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Aquino amnesty raises military risks
Asia Times - December 21, 2010
Fabio Scarpello – Philippine President Benigno Aquino may have scored political points among his supporters by granting amnesty to some 400 rebel soldiers, but his controversial decision fails to strengthen democratic oversight of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and could backfire on him in the years ahead.
Aquino's Proclamation No 75 granted amnesty to military officers, soldiers and civilians who participated in the July 2003 Oakwood Mutiny, February 2006 Marine standoff and November 2007 Manila Peninsula takeover. All three episodes of military insubordination were staged against former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, whose nine-year tenure ended earlier this year.
The Oakwood Mutiny saw some 321 rebels seize part of Manila's financial district in protest against alleged corruption by Arroyo and her inner circle. The 2006 standoff inside a Manila military camp and the 2007 seizure of a Manila five-star hotel were soldier-led protests against Arroyo's alleged rigging of the 2004 election in her favor with the help of the military.
The unconditional amnesty, which does not require mutineers to show remorse for their actions, was approved by the Senate on December 8 and the House of Representatives on December 13. Soldiers, with ranks up to technical sergeant for the military and senior police officer grade 3 for the police, will also be eligible for reinstatement.
Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin told the local media that there were "mixed feelings" about the reinstatement of mutinous military peers to their old ranks. A senior member of the AFP's intelligence service, who spoke to Asia Times Online on the condition of anonymity, said that there was some support among mid-ranking officers regarding the mutineers' grievances but that "does not mean that there is support for the actions". He added that "throughout the ranks, amnesties are seen as part of a vicious cycle of political patronage".
Cycles of forgiveness
Amnesties for security forces are nothing new in the Philippines. Aquino said that he wished granting freedom to the detained rebel soldiers would normalize the political situation and allow his administration to function smoothly. Some security analysts believe he is likely looking towards former president Fidel Ramos for inspiration.
With the exception of Joseph Estrada, every Philippine president since the 1986 overthrow of dictator Ferdinand Marcos has granted some kind of amnesty to rebel soldiers. While Corazon Aquino and Arroyo offered amnesties with certain conditions attached, Ramos adopted a policy of unconditional amnesty and reinstatement.
Ramos, a former soldier, was notably the only president in the post-Marcos era not to suffer any coup attempts. His cabinet was largely accommodating of military requests and included a large number of former officers. His unconditional amnesties were aimed at rebel soldiers who attempted to unseat Corazon Aquino during the late 1980s.
Ramos served in Corazon's cabinet, first as the AFP's chief-of-staff, and later as secretary of national defense from 1986 to 1991. There was no political rivalry between the two at the time and Corazon supported Ramos' candidacy for president once her term expired. Ramos's amnesty was thus a clear attempt at national reconciliation.
Benigno Aquino's amnesty, on the other hand, has stronger political overtones. Aquino has pardoned military rebels that targeted his predecessor, who is also his biggest political rival and still active in parliament.
Ex-navy lieutenant and now detained senator Antonio Trillanes IV is a case in point. He was involved in all three of the instances of military insubordination covered by the amnesty, and strongly campaigned in favor of Aquino during the last presidential election campaign.
He is not known to be affiliated with any political party, but in the 2007 senatorial race he ran under the "United Opposition", a political vehicle created by Makati City Mayor Jejomar Binay in 2005. Candidates under the banner united on a common platform of impeaching Arroyo.
Politicized brass
Aquino's amnesty could thus be seen as perpetuating the politicization of the military, a key hurdle on the AFP's reform path towards professionalization. In the short term, Aquino may enjoy wider support within the military. But as he is unlikely to please every segment of the famously factionalized AFP, his decision will do little to deter disgruntled soldiers from breaking the chain of command over the medium or long term.
The amnesty also will arguably work at odds with promoting greater democratic oversight over the military, whereby state bodies, including the president, congress and Ministry of Defense, should in theory jointly authorize the size, structure, function and use of the armed forces. Aquino's amnesty proclamation required the endorsement of congress, but at its core remains a presidential prerogative.
Some analysts believe it may lead segments of the AFP to feel directly bound to the president rather than the wider national institution. The political process that surrounds the amnesty is similar to the current military promotion system, which has perpetuated the politicization and personalized control of the military.
The system has long been skewed to favor those with top political connections rather than reward merit. Every officer with a rank of colonel or above is appointed by the president and confirmed by the commission on appointments. This means that officers cultivate connections with politicians in order to secure promotions – an approach that fuels officers' loyalty to individual politicians rather than to the country's broad institutions.
With politicians keen to promote specific class-years of the military academy, the association starts early and continues throughout politicians' and soldiers' careers. Arroyo, a known patron of the military academy's graduating class of 1978, promoted members of this cadet year to key positions in the military and police throughout her tenure. In her last military reshuffle, she promoted class 1978 member General Delfin Bangit as the AFP's chief and his classmate Lieutenant General Reynaldo Mapagu to army commander. Reform risks
Both have since been sidelined by Aquino. The former chief of the AFP's national capital region command, Rear Admiral Feliciano Angue, another Class 1978 graduate promoted by Arroyo and sidelined by Aquino, publicly referred to the promotion system as "prostituted" and warned that it could lead to a coup. His comment was no doubt sour grapes, but his words spoke volumes of the risks ahead.
Aquino's amnesty gamble also runs against one of his key election promises, namely that of pushing for security sector reform. A 2005-2007 study conducted by the Philippines' Institute for Strategic and Development Studies (ISDS) to develop a so-called Security Sector Reform Index, estimated that the Philippines has sufficient democratic principles of governance over various security agencies enshrined in its constitution and laws.
However, the ISDS study underlined the manner and ability in which state institutions exercise these duties and responsibilities as among its main weaknesses. A politicized military – and one where segments are aligned with individual office-holders rather than broad institutions – will obviously work at odds with achieving genuine and badly needed security sector reform. And Aquino has though his amnesty perpetuated the politicization.
[Fabio Scarpello is a journalist, analyst and consultant covering Southeast Asia based in Indonesia. He has a Masters in Globalization and Governance and will pursue under scholarship a PhD at Murdoch University in Australia on Security Sector Reform and Conflict Management. He may be contacted via www.fabioscarpello.com.]
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