manpower ministry.

She also reported to the head of state about her planned visit to Malaysia to observe directly the condition of the Indonesian female workers.

She said many Indonesian female workers in Malaysia have been facing difficulties as they are not allowed to perform their five-time prayers or they are asked by their employers to serve pork and even do not get their salaries.

"They are not allowed to do anything, causing them to run from their employers," she said, adding there are 185,000 Indonesian women workers in Malaysia.

On the same occasion, President Soeharto also received Chairman of the Indonesian Veteran's Association Achmad Tahir who reported on the association's plan to attend a conference on ASEAN Veteran in Manila on February 17-20.

Police shoot dead seven criminals

The Indonesia Times - January 27, 1997

Jakarta – In three consecutive days, police shot dead seven men in separate places in Jakarta after neglecting order to surrender.

The men were suspected for committing various crimes, police said.

Leonardo Defrede, a student, was shot dead in Pulo Mas, East Jakarta. He was suspected to have brought an ounce of dried marijuana. He was forcibly shot dead after trying to run away and neglect warning shots.

In the Cipto Mangunkusumo hospital, Defredes mother cried loudly and protested the shooting. Why must my son be shot dead whereas hes only my family hope.

Defrede has reportedly not come home several days prior to the incident. The family knew his death after reading news on Friday morning that he was struck by polices bullets a day before.

The second victim was Nimin Kosasih alias Katel. He was struck by a bullet on his head on Friday morning.

The third body lied on the Cipto Mangunkusumo hospitals morgue was Yasan Katiman. He was shot dead in Penjaringan, North Jakarta, by two bullets on his chest on Friday morning.

Katiman, an ex-prisoner, tried to run away after robbing a motorcycle in Teluk Gong. The Penjaringan district policemen chased after him. And only 15 minutes, the police found and shot the guy to death.

Sanim, who lived in Cipete, South Jakarta, was shot dead on his chest for involving in a crime.

The other three suspects killed on Friday were Tarsiwan, Rusli and Kopral.

Tarsiwan and Rusli were residents of the Penjaringan district, North Jakarta, while Kopral lived in the Ciputat district, Tangerang.

[In 1983-4, almost 10,000 "criminals" were shot in Java and Sumatra during a campaign organised by the military and sanctioned by president Suharto which became known as Penembak(an) Misterius or Mesterious Shootings. Similar killings were also doumented in 1994-5 - JB.]

Governor calls on public to join fight against hoodlums

Antara - February 5, 1997

Jakarta – Jakarta Governor Surjadi Soedirja Tuesday called on his citizents to participate more actively in efforts to fight hoodlums arguing that Indonesia's national capital must be cleared of thugs.

"Hoodlums have to be totally eradicated and that is a job for all of us," he said when visiting Jakarta's Tanjung Priok harbor.

He said the city was always flooded by newcomers after the Idul Fitri holiday season. Part of them often ended up making a living as roadside vendors but another part frequently became hoodlums.

"But Jakarta must be purged of hoodlums," he said adding the professionalism of city administration agencies in dealing with the matter still needed improvement.

On the occasion, the chief of staff of the Jakarta military command, Brigadier General Syafrie, said security of Jakarta and its sattelite cities of Bogor, Bekasi and Tangerang ahead of the Idul Fitri holiday on February 9 and 10 was solid.

He said the armed forces would increase control in several places which were prone to security disturbances such as terminals and recreation centers.

Regarding security around houses of worship, Syafie said the armed forces and the people had to work together in maintaining security there.

PBHI'S evaluation of human rights in 1996

PBHI - 27 December, 1997

The position and role of the state is the point of departure for any evaluation of human rights violations in Indonesia. Apart from elections held once every five years which give the false impression of a freedom of choice, the New Order state has no need for legitimisation, nor is it accountable to the people. In addition, elections of village chiefs are frequently fraught with conflict. As has been shown by the findings of the National Human Rights Commission in a number of cases, the state apparatus has repeatedly perpetrated violations with impunity.

Violation of civil and political rights

These were the worse violations of all during 1996. The number increased from 164 cases in 1995 to 225 in the eleven months to November in 1996. The freedoms most seriously abused were freedom of thought or religious beliefs, freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association. There were four particularly serious incidents: the students demonstration in Ujungpandang in April resulting in three deaths and more than a hundred injured, the ousting of Megawati Sukarnoputri as leader of the PDI which reached a climax with the attack on her office on 27 July when, according to the National Commission, five people died, 149 were wounded, and 23 people disappeared, with 136 people being arrested; the riots in Situbondo in October, following which one of those arrested died in police custody; and more recently, the torture of three religious teachers in Tasikmalaya leading to riots which caused widespread damage to property.

All these incidents are inextricably linked to the use of violence on the part of the state apparatus, both in its handling of demonstrations and its intervention in internal party affairs.

Another serious violation of people's rights came with the government's attack on so-called 'problem NGOs'. Many NGOs are having to struggle hard to defend their own right of association, to keep their organisations going. Other serious abuses are the trials of members of the PRD, Muchtar Pakpahan, the MP Aberson Marle Sihalalo and the death of the Bernas journalist, Fuad M. Syafruddin, the torture to death of Tjetje Tadjudin and moves to prevent certain people from speaking at seminars. There have also been moves against people who have held meetings without obtaining official permission and moves to prevent people from travelling overseas.

The following is a breakdown of the number of violations of civil and political rights in the eleven months to November 1996:

Cases involving freedom of thought and belief: 34
Cases involving freedom of expression: 97
Cases involving freedom of association and assembly: 94

Total: 225

Top among the victims of these violations were political activists (48), followed closely by NGOs (42), then students (38 cases). Nor far behind were parties and social organisations (21) and the press (20).

As for those responsible for these violations, the police took the lead, being responsible for 50 abuses, followed closely by regional and local military commands at 43. Next were university rectors and school heads who were responsible for 21 violations.

This information has been collated from newspapers and journals.

Violation of workers rights

In quantitative terms, these far exceed other abuses. The number of disputes which culminated in strikes or demonstrations was 1,132 in 1994. The figure fell slightly to 990 in 1995, but in the eleven months to November 1996, the number of cases rose to 1,152. More than half, 666, were related to wages and allowances, with dismissals accounting for 242 disputes.

To this should be added other violations on a smaller scale, bring the overall total to 1,188.

Land disputes

Many land disputes have arisen because development projects and the interests of capital and government take precedence over everything else. A total of 334 were reported in the press. However, this report is limited to a breakdown of 219 disputes up to November 1996, that can be classified under several major headings. In the lead were disputes over the appropriation of land without compensation (64 cases), land seizures and destruction of buildings (62 cases), followed by land appropriation with inadequate compensation (55 cases).

Total number of recorded violations

According to the monitoring undertaken by the PBHI, the total nuber of recorded violations in the first eleven months of 1996 were:

Workers rights: 1,188
Land disputes: 334
Civil and political rights: 225

Total: 1,747

Function of law and the Judiciary

There is growing concern that the law and the Judiciary are merely being used to legitimise arbitrary actions undertaken by state authorities. This is evident from a number of political trials. After more five years of refraining from using the Anti-Subversion Law, this law has once again come into use. By using this law, the basic rights guaranteed in the procedural code have been sidestepped.

As for the Supreme Court, far from being the bulwark for upholding the independence of the Judiciary, it has become the last bastion for the state to score victory against members of civil society. This has happened in a number of cases - Kedung Ombo case, the Irian Jaya tribal leader Hanock Hebe Ohee's case, Tempo magazine and last but not least, the case of Muchtar Pakpahan.

Moves to ratify a number of international human rights treaties, such as the Convention on Torture, have been put on hold. All these developments have discredited the legal system and the judiciary in the eyes of society, forcing people to turn to other ways to resolve their problems, which could result in them taking the law into their own hands.

Projection for 1997

There has been a heightened awareness in society of the need for the democratisation of the political party system. Within the establishment, only the PDI has shown signs of given the space for mass protest and free expression.

Several independent parties have been set up, one by Sri-Bintang Pamungkas called PUDI, and one by young activists called PRD with its associated organisations for students, workers, peasants and cultural workers.

Although it is widely understood that establishment parties are not able to function independently, moves have been set in place to ensure that the existing parties are able to participate effectively in the forthcoming general elections, resulting in the creation of the election monitoring body, KIPP. This monitoring will be an important activity during 1997.

A number of NGOs have confronted difficulties in continuing with their activities because of their legal status as 'foundations'. Those that have taken the form of social organisations (ormas) do not confront this problem which is why the PBHI has constituted itself as an ormas, after holding a congress and democratically electing its chairperson.

The growing awareness of civil and political rights has meant that the regime is proving increasingly incapable of controlling the situation, causing a number of conflicts within its own ranks over such issues as the presidential succession, interference in the PDI, the conduct of the forthcoming elections and the way to handle the NGOs and student unrest.

At the same time certain economic strains on the regime have begun to emerge in the face of growing international competition. This could result in yet more splits, giving greater space for political reform.

A number of organisations in different sectors, working together, can become a major force for democratisation.

Megawati Sukarnoputri has clearly emerged as the rallying figure to give this movement a wider appeal in helping create a new political consciousness.

Under growing economic pressures, the regime is showing signs of falling apart. Not everyone in the armed forces, for instance, is hostile to workers actions although it has to be said that the armed forces are a crucial factor in holding the regime together.

As we face the challenges of 1997, there is no need to be down-hearted. We face major tasks, in particular to prevent further human rights violations while helping the democratic forces to press ahead. But there is also need for caution: religious and ethnic conflicts can easily result in actions in favour of human rights and democracy degenerating into riots. And we need to remember at all times that moves to uphold human rights will never come from those who are adamantly opposed to political reform.

27 December 1997 - Hendardi, Executive Director

[PBHI, Perhimpunan Bantuan Hukum (dan Hak Asasi Manusia) Indonesia or the Indonesian Legal Aid (and Human Rights) Association was formed in November 1996 after most of the operational division of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (LBH). Internal disputes over funding, program and democracy had been plague LBH for a number of years - JB.]

US govt's Indonesia report on human rights (EXTRACTS)

Tapol - January 30, 1997

This report is sent from the Human Rights Watch/Asia, which is released by U.S. Department of State, the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, January 30, 1997

[NB: The full text of this report was sent to branches on Monday, February 3, and can also be accessed from ASIET's WWW home page under the section "Reports and Data". Please note that these extracts were compiled by Tapol, not ASIET - JB]

Despite a surface adherence to democratic forms, the Indonesian political system remains strongly authoritarian. The Government is dominated by an elite comprising President Soeharto (now in his sixth 5- year term), his close associates, and the military. The Government requires allegiance to a state ideology known as "Pancasila," which stresses consultation and consensus, but is also used to limit dissent, to enforce social and political cohesion, and to restrict the development of opposition elements. The judiciary is subordinated to the executive and the military.

The primary mission of the 450,000-member armed forces, which includes 175,000 police, is maintenance of internal unity and stability. Military spending is approximately 1.4 percent of the gross national product. Despite a decrease in the number of active or retired military officers in key government positions, the military retained substantial nonmilitary powers under a "dual function" concept that accords it a political and social role in "developing the nation."There continued to be numerous, credible reports of human rights abuses by the military and the police.

Indonesia has a vigorous and rapidly growing economy. The benefits of economic development are widely dispersed, but pervasive corruption remains a problem. Pressures for change and sporadic unrest led to stronger demands that the Government act more effectively to address social and economic inequities. In rural areas, discontent often focused on the grievances of small land owners–especially those forced off their land by powerful economic and military interests. In some regions, exploitation of natural resources has entailed environmental degradation with adverse social consequences.

The Government continued to commit serious human rights abuses. Rising pressures for change, including those by political activists and opponents, triggered tough government actions that further infringed on fundamental rights. The authorities maintained their tight grip on the political process, which denies citizens the ability to change their government democratically. In other areas, such as increased police and army accountability for abuses, the decline in extralegal executions, access to prisoners, the variety of information sources, and tolerance of public criticism, there were encouraging signs along with substantial grounds for continuing concern. Reports of extrajudicial killings– including killings of unarmed civilians, disappearances, and torture and mistreatment of detainees by security forces continued. In practice, legal protections against torture are inadequate, and security forces continued to torture and mistreat detainees, particularly in regions such as Irian Jaya and East Timor.There were persistent reports that some of the detainees seized by the Government during unrest in Jakarta sparked by the government-backed seizure of an opposition party headquarters on July 27 and during the subsequent crackdown on political opponents were subjected to mistreatment. Reports of arbitrary arrests and detentions and the use of excessive violence (including deadly force) continued. Prison conditions remained harsh, and security forces regularly violated citizens' right to privacy.

The Government continued to impose severe limitations on freedom of assembly and association. In anticipation of the 1997 parliamentary elections, the Government took a number of actions to intimidate political opponents. Notably, the Government crudely engineered the removal of a popular opposition party leader and the forcible takeover of the party headquarters. The headquarters-takeover and the subsequent rioting in Jakarta, the worst in decades, resulted in at least 5 dead, over 20 missing, scores of injuries, and over 200 arrests. Some witnesses testified in court that one person was killed during the takeover of the party headquarters. The Government, invoking limited use of the controversial Antisubversion Law, responded with a wave of arrests, interrogations, and expanded surveillance aimed at reining in nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) and political activists. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the National Human Rights Commission were able to visit many of those detained or hospitalized after the takeover and riot, although access has been sporadic.

An independent election monitoring committee, formed by private organizations, prompted a mixed government response. Its head was called in for questioning during the Government's crackdown on political opponents and NGO's after the July 27 incident. On the other hand, the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission, despite limited resources, and occasional government pressure and intimidation, vigorously undertook investigations and publicized its independent findings and recommendations. In some but not all cases, the Government acted on these findings.

The judiciary is still subservient to the executive branch and subject to widespread corruption. A justice's criticism of judicial corruption focused increased attention on the need to reform the judicial system.

In a controversial and much criticized action, the Supreme Court reimposed a prison sentence on Indonesia's most prominent independent labor leader, Muchtar Pakpahan, reversing its own 1995 decision to overturn the conviction. Reversing lower court decisions, the Supreme Court also upheld the legality of the Government's closure of three magazines in 1994.

The Government continued to exercise indirect control over and intimidation of the press. Criticism of the Government was tolerated, but critics of the President, senior officials, or powerful local interests risked harassment, arrest, or intimidation. Despite these problems and government pressure on the media in the wake of the July 27 events, observers considered the print media more open and outspoken than in recent years. The Government continued to impose some restrictions on freedom of religion and movement. Discrimination against women and the disabled and violence against women are endemic problems.

Security forces displayed improved discipline in responding to several incidents of unrest in Irian Jaya, where newly issued human rights guidelines were in effect, but brutality in handling unruly demonstrations in Pontianak and Ujung Pandang resulted in civilian deaths. In the July rioting in Jakarta, the police beat demonstrators and onlookers. Higher authorities punished increased numbers of police and military personnel, including officers, for infractions of the law or indiscipline. Punishment, however, usually failed to match the severity of the abuse.

The Government maintained its opposition to alternatives to the government-sponsored labor movement and to the development of a free trade union movement. Members of the principal unauthorized labor organization cited continued instances of harassment. Government pressure on this organization–widely viewed as an attempt to discredit or destroy it–has increased since the July 27 violence in Jakarta.

In a move that has elicited considerable domestic and foreign criticism, the Government detained and brought subversion charges against the leader of this organization (the same man against whom the Supreme Court had reinstated a conviction it had earlier overturned) for alleged political activities. Abuses, including the use of child labor, mistreatment of labor, and inadequate remuneration continued. On the positive side, the Government raised the minimum wage again and, for the first time, allowed unions to collect and distribute their own dues.

Indonesia said guilty of serious abuses

Reuters – January 30, 1997

Washington – Indonesia continued to commit serious human rights abuses in 1996, including in East Timor, the United States said on Thursday.

Authorities maintained a tight grip on the political process, legal protections against torture were inadequate and security forces continued to torture and mistreat detainees in region such as Irian Jaya and East Timor, the State Department said in its annual human rights report.

"The (Indonesian) government continued to commit serious human rights abuses," the report said.

In East Timor, "there were further instances of killings, disappearances, torture and excessive use of force by the military and insurgents," it said.

"Respected observers noted a decrease in serious incidents but 1996 Nobel Peace Prize co-laureate Bishop Belo said that it would be a mistake to conclude that the human rights environment in East Timor was improving," the report said.

The report also faulted the government for continuing "to impose severe limitations on freedom of assembly and association" and said that "in anticipation of the 1997 parliamentary elections, the government took a number of actions to intimidate political opponents."

We do not need to be affected

The Indonesia Times - February 3, 1997

Jakarta – A report published by the U.S. State Department has got strong reactions here.

Political scientist Amien Rais said, "As a sovereign country Indonesia should have self confidence about what we are convinced of and we do not need to be affected by other people's comments."

Aisyah Amini, the chairperson of DPR's Commission I from PPP said yesterday that the United States "is just showing off being a superpower. It tells that any other country other than the U.S. is bad; this shows an arrogance."

Abu Hasan Syazili from Golkar's FKP said that "it is normal. The problem is, the implementation of human rights must conform with the local culture."

The report said that Indonesia is rife with corruption, commits serious human rights abuses and uses excessive force in its crackdown on insurgents.

But the annual human rights survey on 194 countries and territories published on Thurday, according to AFP saw "encouraging signs along with substantial grounds for continuing concerns" in Indonesia.

The report said that fruits of Indonesia's booming economy are widely dispersed but that "pervasive corruption remains a problem."

Rais said that what the US said is not new. Since the era of Jimmy Carter the US had used human rights as yardsticks to judge other countries.

Amini said that indeed there are human rights violation in Indonesia. "But does it mean that there is no human rights infraction in the USA?"

"Take a look at racial discrimination, as in Los Angeles. Let America tell anything, but we have differences in what are classified as human rights. Unlike those in the US, homosexuality and free sex in Indonesia are not classified as human rights."

Syazili, on the other hand, said that the U.S. criticized human rights violation in all countries annually. "There is nothing to be worried for they throw criticisms from their own side."

Labour

Minimum wage rise fails to impress most workers

Jakarta Post - 27 January, 1997

Jakarta – Most workers have shown no enthusiasm over the government's recent announcement of wage increases, saying the increase would not really help them met their daily needs.

Ani, 21, and Wawan, 25, two workers of a bra manufacturer Kemandoran, West Jakarta, said the wage increase was insignificant. Ani and Wawan, who are paid Rp 4,700 (US$1.90) daily, said the amount was too low as the previous regional daily minimum wage was Rp 5,200 ($2.10).

The governent announced Wednesday that all regional minimum wages were to be raised by 10 percent. The minimum monthly wage in Greater Jakarta (including Bogor, Tangerang and Bekasi) would increase from Rp 156 000 (US$68) to Rp 172,500 ($755.

"That's why we are not overly delighted. Moreover, it is as yet only an announcement. We have not received the increase.

"We are always trying to find ways to make our tiny income support us. It is very hard, " said Ani, who graduated from an economic high school at Magetan, East Java, in 1994.

Wawan, a native Jakartan, said what he needed now was "not to be jobless". He said he was grateful to be working although his income did not meet his basic needs.

Another worker, Hartati, 20, of a garment factory in Nusantara Bonded Zone in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta said the increase would not change their lives. The elementary school graduate said the factory paid a daily wage of Rp 5,300, which was more than the old regional minimum wage.

She said the slight increase would not change anything. "It's nothing special. But if on the promised day, April 1, the management does not give the increase, we certainly will go on strike," said Hartati. Her friend Yuni, 17, said the increased cost of daily needs made the hike in the minimum wage meaningless. "We remain in the same condition. Nothing will change." Yuni, who plans to go to senior high school this year, said she would definitely seek a better job after her graduation.

Observers Observers voiced understanding Saturday of the workers' cool reactions, saying the new wage would not cover the prices of goods and foodstuff in the coming months.

Faisal Basri, the head of the department of Development Economic Studies at the University of Indonesia, said the increase would "mean nothing" to the workers.

The head of the labor division of the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute, Teten Masduki, shared the opinion, saying the increase would not help the workers cope economically.

Quoting recent research conducted by various non-governmental organizations, a bachelor worker spends an average of Rp 251,000 ($107.20) a month, Teten said. The research also indicated that workers spend more than 60 percent of their income on food he said, while inflation in food prices exceeded 15 percent.

"After the increase in April this year, the workers will still have to find an extra Rp 79,000 ($33.30) to meet their monthly needs," Teten said. He said the decision to increase wages by 10.7 percent was only based on the average annual inflation of 6.4 percent. While increases in food prices and other basic needs were not taken into account, he said. Both Faisal and Teten said the wage hike was more a political than economical move.

They said the general election, scheduled for May 29, might be behind the decision to increase wages.

Australia-Indonesia

New Aust ambassador arrives in Jakarta

Australian Associated Press – February 3, 1997

Gordon Feeney, Jakarta – Australia's ambassador-designate to Indonesia, John McCarthy, has arrived in Jakarta, bringing to a close 18 months of diplomatic tiffs between the two countries.

Mr McCarthy, 54, former envoy to the United States, arrived at the weekend and was due to present his credentials to President Suharto in the near future, an embassy spokesman said.

The Charge d'Affaires, Murray Cobban, would continue to head the embassy until Mr McCarthy presented his credentials to formally become ambassador, the spokesman said.

Mr Cobban took over when former ambassador Allan Taylor ended his four year term last December.

Mr McCarthy's appointment followed diplomatic tension last year when Canberra first nominated career diplomat Miles Kupa - author of a confidential report highly critical of Suharto family business interests.

The report was leaked to the media.

Australia withdrew Mr Kupa's name after Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas indicated he would not be suitable.

The Kupa affair followed a similar incident in 1995 when Indonesia was forced to withdraw its nominee to be ambassador to Canberra, Lieutenant General Herman Mantiri.

The planned appointment caused a storm of protest in Australia over comments General Mantiri reportedly made that military actions in the 1991 Dili massacre in East Timor were "quite proper".

Some eight months later, Indonesia posted highly regarded career diplomat Wiryono Sastrohandoyo as ambassador.

Mr McCarthy has held a range of diplomatic posts, including ambassador to Thailand and Vietnam.

Land disputes

Villagers from Kalimantan approach rights body over mining problems

Antara - January 29, 1997

Jakarta – A number of villagers from East, Central and South Kalimantan came to the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) Tuesday to protest violations of human rights by four coal and gold mining companies in the three provinces.

They met with Komnas HAM members, Koesparmono Irsan and M Salim.

H Amsyah, representing residents of Sangatta village in East Kalimantan, recounted how the coal mining company, PT Kaltim Prima Coal, which has a 790,000-hectare mining concession, has taken over land from the local people.

He said the company in 1989 took away land to construct a housing complex for its employees without paying compensation to the locals.

In 1990, it took over a 32.35-hectare smallholders' fish pond without compensating their owners and in December 1993, the company again took away 247 hectares of land owned by smallholder farmers, he said.

Pius Nyompe, who lives in a village along Kelian River in East Kalimantan, related how the gold mining company, PT Kelian Equatorial Mining, has taken away the local people's right to mine gold along the river.

He claimed the company's gold mining concession belongs to the local people who found it in 1949. The company took over the gold mining area in 1990 without paying compensation to the locals, he said. He regretted the local authorities' stance which is to keep silent over the issue.

Meanwhile, Syamsuri of Murung Ilung village in South Kalimantan protested the way the coal mining company, PT Adaro Indonesia, has taken over plantations belonging to the people.

He said the company has bought plantations from locals at a low price. "The company however continues to take over the plantations despite the low compensation," he said. He said the company is also polluting a number of rivers which serve as a source of clean water.


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