Dan De Luce – There's a major Asian power that refuses to compromise in its far-reaching territorial claims in oil-rich waters, despite appeals from its smaller neighbor to resolve the dispute in an international court.

But it's not China throwing its weight around in this case. According to the tiny nation of Timor-Leste, Australia has steadfastly rejected attempts to negotiate a permanent maritime boundary in the Timor Sea, home to plentiful oil and gas fields.

The Southeast Asian country's prime minister, Rui Maria de Araujo, flew to Washington last week to make his case to Congress and the State Department, asking U.S. officials to use their influence with their allies in Australia.

It's not easy to get American lawmakers and diplomats to pay attention to Timor-Leste's maritime claims. But the prime minister argues the long-running disagreement with Australia carries relevance for increasingly tense disputes in the South China Sea to the north, where Washington has repeatedly accused Beijing of coercive tactics against its neighbors.

"If we could not resolve these issues following the principles of international law, how can you expect one of your big allies to stand up to China and tell them to follow international law?" he told Foreign Policy in an interview.

Australia, like China, has said it refuses to recognize the jurisdiction of an international court in The Hague that is supposed to resolve disputes under the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea.

What's at stake is not just sovereignty or fishing rights in the Timor Sea, but billions of dollars in oil and gas. After East Timor gained independence in 2002, the two countries negotiated deals on sharing oil and gas revenues in three treaties. Those agreements split evenly revenues from the lucrative Greater Sunrise gas field, while granting Timor-Leste 90 percent of the revenues from another field.

One of the treaties includes a clause that calls for a 50-year freeze on negotiating any permanent maritime boundary between the two countries.

As a result, Australia has maintained that the current arrangements have benefited both sides and that the two governments have agreed not to revisit the sea border anytime soon.

Fed up with what it considers Australia's intransigence, Timor-Leste last month turned to the United Nations to conduct a non-binding "conciliation process" with independent experts weighing in on the disagreement. The two countries are then supposed to hold negotiations based on the recommendations of the experts. Timor-Leste made the move, Araujo said, because "we are left without any choice."

Oil and gas revenues account for more than 95 percent of the tiny country's income, and it needs to clarify the legal status of the deposits in the Timor Sea to jumpstart production.

But Australia's view is that the resources in the area are being divvied up in an equitable way, and that the two sides had agreed not to delve into the maritime boundary.

"We stand by the existing treaties, which are fair and consistent with international law," Australia's foreign ministry said in April after Timor-Leste announced plans to take the case to the United Nations.

But Timor-Leste maintains that it always wanted to work out a permanent solution to the maritime boundary, and that it is missing out on revenue. Its leaders say the law of the sea favors the idea of equidistance, and that would mean drawing the line halfway between the two countries.

"If we use the principle of equidistance, we think that all these resources would belong to us," Araujo said. The fields are less than 100 miles from Timor-Leste and almost 300 miles from Australia.

The Timorese have come to distrust the Australians over the issue, especially after the Canberra government was accused of eavesdropping on cabinet officials in Dili during treaty talks in 2004 on sharing gas revenues.

The Timorese prime minister met with several U.S. lawmakers on Thursday and held talks on Friday with Daniel Kritenbrink, the National Security Council's Asia director, and with senior State Department officials, including Thomas Shannon, undersecretary of state for political affairs, and Daniel Russel, assistant secretary in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. He said he was optimistic his message was well-received.

By resolving the maritime argument between Australia and Timor-Leste based on international law and good-faith negotiations, the prime minister suggested it would strengthen the credibility of the United States and its Asian allies as they seek to counter Beijing's tough tactics in the South China Sea.

"If we could solve this problem, which is not too complicated, we will have much more moral authority" to address the South China Sea dispute, he said.

Source: https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/06/28/timor-leste-australia-is-behaving-like-china-in-disputed-waters/

Former Timor Leste leader Gusmao's last big battle

Jakarta Post - June 29, 2016

M. Veera Pandiyan (The Star/ANN) – He may be facing the biggest fight of his life but the charismatic leader of the world's youngest democracy certainly didn't show it.

Jose Alexandre "Xanana" Gusmao dispensed with protocol and reached out to total strangers as he went on spontaneous walkabouts after arriving in Malacca for a conference, three days earlier.

While eating at stalls at the Portuguese Settlement, he hugged those who came up to see him and pose for photos, patted their backs and even helped to clear the dishes of fellow diners at his table.

The 67-year-old former president and prime minister of Timor Leste was clearly on a charm offensive, something which he does wherever he goes.

But it is no secret that the hero of the fledgling nation, whose two nicknames are Maun Boot (Big Brother) and Katuas (Old Man), is in the midst of a David-and-Goliath fight against a powerful neighbor – Australia.

After voluntarily stepping down as prime minister on Feb 6 last year, two years before his term was due to expire, the former rebel has remained as Minister for Planning and Strategic Investment.

And since then he has been focusing on negotiating a maritime boundary with Australia in the Timor Sea and along with it, the rights to the oil in its seabed.

Timor Leste signed the Treaty on Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea with Australia 10 years ago.

Under the deal, Timor Leste gets 90 percent of the output of a Joint Petroleum Development Area with a proposed 50-50 split of Australian oil giant Woodside Petroleum Limited's Greater Sunrise gas field.

The Greater Sunrise field, located about 100km from Timor Leste's coastline, is expected to generate about US$40 billion in revenues.

If the line is established in accordance with international law, it would entirely be within Timor Leste's Exclusive Economic Zone. Australia's boundary with the tiny nation, though, remains undefined.

Last month, Gusmao told a gathering in Sydney that while Australia had settled its maritime boundaries with its other five maritime neighbors bilaterally, it has refused to talk to Timor Leste about the remaining 1.8 percent of its boundary in the Timor Sea.

Highlighting that Timor Leste was clearly taken advantage of when it was at its weakest, he said: "We were a young nation and a people with little or no experience in governance. We were activists, freedom fighters and guerrillas. We were 'babes in the woods' when it came to negotiations and the world of petroleum resources".

"We lacked knowledge in complex issues and experience in critical areas of state building. We knew nothing about that. That is why we accepted to transition for two years," he said.

Although Timor Leste's vulnerability was taken advantage of when the deals on how to divide resources in the Timor Sea were signed, he said they were not agreements marking maritime boundaries, stressing that there must be certainty on where the country's sovereign rights began and ended.

"In an affront to our dignity, Australia continues to maintain that it is generous in providing us with 90 percent of the revenue that has flowed from petroleum fields, which under international law, belong to us. So generous, so generous!" he added.

The issue was first raised when Julia Gillard was prime minister of Australia but she insisted that no wrong had been done.

In 2013, Timor Leste filed secret proceedings in the Permanent Court of Arbitration, claiming that the treaties dividing petroleum revenue were null and void because Australia had bugged government offices in Timor Leste in 2004 when it undertook renovation works as part of an aid program.

The Australian government's response to the revelations was to send intelligence agency officers to raid the office of a Canberra lawyer who had been acting for Timor Leste and the home of a former spy, identified only as "Witness K", and slap them with criminal charges.

Timor Leste, however, agreed to Australia's request to put the case on hold in 2014, believing that it would lead to negotiations on the maritime border. Australia did not admit to any violation of Timor Leste's sovereignty but returned the seized information last year.

Timor Leste is in a quandary as it cannot file a case against Australia in the International Court of Justice under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea because Australia is not a party to a clause allowing compulsory dispute resolution since 2002.

In March 10,000 people protested against the unfair maritime boundary, outside the Australian Embassy in Dili.

In April, the Australian Labour Party's shadow cabinet minister Tanya Plibersek addressed the glaring hypocrisy.

Among other things she said: "Australia's unwillingness to commit to maritime border negotiations with Timor Leste has raised valid questions about our commitment to a rules-based international system and to being a good global citizen.

This must change. We are seeking to end more than 40 years of uncertainty over a maritime border, and committing to international norms that we expect others to follow.

"At the same time as we're saying that China and other nations that have claims in the South China Sea should submit themselves to arbitration and should abide by the outcome of that arbitration, particularly under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, it's a bit rich if we're not prepared to do it ourselves."

During dinner on Monday, I asked Gusmao about the latest developments on the boundary issue which his colleagues have described as his "last big battle".

"You can write about it later, after what is being said here. Write about the good things going on. You know, I am the ambassador of Malacca," he said, in relation to the 1st Asian Portuguese Community Conference aimed at re-establishing the language and cultural links among former Portuguese colonies and territories in Asia, which concluded this week.

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/seasia/2016/06/29/former-timor-leste-leader-gusmaos-last-big-battle.html

East Timor-Australia maritime border major issue for several Brisbane parishes

Catholic Leader - June 25, 2016

Mark Bowling – Brisbane parishes are using the election campaign to press Federal politicians on one of the most divisive international issues on Australia's doorstep – drawing a fair maritime boundary between Timor-Leste and Australia.

The seabed boundary between the two neighbours represents only 1.8 per cent of Australia's entire seabed border, but takes in the Greater Sunrise gas field worth an estimated $40 billion in government revenues. Experts agree that if international law were applied the rich deposits would most likely fall within Timor-Leste territory.

The Timor-Leste Companions of the Catholic Communities of Grovely, Samford and Mitchelton are a parish group focused on building friendship and solidarity, and recognising the issues of concern to the Timorese community, including a resolution of the sea boundary dispute.

The group has a faith partnership with a sister parish St John de Brito in the Timorese town of Liquica.

"Our main idea is to pin down our politicians on the maritime border issue," group member Martin Powell said. "We want a fair outcome, and frankly it's time to draw the line."

The Timor-Leste Companions recently asked local Federal Member for Dickson, Immigration Minister Peter Dutton, whether he was prepared to advocate within his party for a fair resolution within the next three years.

"In previous negotiations Australia and Timor-Leste were unable to reach agreement on permanent boundaries," Mr Dutton said. "To resolve this impasse, Australia and Timor-Leste concluded three treaties that provide for the co-operative development of the oil and gas resources of the Timor Sea."

He said this type of provisional arrangement was actively encouraged by international law, and that Timor-Leste received 90 per cent of the petroleum revenue from the Joint Petroleum Development Area and had accrued a US$16.2 billion Petroleum Fund.

Mr Dutton said Timor-Leste would receive 50 per cent of Greater Sunrise revenue even though about 80 per cent of Greater Sunrise was in an area where Australia had exclusive seabed jurisdiction.

"Reopening the Timor Sea treaties would undermine investment certainty and delay the flow of revenue to both countries," he said.

However, Timorese leaders see the issue differently. Former president and independence guerilla fighter Xanana Gusmao said securing a permanent seabed boundary was about sovereignty, not money.

"For our nation, it is a priority to achieve the final step in our struggle for independence: sovereignty over our seas as well as our lands," he said.

"Our struggle for sovereignty over our lands took 24 years and we never gave up, even during the darkest of times. We are confident that we will prevail, because we have faith in the Australian people and their commitment to fairness and justice."

Josephite Sister Susan Connelly, an expert on Timor Sea negotiations, said Australians should care about settling the border issue. "We have the right to a complete maritime border – not a border with 1.8 per cent missing," she said.

"And, for the people of Timor-Leste, it represents stability and ongoing security. Timor-Leste has a right to a complete border like any other country. It's about simple legality. It's a question of sovereignty."

Source: http://catholicleader.com.au/analysis/east-timor-australia-maritime-border-major-issue-for-several-brisbane-parishes

Australia row hampers East Timor's oil ambitions

BBC News - June 13, 2016

Tim McDonald, Suai, East Timor – Near Suai on East Timor's south coast, a rusty old oil pump sits near a beach, some mangroves and the ruins of an old prison from the Portuguese era. It's not good for much, but it hints at the country's oil and gas wealth potential.

East Timor is now spending US$2.1bn (£1.45bn) on roads, airport facilities and a supply base for offshore rigs along the south coast, with private investors expected to tip more in for refining facilities.

It is an attempt to grab a bigger slice of the country's oil and gas wealth, an ambitious project that the government hopes will transform the country's economy.

But its success might depend on solving an acrimonious dispute with its neighbour Australia over the maritime boundaries between the two countries. And as the dispute drags on, East Timor could be staring down the barrel of a crippling cash crunch.

At present, there's a patchwork of agreements dividing up the oil and gas resources between the two countries. Even though there is now $16bn in East Timor's petroleum fund, the government contends that the current arrangements cheat it out of billions more.

East Timor wants a formal conciliation process under the UN convention on the law of the sea, but Australia doesn't recognise its jurisdiction. It wants to keep the existing treaties in effect, and says they are entirely consistent with the convention.

"It is regrettable that Timor Leste has taken a combative approach to this issue," the Foreign Minister, Julie Bishop, said in a statement. Furthermore, Australian diplomats have suggested that East Timor's insistence on a permanent maritime boundary would actually leave it worse off.

Raw deals

Still, there's a pervasive feeling here that Australia's taking more than it is entitled to, and that it bullied a new and vulnerable country into a raw deal when the first treaty was signed shortly after its independence.

There's no doubt that the country was in a tough place. The World Bank estimates that 70% of the country's infrastructure was destroyed in the violence that followed the Timorese vote for independence from Indonesia in 1999.

"We needed money for development. And Australia used that opportunity to push us. We made a deal because we were weak at the time. But now we want to change the deal because we see that we are strong today. We realise that we have rights," says Juvinal Dias, who works at local think tank L'ao Hamutuk as a researcher on the oil and gas industry.

He also organised East Timor's recent protest against Australia, which was an indication of the strength of feeling here. By some counts, 10,000 people showed up for two days of protests, calling for a maritime boundary. That's a big crowd in a city of maybe 250,000. They said Australia had cheated East Timor out of $6.6bn in revenues.

Australia's position is practical and legalistic. And to most Australians, it's an abstract dispute over resources that are far away and under water. Nobody is standing outside East Timor's embassy in Canberra with signs pushing Australia's case.

In fact, there's some sympathy for the Timorese position. The Australian Labor Party says it will commit to renewed negotiations over a permanent maritime boundary and binding UN arbitration if they fail. Of course, that depends on it winning the election on 2 July. And a Liberal government looks highly unlikely to budge.

The Timorese see it very differently. Many here see it as a continuation of their independence struggle – the last bit of unfinished business that would give it the respect of true nationhood.

"It's a sovereignty issue for us, it's not oil resources," Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo says. "And we think that 13 years ago, we'd restored our political independence, interrupted by 24 years of Indonesian occupation, but so far we feel like the sovereignty of this country was not complete yet because the maritime boundaries were not established."

Swift resolution

Still, there is considerable pressure from the oil and gas sector to get the dispute resolved quickly. The Greater Sunrise area could be worth tens of billions of dollars, and this dispute is standing in the way. The company that's leading the joint venture, Woodside, wants a swift resolution.

"It is vital that both the Timor-Leste and Australian governments agree the legal, regulatory and fiscal regime applicable to the resource. Once government alignment is established, we believe there is an opportunity to proceed with a development that benefits all parties," a company spokeswoman said.

One of the other joint venture partners, ConocoPhillips, agrees that nothing will go ahead until there's "alignment". The government-backed oil and gas company Timor Gap concedes a drawn-out negotiation will hurt, especially since the infrastructure it is building is aimed at processing oil and gas from Greater Sunrise.

"There'll be some influence or impact when things actually drag on in the maritime boundary negotiations. But it's not one that will put an end to Timor Gap's operations or future business," says chief executive Francisco Pereira.

What's more, the government's revenues are likely to fall sharply without a new source of income. The public purse is almost entirely dependent on oil and gas revenues, and the investment returns it derives from them.

East Timor set up a petroleum fund to manage the wealth generated from its resources. It provides a whopping 90% of the government's revenues. Currently, it has $16bn, which puts East Timor in the enviable position of being able to cover its entire national budget nine times over.

'Tapped out'

But it's fragile wealth. Spending is increasing while revenues are shrinking dramatically. East Timor's existing oil and gas projects are running dry, and the revenues will slow to a trickle in the coming years. About $718m will top up the fund this year, but it won't even turn out a tenth of that by 2020.

ConocoPhillips says the only resources project still operating, Bayu-Undan, will be tapped out within six years. The budget's getting bigger, and the revenue base is shrinking. And the World Bank says something's got to give.

"Such an increase in expenditure could eventually lead to the petroleum fund balance reaching zero and the government facing a cash-constrained budget," according to the World Bank's most recent assessment. "Standards of living would sharply fall and there would likely be a negative impact on political stability."

But the prime minister says this fight is about a principle, and East Timor is in it for the long haul. Since its independence, many of the country's leaders have been former guerrillas, who spent years in the jungle fighting Indonesia.

Although Mr Araujo is seen as a cool-headed technocrat, and something of a generational change, he perhaps retains some of the attrition-minded mentality of his predecessors. "Don't forget, we fought the Indonesians for 24 years," he says.

Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-36498163

Indonesia

Indonesia willing to pay money owed to former civil servants

Dili Weekly - June 2, 2016

Paulina Quintao – The Indonesian Government has agreed to pay about 3,000 former Timorese civil servants who worked during the occupation and are still owed money for benefits. The names were left off the list for payment despite having the correct documentation.

The General Director of the Secretariat of State for Vocational Training Policy and Employment (SEPFOPE) Jacinto Barros Gusmao said a team from SEPFOPE had already met with the Indonesian government twice to discuss the payment of outstanding benefits for former civil servants, including those who joined the army and police force.

"The government of Indonesia will pay those whose names are listed with complete documents, [but] not for those with incomplete documents," said Gusmao.

The Indonesian government last year paid back those former civil servants whose names were included on the list.

However, the SEPFOPE team found that about 3,000 people with the proper documentation weren't on the list. Their names have since been registered and sent to Indonesia for verification. "We've sent the list with the names to the Indonesian Ministery of Foreign Affairs to submit to the competent authority to verify the names," said Gusmao.

Former civil servants, soldiers and police officers from Timor are still owed money for health insurance, housing and pensions. They have been waiting for payment since 1999 when Indonesia withdrew from Timor-Leste.

Those former civil servants who received health insurance payouts to undergo treatment during occupation or didn't want their salary to be cut for housing benefits would not be included on the list. In June, the SEPFOPE team will travel to Indonesia for further discussions with the Indonesian government to try and resolve the issue.

President of parliamentary Commission D (responsible for economy and development) MP Jacinta Abucau Pereira also called on the Timorese government to raise the matter with the Indonesian government. "It (the issue) needs serious discussion as that's their (workers) right," she said.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/capital/13794-indonesia-willing-to-pay-money-owed-to-former-civil-servants

Labour & migrant workers

After Brexit, Timor-Leste workers are worried about their future in the UK

Global Voices - June 27, 2016

Dalia Kiakilir – On June 23, 2016, a majority of United Kingdom voters decided in favor of a proposal to leave the European Union. Known as Brexit, the result of the referendum will have a massive impact not just in Europe but in many parts of the world.

For European citizens living in the UK, one of the principal concerns is their residency and right to work. Will the UK government force them to leave the country?

Among them is a significant number of people from Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste is a former colony of Portugal, which means the Timorese are also recognized as nationals of Portugal, a member of the European Union.

Since 2002, when Timor-Leste achieved independence from Indonesia, many Timorese have come to the UK seeking jobs in the semi-skilled services sector and factories. Pay for similar work in Timor-Leste is low, but in the UK means at least minimum wages of 200 pounds per week (about 270 US dollars). Managed carefully, that's enough to live on as well as send some home to family left behind in Timor-Leste.

Following the Brexit vote, some Timorese residents of the UK are worried about their situation. Will they be asked to abandon their immigration status? This is the concern raised in the Forum Haksesuk Blog of Celso Oliveira, a Timorese living in UK:

"Related to the referendum 23/06, there are some concerns the Timor-Leste government should address related to the future of its people living in the UK. Many Timorese have been coming to the UK since the country became a free nation in August 1999 [when a clear majority of Timorese voted for independence in a popular referendum]. Today, there are still Timorese people leaving their own country to live in the UK. The main reason has to do with the need to survive financially since many workers earn just $1 per day. Secondly, unemployment is worsening while population growth remains high. And thirdly, many people want to change their lives."

EU treaties recognizing the free movement of EU workers are still enforced today, but what will happen after Brexit? The fate of Portuguese migrants from Timor-Leste remains uncertain.

Addressing the concerns of Timorese residing in the UK, the Timor-Leste government urged its people not to panic since there will be negotiations between the EU and UK authorities over labour conditions for EU citizens already in the UK.

Timor Leste's Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation Roberto Sarmento de Oliveira Soares sought to assuage the concerns of Timorese workers in the UK. Screenshot of Timor Post newspaper.

For its part, the Portuguese government is advising its citizens who are living in the UK to apply for a permanent resident card while securing dual nationality in order to secure their rights.

Meanwhile, Timor-Leste's former president and Nobel Peace laureate Jose Ramos-Horta advised the EU not to panic and instead turn the situation into an opportunity to "reimagine" the regional bloc:

"From afar, my best advice to European leaders is...there is no reason to panic; the EU still has Germany, France, Italy, Italy, Poland and Spain whose combined GDP dwarf that of little UK.

European leaders must display serenity and begin to re-imagine a Union that is more peoples-based, reconnecting with the real people, less focused on the stifling Brussels-based bureaucrats, real culprits and cause of disdain and repudiation; instead of overspending on a wasteful Brussels bureaucracy the new EU should double investments on youth and employment for all, education and innovation."

Source: https://globalvoices.org/2016/06/27/after-brexit-timor-leste-workers-are-worried-about-their-future-in-the-uk/

Government set to review minimum wage

Dili Weekly - June 2, 2016

Paulina Quintao – The Secretariat of State for Vocational Training Policy and Employment (SEPFOPE) is currently working together with the Timor-Leste Industry Commerce Chamber to conduct reseach on the price of basic necessities in the market as part of a review of the country's minimum wage.

SEPFOPE's General Director, Jacinto Barros Gusmao, said the research was important as it would help the the government assess the minimum wage policy in relation to the price of goods and people's needs. The minimum monthly wage in Timor-Leste is currently set at $115.

"The outcome of the preliminary research shows that the minimum wage is not enough, therefore the policy needs to be improved," said Gusmao at his office in Kaikoli, Dili.

Once the research is completed, the findings will be presented to the Council of Ministers to decide on the minimum wage based on goods prices in the market. Gusmao said there seemed to be some confusion about the minimum salary, as $115 was supposed to be an initial salary rather than a permanent wage.

It is also intended for unskilled workers who may lack on-the-job experience or technical expertise. "The $115 salary is for new workers, but after working for many years they would definitely gain lots of experience and their salary should be raised," he said.

According to Gusmao, another serious problem with the implementation of the minimum wage policy was that many companies had low revenue and therefore struggled to pay their staff.

In 2012, the National Commission for Labour (NCL), the Labour Association, Timor-Leste's Industry Commerce Chamber (CCITL) and SEPFOPE created a policy to establish the minimum wage for unskilled workers. The policy was made based on research conducted by NCL on labour market conditions at the time.

President of Commission D (responsible for for economy and development affairs) MP Jacinta Abucau Pereira called on the government to review the current minimum wage so that it was more in line with the cost of living. "The minimum wage [of] $115 isn't realistic anymore as goods prices in the market keep increasing," she said.

Pereira therefore urged the government to raise the minimum wage from $115 to $150 a month so that workers could meet their basic needs.

Worker Juandina da Silva said her $115 monthly salary wasn't enough to support her daily needs. "The salary is not enough as the goods prices in the market are very high," she said.

Timorese culture also places a strong emphasis on family and meeting these obligations can often be a heavy financial burden.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/news/13792-government-set-to-review-minimum-wage

Health & education

Dili municipality runs out of 30 types of medicine

Dili Weekly - June 28, 2016

Paulina Quintao – Thirty types of medicine are currently out of stock at the Dili Municipality Health Center (MHC) warehouse.

Dili Municipality Health representative Agustinha da Costa Saldanha acknowledged the issue, but stressed it hadn't had a significant impact on community health services.

She said even if essential medicine such as antacid and antibiotics were not available, other alternatives could be used to treat patients.

To ensure health services continued to function properly, da Costa said the health municipality had also allocated some additional funding for the purchase of emergency supplies and other equipment in the case they were not available through the Autonomous Drug and Medical Equipment Service (SAMES), the body responsible for distribution.

However, she said there was no issue with primary health care as other medicine such as paracetamol could be used to treat a range of common illnesses.

Member of Commission F (responsible for health, education, culture, veteran affairs and gender equality) MP Ilda Maria da Conceicao said she was disappointed that medical stocks were again running short despite National Parliament allocating generous funding every year for the purchase of medicine.

"I do not know where the problem is. Every year we allocate the funds to purchase the medicine, but the health facilities, the national hospital, health centers and the health posts keep running out of the medicine," she said.

She called on the Ministry of Health (MH) to revise the contract with its supplier and urged against purchasing medicine that was close to expiring. "Do not buy medicine close to the expiration date as otherwise it will useless," she said.

Meanwhile, MP Jacinto Viegas Vicente said Maliana Referral Hospital was also running low on medicine. "When the patient has a checkup, the doctor writes a prescription so the patient can buy the medicine outside (at a pharmacy). It happens and I see it," he said.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/health/13866-dili-municipality-runs-out-of-30-types-of-medicine

Some teachers still using corporal punishment in schools

Dili Weekly - June 24, 2016

Paulina Quintao – Some teachers are still using corporal punishment to discipline students while at school, according to the President of the National Commission for the Rights of the Child (CNDL), Commissioner Maria Barreto.

Barreto said some teachers resorted to violence when students made mistakes in class. "The reality shows that children still suffer corporal punishment, sexual violation, and sexual abuse committed by the teachers," she said in an address to National Parliament to mark World Children's Day on 1 June.

She also called for the Ministry of Education to sanction those found to be using violence against students at schools. Despite the ministry announcing a zero-tolerance policy against violence in schools in 2009, Barreto said cases continued to occur.

Meanwhile, she said CNDC was continuing its effort to support and raise awareness among teachers about this issue, adding that all children had the rights to access education without the threat of violence.

Children's Day is celebrated annually around the world to promote children's rights and wellbeing, as well as access to education. This year's celebration focused on ending violence against children.

Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo said children were the future of the country and urged families, schools and wider society not to use violence to educate the children.

"Families, schools, societies and countries have an obligation and responsibility to educate children without violence so that they can become good men and women in the future," he said in a message to mark the celebration.

He also called on teachers to use other methods of discipline, adding that using violence could teach children to be violent in the future. "If you want a bright future, a future without violence, all of us should start now by educating children without violence," said Araujo.

Meanwhile, the President of the Timor-Leste Parliamentary Women's Group (GMPTL), MP Florentina Smith asked the families to pay attention more attention and love their children and stop the cycle of violence around their lives.

"They (children) really need us, especially attention from the family so that they can feel free in this country," she said. She all urged the relevant bodies to promote children's rights and protect them from all forms of violence and harm.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/education/13854-some-teachers-still-using-corporal-punishment-in-schools

This is what it takes to become a female anaesthetist in Timor

Huffington Post - June 22, 2016

Cayla Dengate – The humid heat of Fiji is quelled inside the surgical ward of Suva Colonial War Memorial hospital.

In the calm, air-conditioned rooms, Timorese registrar Mingota da Costa Herculano talks quietly to a doctor. She may not quite believe it, but she is an astounding example of where determination can take you.

She was born in East Timor – the north-eastern part of a small, divided island near Indonesia with a history of occupation and violent conflict before it was declared a sovereign state in 2002.

To become one of the republic's first female anaesthetists she has not only had to learn three languages, she has learned high-level medicine in those three languages – Indonesian, Spanish and now, English.

In a hospital break room in Fiji, she told The Huffington Post Australia, in near-fluent English, that she grew up in the city of Manatuto, where medicine wasn't always available. "When I was child, I would get sick but we have few doctors. I decided then I'd like to become a doctor," da Costa Herculano said.

Yet it wasn't easy, there wasn't a medicine degree available so she spent two years studying civil engineering at university when she was offered a scholarship to study medicine in Cuba.

It's part of a long-term partnership whereby Cuban doctors work in Timor, and hundreds of students are sent to Cuba for training under the republic's applauded medical system. When she arrived in 2003, she didn't speak Spanish.

"Actually it was very hard and but luckily we are 20 from Timor there, so we have each other," da Costa Herculano said. "We must spend five years in Cuba without visiting our family."

By the time she came home in 2009, everything had changed. There had been marriages and births and deaths, but something changed for da Costa Herculano too.

"I met my husband," she said with a smile. "He is also from Timor, doing the same specialty and our relationship started in Cuba."

They have a son, but when the opportunity came up for her and her husband to become an anaesthetists they knew he'd be in good hands with his grandparents.

They moved to Fiji and learnt English for this final part of their studies with a team of doctors including Australian visiting med specialist in anaesthesia Dianne Stephens.

"It was sad to say goodbye to my son but I know he has many grandparents caring for him and I am very thankful for this opportunity in Fiji," she said.

In November, if all goes well, da Costa Herculano will graduate and return to Timor to provide a vital service for the republic's hospital system. She'll also be reunited with her son.

Looking back on her journey she said she had every doctor and nurse to thank who ever took the time to explain something to her, and that she knew it would all be worth it.

"It is a little bit hard for me, as woman, as a mother, but also it is good. It is like we women are bretheren, we are women and if we give our time [to study] I believe we will become what we set out to be."

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/2016/06/22/this-is-what-it-takes-to-become-a-female-anaesthetist-in-timor/

Women's rights

Gender Working Groups re-established across all ministries

Dili Weekly - June 24, 2016

Paulina Quintao – The Secretariat of State for the Socio-Economic Support of Women (SEM) re-established the Gender Working Groups (GWGs) in those Ministries and Secretariats which have already been restructured.

The National Director for Gender Development and Policy (NDGDP), Henrique da Silva, said GWGs had an important role in supporting politicians and keeping gender issues on the agenda in the ministries' annual action plans and budgets.

As part of their role, da Silva said GWGs would also work to ensure that the integrated gender policy developed by SEM was implemented effectively within their respective ministries.

He said GWGs had not yet been established in some ministries, including Health, Agriculture, and Justice. GWGs have been established at both the national and municipality level to ensure the integrated gender policy is also implemented at local level.

GWG was established by the fifth government based on the resolution no. 27/2011 to implement gender policy in Timor-Leste.

Meanwhile, GWG President for the Secretariat of State for Vocational Training Policy and Employment (SEPFOPE) Jacinto Barros Gusmao said budget planning analysis would be conducted to ensure that all programs implemented benefited both men and women.

"We focus on budget planning and the programs of SEPFOPE should have a gender balance," he said. He said SEPFOPE program was also providing training to youth to promote gender equality between men and women.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/gender/13856-gender-working-groups-re-established-across-all-ministries

Manatuto women's group launches social program to help vulnerable families

Dili Weekly - June 6, 2016

Paulina Quintao – The Women's Association of Manatuto Municipality (WAMM) has bought female entrepreneurs and employees together to help provide ongoing practical assistance to vulnerable families and women in rural areas in Manatuto municipality.

President Clara de Carvalho Ximenes said the social service program was aimed at opening the hearts of female entrepreneurs to the plight of other vulnerable women. The entrepreneurs are invited to visit the sukus (villages) to see the living conditions of local women first-hand and meet those most in need.

"The association with the female entrepreneurs and employees visit the poor people, widows and abandoned women to see their life conditions and offer some materials," she said. She said the contributions were not monetary, but practical items to help meet the basic daily needs of women in children in rural areas.

Ximenes said the program was established to help ensure the association's activities continued in the future. In 2013, the government, through the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality (now called SEM), established women's associations in 12 municipalities, including Oecusse, to assist with capacity building in rural areas.

However, the President of the Baucau Women's Association, Regina de Sousa, said they had nothing financial to offer women in need. To address this, de Sousa said the association recently set up a micro-credit program to help vulnerable women improve their situation in life.

She said the Secretary of State for Socio-economic Support of Women had this year allocated funds for the purchase of office stationary, but as the association was still without a permanent office, members instead decided to develop a micro-credit program for women in the municipality.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/development/13812-manatuto-women-s-group-launches-social-program-to-help-vulnerable-families

Sexual & domestic violence

Violence against women, gender inequality, and histories of conflict in Timor

Huffington Post - June 7, 2016

Emma Fulu Freelance – A recent study conducted by The Asia Foundation found that 3 in 5 ever-partnered women aged 15 to 49 in Timor-Leste had experienced physical or sexual violence by a husband or boyfriend in their lifetime.

This might sound shocking. But, in fact, violence against women exists in all corners of the globe. What makes this study ground-breaking is not just the high rates of violence that it reveals, but that it helps us to understand some of the underlying drivers of the problem. This will inform better solutions.

Since 2015 my colleagues and I from The Equality Institute have been supporting The Asia Foundation to conduct this study which provides the first national prevalence data on violence against women in Timor-Leste. One single study can never tell us all we need to know about this complex issue. However, the results help us to understand the important connections between different types of violence in society, and the roles that gender inequality, the normalisation of violence, and histories of conflict and trauma play in this South-East Asian nation.

I spoke with Susan Marx, Country Representative of The Asia Foundation in Timor-Leste to learn more about the challenges in conducting the research, the main findings and how those findings will be used.

Why did The Asia Foundation decide to conduct this research?

To us, this research was crucial as part of our larger program aimed at ending violence against women and children in Timor-Leste (Nabilan). The Nabilan Health and Life Experiences Baseline Study is very important, as it offers new insights into this issue and into the immense implications of violence on women's health and wellbeing, as well as that of their children, their families, and their communities. We will use this study to influence our own work, but also as tool to advocate with civil society and the government to support work to end violence against women and children.

What challenges did you face conducting the research?

Conducting research of this nature in any environment is not easy, but all the more so in a nation that has suffered tremendous levels of trauma and conflict. For the most part, Timor-Leste has successfully overcome the conflicts of its past, but it still has many serious challenges, such as bad roads and limited access to clean water, low levels of literacy, and poor health and nutrition for most of the population. However, one of the biggest challenges we encountered during this research was the unequal balance of power between men and women in a very patriarchal, Catholic society. Through very careful training with the interviewers, we reinforced ethical and safe research practices. This sometimes meant challenging strong beliefs and social norms about domestic violence and the role and place of women in Timor-Leste society.

How did you get men to talk to you about their use of violence against women?

Throughout this research, it was key to establish trust with the men and women who we were interviewing. We used tablet computers for the surveys, and for the men, the most sensitive questions about violence perpetration were asked in a totally anonymous way. This helped men feel comfortable expressing views and sharing information that they would likely not share in a face-to-face interview. We also found that most male survey participants actually appreciated the opportunity to share their experiences, which included their own experiences of violence – for example, two in three men said they had experienced some form of violence or trauma during the conflict years and many still had symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder.

What are the key findings?

There were many interesting findings, which you can read about on our website. Overall, three in five (59 percent) ever-partnered women aged between 15 and 49 years had experienced physical or sexual violence by a male partner in their lifetime, and almost one in two (47 percent) had experienced such violence in the previous 12 months. The Study also shows that violence against women in Timor-Leste is a major public health issue with long-term consequences for women's physical, mental, and reproductive health. But sadly many women are failing to receive the medical attention they need.

So what did you find in terms of the root causes of this violence?

Well, we found that violence was driven by unequal gender norms, and models of what it means to be a man that emphasise strength, toughness, and dominance over women and other men. This study showed how different types of violence are actually interconnected in Timor-Leste. For example, women and men's experiences of child abuse were linked with intimate partner violence. And men who showed symptoms of trauma were more likely to have perpetrated violence against women. This is particularly important given the post-conflict setting of Timor-Leste.

What has been the reaction so far from people in Timor-Leste to the preliminary findings?

We were obviously concerned with how the results would go over, given the high rates of violence found by the study. But from the start the key was to make sure that the study findings were actually used. So we had a Research Reference Group which included representatives from government, local non-governmental organizations, academia, the national department of statistics, and others. This group helped guide the study design, implementation and review the initial findings. Sharing preliminary findings early was crucial to ensure that the study was endorsed by Timorese organisations and individuals, who will ultimately use the research.

Now that you have this information how will you use it?

We believe this research is only the start. We now have to focus on the actual work to create better outcomes for women and children survivors of violence and try to prevent violence happening in the first place. Specifically, this means working closely with government to address significant gaps in services for survivors, including access to health care, and finding ways to hold men accountable for their use of violence. We hope that the findings will be used to shape strategies to challenge the fact that some kinds of violence are considered normal or acceptable, and start to address some of the deep rooted drivers of this violence.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/emma-fulu/violence-against-women-timor-leste_b_10330880.html?edition=uk

Governance & administration

Fiscal policy to be reformed to boost revenue

Dili Weekly - June 17, 2016

Venidora Oliveira – The government plans to reform its fiscal policy by introducing a value-added tax (VAT) in order to increase the country's revenue streams and reduce dependence on oil funds.

"We will use the VAT by asking the companies or industries to pay taxes and to increase the country's revenues," said Deputy Minister of Finance Helder Lopes.

The reforms will be undertaken in the political and legal sectors, as well as to administrative regulations. He said the legal sector was in the final phase of improving tax law and preparing the VAT law, which will be a legal basis for enforcing companies to pay taxes.

Apart from that, the government is alsos preparing to introduce new customs procedures. "We are working on how to choose the proper system, so when it is ready we can use it properly," said Lopes.

However, before reforming the fiscal policy, he said the government needed to first reform the economy in order to attract foreign investment to the country by opening up industry and offering jobs to Timorese.

Meanwhile, Member of Commission C (responsible for public finance) MP Florentina Smith said fiscal reforms were important to establish a proper method of tax collection.

He said tax revenues were decreasing every year and the introduction of a VAT system would help improve levels. "Until now, we see that everything is free, the companies do not pay taxes so this has implications for domestic income, that's our concern," he said.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/capital/13826-fiscal-policy-to-be-reformed-to-boost-revenue

Empty Ministry of Finance building a waste of money, says MP

Dili Weekly - June 6, 2016

Venidora Oliveira – It is claimed the government spent more than $44 million on the construction of the Ministry of Finance building, which so far remains empty and unused.

National MP Fransciso Branco has questioned why the five-storey office building is still empty despite being completed in 2011 and inaugurated in 2014. "It has been built but it is unused, [so] we can say the government just wasted money," said Branco at the National Parliament.

Parliament had disagreed with the construction of the building, but the government argued that the building was appropriate and would help restore national pride in Timor-Leste.

According to Branco, the total allocated budget for the project was $44,912,000, including $5,430,000 in 2011, $7,392,000 in 2012, $9,810,000 in 2013, $15,460,000 in 2014 and $6,820,000 in 2015.

He called on the government to explain to national parliament the reasons for the delay. "They should be responsible and look at the issue," he said.

In response, Deputy Minister of Finance Helder Lopes acknowledged the delay, but said the building would be ready to use once the interior fit-out and data center installation was complete.

He said chairs and office partitions were currently being set up and arrangements had been made for the electricity connection and installation of computers. "When it's completed in August, we are ready to use the office," he said.

He also denied the building had been damaged as a result of being vacant so long. "It is in good condition and the rumors are untrue," he said.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/capital/13808-empty-ministry-of-finance-building-a-waste-of-money-says-mp

Legislation & parliament

Many MPs in breach of parliamentary regulations: JSMP

Dili Weekly - June 2, 2016

Venidora Oliveira – Many MPs routinely break the parliamentary regulations by coming late, failing to sign in and not attending plenary sessions, the Judicial System Monitoring Program (JSMP) said.

JSMP found there was often a high number of MPs absent without justification and some also failed to sign their timesheet as required.

"They break the regulations written in line D, article 10 in the law no. 15/2009 about the parliamentary regulations," Executive Director of JSMP Luis Oliveira Sampaio said.

According to JSMP, there were 52 plenary sessions in 2015 and the total MPs was 65. Of these, 30 were from CNRT, 25 from Fretilin, 2 from Frente Mudansa and 8 from PD. The total number of party members that attended plenary sessions in 2015 was CNRT: 1560, Fretilin: 1300, PD: 412 and FM: 104.

He said data analysis of the period between January and June 2015 showed that the total attendance figures were 1307 for CNRT, 849 for Fretilin, 374 for PD and 63 for FM. "Their attendance is not adequate yet and it is not a good example for other public institutions," he said.

Meanwhile, MP Ilda Maria da Conceicao said MPs were absent because they had other commitments. "Sometimes they attend a meeting or have an invitation from the government or other organizations, therefore they are absent at the plenary," she said.

She acknowledged that while the absences did impact on the plenary sessions, it was usually only a small percentage of MPs who did not take part, and this did not affect deliberations or decisions on laws. "We can still have a vote in the plenary even if some MPs do not take part," she said.

Although politicians who breached regulations could be subject to sanctions, they could not be removed from their position. "As an example, an MP who is against the party's principles and has lost the party's confidence cannot be fired as it is against the regulations," she said.

She said it was therefore difficult to apply the sanctions, but if the MPs are absent with justification then this should be taken into account.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/capital/13796-many-mps-in-breach-of-parliamentary-regulations-jsmp

Development & infrastructure

New port in Timor-Leste in operation within three years

Macau Hub - June 10, 2016

Timor-Leste (East Timor) within the next three years will have a modern port in Tibar bay, 12 kilometres from the capital, Dili, according to a contract signed this week with Bollore Ports, according to a statement obtained by Macauhub.

The port, which involves an investment of US$490 million, will have a dock 630 metres long and 15 metres deep, a container storage area covering 27 hectares and modern equipment including two ship-to-shore cranes and five cranes with rubber wheels.

Bollore Ports, a division of the Bollore Transport & Logistics group, was selected in a public tender to carry out this project, under the first public-private partnership in Timor-Leste and a 30-year concession contract.

The Bollore Transport & Logistics group, which operates in Timor-Leste through its subsidiary Bollore Logistics, is one of the leading private employers in the country, and this new project is expected to create 350 direct jobs and another 500 during the construction phase.

The contract was signed last Tuesday between Bollore Transport & Logistics and Timor-Leste, in the presence of the Ministers of Transport, Gastao de Sousa, Finance, Santina Cardoso and Planning and Strategic Investment, Xanana Gusmao. (macauhub/TL)

Source: http://www.macauhub.com.mo/en/2016/06/10/new-port-in-timor-leste-in-operation-within-three-years/

Foreign affairs & trade

3000 motorbikes and cars illegally imported to Timor

Dili Weekly - June 24, 2016

Venidora Oliveira – There are currently 3000 motorbikes and cars operating illegally across the country, according to Acting Minister Longuinhos Monteiro, who blamed weak import controls.

He called on the government to improve the monitoring system and procedures for importing goods into the country. "There are 3000 motorbikes and cars illegally imported, [so] it means that something is wrong," he said.

He said one the problem was that drivers bringing in cars and motorbikes only had to show the vehicle's registration documents. He called for proper procedures such as a travel pass with a set entry date so police were better able to control what was coming into the country.

He said some people rented cars in Jakarta and then on-sold them in Timor. "The rental owner does not know anything, we just know after the registration that those cars are in Timor," he said.

He also called on Indonesian police to work with their Timorese counterparts to combat such crimes. "We should help each other and work together," he said.

Meanwhile, national MP Arao Noe de Jesus acknowledged that although Timor had laws in place to process these crimes, they were weakly implemented. He agreed with the Acting Minister that some procedural changes would help the system function more effectively.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/capital/13850-3000-motorbikes-and-cars-illegally-imported-to-timor

Parliament approves consumer protection law

Dili Weekly - June 6, 2016

Paulina Quintao – The National of Parliament has approved consumer protection law that allow for complaints against shop owners if the goods bought were of poor quality.

National MP Jorge da Conceicao Teme said the law was necessary as 99% of goods and materials in Timor-Leste were imported.

"It is very important to protect the rights of citizens who spend their money on buying goods so that when there is any problem they have the right to complain," said Teme at the National Parliament.

Under the law, consumers will have the right to complain to shop owners about faulty or poor quality goods and could ask to exchange the item or receive a refund. Goods providers and shop owners who breach the law will also be subject administrative sanctions or penalties.

Teme advised that complaints should first be addressed to goods providers or shop owners and if the consumer was still not satisfied with the outcome the matter could then be pursued in court. He also called on the government to raise awareness about the new law so that people better understood their rights and obligations as consumers. He said the law had now been passed to the President for approval and would then be implemented.

Dili resident Luis Jose Oliveira do Santos said that as a consumer he appreciated the initiative to protect the rights of consumers.

"We see many goods that have passed their use-by date, but they (shop owners) continue to sell them [and this] could harm people's health so the law is very important," he said.

He also called on the competent institutions to take serious action in implementing the law so that consumers were no longer powerless and had a legal basis to pursue their rights.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/news/13810-parliament-approves-consumer-protection-law

Tourism & hospitality

Timor-Leste's non-oil economy must look to tourism

Asia Foundation - June 22, 2016

Susan Marx – "From its ruggedly beautiful landscapes to its centuries-old traditions, Timor-Leste offers one of the world's last great off-the-beaten-track adventures," begins Lonely Planet's description of Asia's youngest country, which fought to gain independence from Indonesia 14 years ago.

The description is indisputable, but so too are the Southeast Asian country's ambitions, having achieved average economic growth rates of around 10 percent over the last eight years.

Despite its obvious allure, when it comes to tourism and hospitality, Timor-Leste remains isolated, untested, and expensive compared to its ASEAN and Pacific neighbors.

Timor-Leste's new engine of economic growth Coffee is Timor's second-largest export, after oil. In this sector, Timor-Leste has had some success in establishing its image as a high-end, shade-grown producer, with exports mainly to markets in the United States and Europe. Notably, Seattle-based coffee giant Starbucks recently announced it would add a "Mount Ramelau" single origin coffee to its lineup. That being said, coffee exports presently account for only $15.8 million – or approximately 1 percent – of the country's annual budget, and are unlikely to grow to a significant portion of the GDP due to vulnerability to climate shocks which can affect yield consistency.

This conundrum brings us back to rugged landscapes and rich traditions: according to a 2014 Asia Foundation survey of travelers to Timor-Leste, the tourism sector is currently worth $14.6 million per year, and while still a small percentage of overall GDP, it ranks closely behind coffee as the third largest sector. Importantly, though, the survey also indicates high satisfaction among travelers, with 83 percent saying that their experience met their expectations and almost equal proportions saying they would recommend Timor-Leste to their friends and family.

While these figures represent enormous potential, Timor-Leste's tourism sector is dwarfed by that of its geographic neighbors. The Northern Territory in Australia reports an annual visitor economic value add of close to $1.5 billion, and neighboring Indonesia reports a total economic value add of $9.12 billion annually. According to our survey, fewer than 13,000 travelers came to Timor's shores for purely tourism purposes, and only 8 percent saw any form of marketing material relating to Timor-Leste prior to their visit.

However, Timor's government, led by Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo, the former health minister who took office last year, is taking action to shift this, regularly highlighting tourism alongside agriculture and fisheries as the focus areas in the non-oil economy. The administration is currently drafting a new tourism policy that acknowledges the tourism sector as one of the country's best bets to generate jobs and investment (currently over 60 percent of youth under 25 are unemployed).

The government has allocated $7.4 million to developing the tourism sector (a still low figure considering the sector poses the second-largest non-oil opportunity). As part of this, the Ministry of Tourism is working on a professional branding and marketing strategy to raise Timor's attractiveness among potential tourists. It is evident that while nascent, the tourism industry will be critical to Timor-Leste's future economic stability. What remains less clear, however, is how.

If you build it, will they come?

Unlike coffee, accurate information about tourism and what drives travelers to visit (or not) was practically non-existent before The Asia Foundation's survey, which provided the first-ever in-depth analysis of visitor experiences upon which the Ministry of Tourism can develop future policies that address the needs of travelers to Timor-Leste.

Our research indicates that unmet traveler needs include poor levels of infrastructure, high costs of rental transport, and limited availability of readily consumable information relating to travel within Timor-Leste. Additionally, while travelers express a desire to visit cultural and historic sites, access to and information about these sites is extremely limited.

When it comes to tourism and hospitality, Timor-Leste remains isolated, untested, and expensive compared to its ASEAN and Pacific neighbors. Coupled with this, its tumultuous past and lagging infrastructure still holds more appeal to the adventurous, backpacker-style traveler than those in search of a family holiday. However, it may just be that its off-the-beaten-track, "unexplored" character is in fact its greatest appeal.

It is true that most infrastructure in the country is in need of an upgrade, and the availability of quality services rapidly diminishes as one travels farther from the capital, even by the standards of the most adventurous of tourists. This reality is captured perfectly by one of the most common phrases heard by tourists in restaurants and hotels: la iha (we don't have that). But, in all fairness, today, 14 years after independence, Timor-Leste is a far cry from the warring images that captured the world's attention on the front pages of many international news outlets in the 1990s. Now, Timor-Leste is by all measures a thriving, democratic, and vibrant young country in which tourists (at least in Dili) can readily enjoy many creature comforts, and power is nearly always available.

Timor-Leste is at an important juncture for its future as a nation, and as a tourist destination, and determining the most appropriate approach can be daunting. One popular option is the "build it and they will come" approach favored by a few well-positioned investors, versus the demand-focused route favored by risk-averse, capital-poor operators heavily reliant on government infrastructure and most tourism experts. The nature of interdependency between these operators and government for investments like major infrastructure, relevant access to capital, national brand management, and other inputs does point to the importance of a joint government-private sector approach.

Whatever the type of tourism the government ultimately settles on, the decisions made today will not only impact the country's economic viability, but also its social fabric, international relations, and future livelihood of its people – 75 percent of whom live in rural areas and 50 percent of whom live below the poverty line. For these reasons, it is crucial for government agencies and ministries involved to come together around a holistic and coordinated tourism policy that is based on hard evidence, not just anecdotes and aspirations.

A successful policy process should bring together stakeholders from within government, development partners, civil society, communities, and the private sector to identify opportunities in the short, medium, and long term, harnessing and bolstering the emerging tourism industry while at the same time taking care not to displace and upend important gains that have been made to date. Such a policy should take a strong pro-Timorese and pro-poor approach by considering inclusiveness and the impact on local markets and industries, both negative and positive, in addition to national-level economic impacts.

By setting the stage for an authentic experience to a diverse and vibrant country with a compelling story, Timor-Leste has an opportunity to become a new niche destination for resort-wary, high-income Australian and Asian markets in search of the "next new thing." Also, learning from similar experiences in countries such as Vietnam and Korea, both former war-torn nations with booming tourism industries today, rather than focusing on an aspirational model of mass-tourism, Timor-Leste can find its voice, and its place in the booming tourism market in the region and the world.

The Asia Foundation is currently working with the Ministry of Tourism, NGOs, and the private sector to support the development of its tourism strategy and national branding campaign, which will include a website with accurate, easily accessible, and up-to-date information on destinations across the country. Download the full 2014 Survey of Travelers to Timor-Leste.

[Susan Marx is The Asia Foundation's country representative in Timor-Leste. She tweets at @TAFRepTimor. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation or its funders.]

Source: http://asiafoundation.org/2016/06/22/timor-lestes-non-oil-economy-must-look-tourism/

A brighter future: Can tourism help rebuild East Timor?

BBC News - June 14, 2016

Tim McDonald, East Timor – On the road that goes from East Timor's capital of Dili to Suai, on the Island's south, there's a cross by the roadside. It commemorates Jakarta Dua, or Second Jakarta.

The Timorese say that during the Indonesian occupation, captive Timorese were brought here. They were told that they were being taken to Jakarta, but were instead tossed from a cliff into a ravine.

Timor fought a quarter century-long independence struggle against Indonesia, and there are some incredibly sobering reminders here of how brutal the conflict was. But East Timor, also known as Timor-Leste, eventually won its independence. And now, it's hoping its darkest days will be part of a brighter future.

"The guerrilla tracks are places that have not yet been explored. So the focus now is to create the necessary environment for this type of tourism to grow," says Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo.

More than beaches

Already, tourists are visiting sites that focus on the independence struggle. In Dili, there's a museum to the resistance. Some also visit Santa Cruz cemetery, where hundreds of students were gunned down by Indonesian troops in 1991.

In Balibo, there's a small memorial to five Australian journalists who were killed during the Indonesian invasion in 1975.

East Timor wouldn't be the first country in South East Asia to earn tourist dollars from its difficult recent past. Cambodia and Vietnam both trade on theirs. But East Timor took 24 years to gain its independence, and it's a victory that permeates the national identity.

"This young country is still finding its story and it's important that that story is one that is constantly changing and developing as the nation develops and grows," says Susan Marx, the Asia Foundation's country representative.

"So for the moment I think harnessing the very brave history of the independence struggle in Timor-Leste is important coupled with the magnificent countryside. So let's see where it goes," she says.

Colourful culture

The tourist boards of many South East Asian countries know that unique culture can be a big draw. East Timor is unusual in region. It's a Catholic, former Portuguese colony. But the country's indigenous traditions are very strong too. It makes for a very colourful mix.

Every year, Timor has its own carnival-style celebration. And a few months later, it has another parade and float celebration called Caravana. Neither has the scale or the more risque qualities of Brazil's carnival. But they're big, loud colourful celebrations. Experts see potential here too.

Not Bali or Phuket

But the major challenge in monetising its history or its culture is getting the infrastructure up to scratch. Even the tourism locales that are thoroughly on the beaten track are poorly served.

The island of Atauro is about an hour-and-a-half by boat from the bustle of Dili. There's a beach with beautiful mountain scenery behind it. Waters lap at a few outrigger boats along the shoreline. The sea is crystal clear and the nearest reef is an easy swim from the beach.

It's as pleasant as any beach on Bali or Phuket. And it's nearly empty. That's an attraction for some of the visitors, but the people who run businesses here aren't quite so happy about it.

They say a lack of utilities makes things harder. "We only have electricity for 12 hours. Or sometimes only six. Sometimes none for months," says Lina Hinton from Barry's Place eco-resort.

Barry's has 28 employees and Lina says they need more customers. Right now, the majority are people who work in Dili for the UN or non-government organisations.

Partly, that's because East Timor is comparatively difficult and expensive to get to. There are just three flights a week from Singapore, three per day from Bali, and eight per week from Darwin.

Getting around can also be a pain. For example, the 150km drive from Dili to the south coast takes about seven hours in a (completely necessary) four wheel drive.

And things often don't go smoothly. It's the sort of place where trips get cancelled shortly before they happen because a tourist operator can't find a car or where hotel staff can't work the credit card machine and direct you to an ATM next door that doesn't work either (both happened to me).

For some the extra effort is worth it for the sake of a more unique experience. But tourist dollars have a way of gravitating towards convenience.

Why Timor needs tourism

Currently, tourism is East Timor's third largest economic sector after resources and agriculture.

Whereas, gas and oil, and the interest generated from these sectors, provides 90% of government revenue. But revenues are expected to fall dramatically over the coming years, as existing oil and gas projects start to run dry.

And while the oil and gas sector dominates the economy, it doesn't generate much direct employment. Most of the action is offshore, and the government merely reaps the royalties. Tourism, by contrast, has the potential to generate many jobs for East Timor.

"I think if you look at the possibility and potential for employing Timorese in an industry where there is an opportunity for them to gain skills that are far more attainable than becoming an oil and gas engineer, I think the follow on impacts of investing in the tourism industry is vast," says Ms Marx.

For the moment, though, the Prime Minister says East Timor is not looking to be the next Bali. "The focus will be on community tourism. We don't want to get an industrialised approach to tourism in the country," he says.

It may not seem hugely ambitious, but it might be a more realistic target. Bali and Phuket now have multi-billion dollar tourism industries, but they had to start somewhere too.

Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-36514568

Economy & investment

East Timor expects more private sector investment

Bangkok Post - June 7, 2016

A large Burger King conspicuously located in front of a plaza in the East Timor capital drew the attention, at least momentarily, of local and foreign investors arriving in the plaza's lobby to attend an international investment conference.

Cars were parked in front of the restaurant. Inside, young people stood in line, waiting for their turn to place orders.

Burger King was the first international franchise chain to arrive in the tiny country of 1.2 million people in 2013 and there are now four outlets of the fast-food giant. East Timor Trading, which runs the restaurants, is eyeing up to eight outlets within the next 10 years.

For East Timor, which desperately needs to grow its low-income economy, however, such a franchise business is still not enough to develop the country and provide jobs for its young people under 25 years old, 60% of whom are unemployed.

"We have to attract private investors to come to invest in Timor Leste," East Timor Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo told Kyodo News in an interview Monday, referring to the country's official name in the local language.

"The economic growth of the country, in order to be sustainable, has to be led by the private sector, not by the public sector as we have witnessed during the last 14 years," he added.

After plunging to minus 3.1% in 2006 partly caused by civil unrest, East Timor saw its economic growth surge to 12.1% in 2007 and 14.6% in 2008, according to the World Bank. Last year, it grew by 6.8% and is expected to expand by 6.9% this year.

Speaking broadly about his country's economy at his office, Araujo said that his administration has to make "strategic choices" to establish an environment attractive for private investment.

According to him, the government is mixing the use of its Petroleum Fund set up in 2005 and accessing some loans, particularly soft loans from international financial institutions, such as the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank, and some countries, including China and Japan, to manage the country.

"At the moment, our debt is going up to $300 million and all of those debts are mainly allocated to build infrastructure, particularly roads (to attract investors)," he said.

At the same time, the government has listed some priorities to diversify the economy that hopefully can grow the economy and provide jobs for its youth, focusing on manufacturing, tourism, agriculture with agro-industry in particular, forestry and fisheries.

Araujo said the current presence of Japan's investment, particularly in infrastructure areas such as building roads, bridges and irrigation systems, has helped East Timor a lot to create economic conditions suitable for further diversification.

"You cannot develop agribusiness if you don't have proper irrigation facilities. You cannot push for economic activities, particularly linking rural with urban areas if you don't have good road conditions. Japan plays an important role here," he said.

East Timor, however, wants to see more investment from Japan in fisheries, agriculture and manufacturing since East Timor has a lot of natural resources but has not been seriously developed, he added.

The 52-year-old prime minister stressed that economic diversification is the only way to deal with the unemployment in the country. There is another challenge, however.

"The young people need to be educated, trained with skills that could match the needs of the industry and the needs of the market, and at the moment, we realize that it's not the case of East Timor," he said.

According to him, many young people are graduating from high school without any skills required by employers, while those who graduated from universities are not able to have access to jobs because their skills do not match the market.

"So, now what we are doing is to work more closely with the private sector, as well as education institutions, in order to recalibrate the education system to prepare the young to be able to get access to job market," he said, adding that the Education Ministry is transforming general high schools into technical, vocational schools in agriculture, fisheries and other priority areas.

Despite receiving oil and gas revenues since 2005, East Timor remains one of the poorest countries in the Asia-Pacific region, with official statistics indicating that around 40% of the population lives below the poverty line.

Basic income, health and literacy levels are similar to those of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, while unemployment and underemployment combined are estimated to be as high as 70%.

Indonesia annexed East Timor by force in 1974 after it had been under Portuguese colonial rule for about 400 years. It formally gained independence in 2002 after two-and-a-half years under United Nations administration following a referendum in 1999 in which the East Timorese overwhelmingly voted for separation from Indonesia.

In 2006, facing a full-scale collapse of civil order, East Timor's government sought redeployment of international peacekeepers that had withdrawn in 2005. The redeployed peacekeepers are expected to be withdrawn by the end of this year. (Kyodo News)

Source: http://www.bangkokpost.com/business/world/1004057/

Invasion & occupation

Calls for Indonesia to take action to locate Timor's missing people

Dili Weekly - June 20, 2016

Venidora Oliveira – There are calls for the Indonesian government to take serious action to locate thousands of Timorese people that went missing between 1975 and 1999.

National MP Arao Noe de Jesus Amaral said to date the Indonesian government had made no commitment to work with Timor-Leste to find out what happened to the missing Timorese people at that time.

Amaral said it was not about bringing up the past incidents, but about reuniting people with their families in Timor. The children were removed from their families during the occupation to work for the Indonesian military as cleaners and cooks.

Many of those taken remained in Indonesia after Timor-Leste gained independence and have since lost contact with their families due to the long period of separation. Data from the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (CAVR) shows that 4,000 people went missing at the time and many have still not been found.

"This year we have allocated $100,000 to the Human Rights and Justice Ombudsmen to help find the missing people," he said.

In response to the issue, the Deputy head of Indonesia's National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), Dianto Bachariadi, said attempts to discuss the matter with the government had so far failed.

However, he said Komnas HAM would continue to press the Indonesian government to work with the Commission and take serious action to locate the missing people.

He also called on the Indonesian government to establish a special commission to find out what happened to the missing people as was mentioned in the recommendations made by CAVR.

Without a special commission, Bachariadi said the responsibility of finding Timor's missing now largely rested with organizations such as Komnas HAM and Timor-Leste's national human rights institution (PDHJ).

He further called on CAVR to involve Komnas HAM in senior meetings on the matter in order to facilitate the Commission's efforts to locate the missing people.

Meanwhile, Timor's Human Rights and Justice Ombudsman Silverio Pinto said organizations such as PDHJ and Komnas HAM continued to work hard to try and bring closure for families.

He said some progress had been made, with 15 people returning to Timor to see their families in 2015 and another 12 this year. "It is difficult, but we have tried to bring some of them to see their families [in Timor]," he said.

Source: http://www.thediliweekly.com/en/news/news/13836-calls-for-indonesia-to-take-action-to-locate-timor-s-missing-people

Analysis & opinion

Time to end impunity for Suharto's crimes in Indonesia and Timor-Leste

Counter Punch - June 28, 2016

Celestino Gusmao – Indonesia recently held a symposium on the violent events of 50 years ago which brought the Indonesian General Suharto to power. The results were inconclusive as the dictator's defenders denied the massacres and attacked those who want Indonesia to finally deal with its blood past.

The tragedy of 1965-1966 is part of a long history of massacres by the Indonesian military. As East Timorese, we know very well the brutality of the Indonesian dictator's regime. I was born after the initial Indonesian invasion in 1975, but grew up under the occupation. As a young student, I saw the Indonesian military intimidate and abuse youth suspected of supporting East Timorese independence. We were not safe anywhere: Suharto's troops would seize us at home, school or on the streets; many were never seen again. I watched helplessly as soldiers murdered my cousin, Luis Gusmao Pereira, in a public market in Triloedae-Laga.

During 1965-1966, the Indonesian military and its militias carried out mass executions of those suspected of involvement or support for the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Amnesty International estimates that between 500,000 to one million people lost their lives. Others were tortured and imprisoned, some for decades. Members of their families were denied employment and schooling. Many had no option but to live among their persecutors, as shown in the Oscar-nominated documentaries The Act of Killing and The Look of Silence.

Cold War fears often justified U.S.-backed military interventions against democratically-elected governments. Sukarno, the founding president of Indonesia and Suharto's predecessor, carried out a populist political program linked to social and economic justice, supported by the PKI and many other groups. Sukarno also helped found the Non-Aligned Movement that stood apart from the Cold War blocs. The U.S., believing Indonesia was acting too independently, supported Suharto's seizure of power and cheered the mass killings.

A decade later, Suharto sought and received U.S. backing for its plan to launch the brutal invasion and illegal occupation of Timor-Leste. Up to 200,000 East Timorese were killed, as the U.S. showered military and other support on Indonesia. Timor-Leste's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation final report, Chega!, documented numerous crimes against humanity during Indonesia's 24-year occupation, including massacres, rape, torture, and forced disappearances. Many died of starvation when the Indonesians forced communities from their farms and gardens and then blockaded food supplies. Declassified documents show that the US government understood that both the invasion and occupation were illegal, yet it still provided military assistance, knowing that it would be used against the people of Timor-Leste.

Justice and accountability for genocide and crimes against humanity

Survivors, the families of victims, and human rights activists have worked to win justice and accountability for the crimes against humanity during the 1965-1966 period. While we've seen some light in democratic progress under Indonesia's current President Joko Widodo, justice and accountability continue to elude us. President Widodo has made some efforts at accountability for the human rights violations during the Suharto years, these efforts have been challenged by members of his own government.

Since we voted for our independence in 1999, there have been several efforts at accountability for the crimes committed in Timor-Leste. However, only East Timorese members of militia that were created and controlled by Indonesia have been convicted and received minimal punishments. Meanwhile, the principal architects of the crimes remain free in Indonesia, some of them still in positions of power. Several have run for President of Indonesia. While the political establishments in both countries are currently determined to ignore them, the people of Timor-Leste and human rights activists continue to push for and demand accountability and justice.

The chains of impunity remain strong in Indonesia; U.S. leaders who supported crimes against humanity in Indonesia and elsewhere continue to avoid accountability and punishment. The U.S. and Indonesia claim they are democratic and law-abiding nations, but they openly resist holding their own officials accountable.

This is not just a matter of dealing with the past. Indonesia's security forces continue to commit serious crimes in West Papua and elsewhere in Indonesia. In recent months, thousands of West Papuans have been detained while demonstrating for their right to self-determination. Indonesian activists faced intimidation from the state and the military when they dare to speak about massacres or serious crimes of the past. Last October, security officials forced the cancellation of sessions addressing the 1965 massacres at an international writers' festival in Bali. Recent showings of films about the massacres, including "The Look of Silence," have been attacked.

Together, we can end impunity. First, the U.S. and Indonesia must release all their records concerning the crimes committed in 1965-66 and 1975-1999. Revealing the truth is necessary for a genuine justice and accountability for these serious crimes.

Chega! recommends that countries like the U.S. that armed and trained Indonesia's military provide reparations to the people of Timor-Leste. The U.S. knew very well that its weapons – from military aircraft to M-16 rifles – would rain death and destruction on many thousands of innocent people.

Since Indonesia has proved unable to credibly prosecute its own, international tribunals are needed if those responsible for the crimes of 1965-66 and the crimes in Timor-Leste from 1975-1999 are to be brought to justice.

50 years of silence and repression must end. The cycle of impunity must be broken.

[Celestino Gusmao is a member of ANTI (Timor-Leste National Alliance for an International Tribunal) and a researcher with La'o Hamutuk, the Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis.]

Source: http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/06/28/time-to-end-impunity-for-suharto%c2%92s-crimes-in-indonesia-and-timor-leste/

On the road with Jose Ramos-Horta

Jakarta Post - June 21, 2016

Okky Madasari, Jakarta – "Have you ever imagined, if only Indonesia didn't invade Timor Leste in 1975, would everything be very different now? Would your country be much better than it is today?" I asked Jose Ramos-Horta during a road trip from Dili to Baucau, the country's second largest town, earlier this month.

He drove his glamorous antique beach buggy, while I sat next to him. A car driven by his security guards followed behind us. "It's difficult to answer that," he said. "Indonesia did many good things, especially in education."

I didn't expect that kind of answer to an almost rhetorical question, especially from Timor Leste's founding father. I have always imagined that if Indonesia had not invaded Timor Leste – then known as East Timor – in 1975, the country would have been more prosperous. The small region connected by land to Indonesia's West Timor would have been an independent nation for more than 40 years by now. With a longer period of nation building, I believed, Timor Leste would not have been one of the youngest and poorest countries in the world.

Moreover, I was talking to a man who has dedicated almost all of his life to fighting for the freedom of the country. I expected a more revolutionary and romantic answer. Something that made me feel bad as an Indonesian, but at the same time made me keen to talk about fighting for freedom, and struggling against colonialism, post-colonialism and so on.

But that's Ramos-Horta. He is neither Che Guevara nor Sukarno. He is a realistic man and leader who has experienced, endured and overcome many things – from gun battles in East Timor's forests to negotiation wars against colonial powers to free his country, and from handling the delicate separation process with Indonesia to the nation building and development of his country.

He was an exile, a Nobel prize laureate, a president, and now he is a leader who is finding ways to fulfill what the people of his country really need.

Driving from the country's capital to Baucau took me back to my childhood in an East Java village in the 1980s. Dusty roads, farmland, basic warung (food stalls). Old men, women and students were walking for long distances under the sun yet were happy and enthusiastic to see their president pass by. "Bom dia... bom dia!" People said as they greeted him and waved, meaning "good morning" in Portuguese. Ramos-Horta happily waved back to all of them.

The trip also took me back to my childhood fairytale world. A story about a king riding his horse, greeted and waved at by his people along the road, in the middle a beautiful landscape: a cloudy blue sky, green paddy fields, hilly roads, mountains and beaches. But no, it was not a fairytale. It was also not the 1980s.

Everything became very real when we stopped at a market, but not like the markets I was used to seeing. It was a row of stalls displaying fruits and vegetables. Ramos-Horta bought something from every stall: bananas, papaya, pumpkin, water spinach and cassava. The prices in the country, which uses US dollars as its currency, were higher than those in Indonesia. A big watermelon was $7, while in Jakarta we could buy the same watermelon for no more than $4. "People here still don't know how to price products," Ramos-Horta explained.

Still at the market, several women came up to me speaking Indonesian. They said Ramos-Horta always stopped by when visiting Baucau and talked to them. "He is the only leader who does that. I hope he will run again in the next election so I can vote for him," said one woman. When I told Ramos-Horta what the woman said, he replied: "Terima kasih."

Ramos-Horta doesn't speak Indonesian. It is known as a working language in Timor Leste now, along with English. The country's official languages are Tetun and Portuguese.

When we stopped at a warung, I could hear a television in a nearby house airing an Indonesian infotainment program. Indonesian TV channels are still a favorite for many Timorese people. They use parabolic antenna to get the channels. That's why many kids who were born and grew up after 1999 can speak Indonesian even though schools don't use it anymore. They learn the language from TV.

Returning to Dili after the trip made the capital seem like a real city, with its crowded roads, office buildings lining the main streets, various restaurants and stores - from Turkish and Indian restaurants to a shop with Indonesia's "Sarimi" brand name on the roof and a Burger King. We also found a shopping center and a newly established cinema. Yet everybody still greeted and waved at the former president and said "Bom dia" or "Boa tarde".

On one road in the city I saw a big banner announcing a Pride Parade, an event to celebrate and promote lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights in Timor Leste. I was surprised that the activity could be held openly in the country.

"Timorese don't see LGBT people as a problem," Ramos-Horta said when I asked him about the issue. "We don't care about people's private lives. Even in politics we never use religion, marriage, or sexual preferences as an issue."

I laughed. Of course, I had compared the situation to Indonesia. What would happen if there was banner for a Pride Parade on a road in Jakarta? We laughed together, remembering a huge protest against the ASEAN Literary Festival in Jakarta that featured LGBT issues as a discussion topic. The festival in early May presented Ramos-Horta as the keynote speaker.

On my last day in Dili, I took a morning walk with Ramos-Horta from his house to Cristo Rei, a tall statue of Jesus that was built by Indonesia. We walked along the main road parallel to the beach. It was 7 a.m. or so, and many people were walking, running, or biking, and shouting "Bom Dia" as they passed by the former president.

At the time I could imagine what happened in 2008 when Ramos-Horta was shot by rebel soldiers. It took place in the morning, when he was taking a walk but decided to return home after hearing about gunshots at his house. He was then shot outside of his home.

The traumatic experience did not change Ramos-Horta at all. He has the same casual routine: a morning walk with one security officer, driving his car across the country, going to restaurants and watching the sun go down every evening.

We enjoyed the last sunset of my visit in Timor Leste on the beach in front of the government building, near the Santa Cruz Massacre Monument, which depicts statues commemorating the 1991 shootings by the Indonesian Army that killed at least 250 Timorese.

The mass shooting was a key turning point in Timor Leste's struggle toward independence as the incident raised awareness of the Indonesian invasion and brutality around the world and also within Indonesia itself.

During the morning walk, we by chance met and talked with one of the men depicted in the monument. He is now the only living survivor of the massacre.

I could not resist asking Ramos-Horta the most haunting question about Timor Leste and Indonesia's relationship, on the possibility of an international war crimes tribunal, and efforts to open cases of gross human rights violations.

But Ramos-Horta said firmly: "We don't need that. Many Timorese joined the pro-Indonesian integration movement and Indonesian Army at the time. Should we bring all of them to the tribunal?"

As the sun went down, I realized that I had fallen in love with the young country, inspired by its great man.

[Okky Madasari is an Indonesian novelist. Her novels are Entrok (The Years of the Voiceless), 86, Maryam (The Outcast), Pasung Jiwa (Bound) and Kerumunan Terakhir (The Last Crowd). She is the cofounder of the ASEAN Literary Festival.]

Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/life/2016/06/21/on-the-road-with-jos-ramos-horta.html

Timor-Leste blazing a trail for maritime dispute resolution

The Diplomat - June 3, 2016

Grace Phan – The words spoken by President Barack Obama in Hanoi, Vietnam in May resonated loudly with the people of Timor-Leste. The president reminded all that "Nations are sovereign, and no matter how large or small a nation may be, its sovereignty should be respected, and its territory should not be violated. Big nations should not bully smaller ones."

Obama expressed this conviction in the context of the South China Sea territorial feuds, urging States to resolve disputes "peacefully... through legal means, in accordance with international law."

As the president spoke, a miniature version of the South China Sea row is playing out in a corner of Southeast Asia between Australia and Timor-Leste. And setting a precedent, Timor-Leste in April became the first country in the world to activate Compulsory Conciliation – a dispute resolution mechanism under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) – to compel Australia to settle permanent maritime boundaries in the Timor Sea.

In so doing, Timor-Leste made itself a test case for an approach to addressing maritime territorial disputes that can potentially be applied to the South China Sea and elsewhere.

Just as the strategic location of the South China Sea and the natural resources beneath it have drawn great interest and competing claims, the rich hydrocarbon deposits under the Timor Sea – described by some as "the North Sea of the South" – have been one of the major factors that has shaped Timor-Leste's difficult history.

Flanked by two giant neighbors, Timor-Leste endured a 24-year occupation by Indonesia during which a quarter of its population – some 200,000 souls – perished. More recently, it has faced skulduggery and espionage, with Australian spies planting listening devices in the Timor-Leste prime minister's offices during treaty consultations.

The cumulative upshot of these machinations is Timor-Leste currently has provisional arrangements – namely, an oil and gas joint development and production agreement with Australia – in a swathe of the Timor Sea that should be the country's Exclusive Economic Zone under international law.

Timor-Leste accepted these temporary arrangements under duress in the early years of its traumatic birth as an independent nation, with the expectation and understanding that Australia would subsequently enter into bilateral negotiations to settle permanent maritime boundaries.

It has now been more than 14 years and Canberra has persisted in its refusal to draw that line in the Timor Sea – the final 2 percent of Australia's territorial perimeter. A boundary delimitation at the median line in accordance with the UNCLOS principle of equidistance would allocate most, if not all of the known oil and gas reserves in the joint production area as Timor-Leste's sovereign territory.

It is still early in the process, but both Australia and Timor-Leste are now engaged in the preliminary steps of the proceedings.

The beauty of Compulsory Conciliation is that the process takes a relatively short 12-18 months, resulting in clear boundary lines being prescribed by a commission of Law of the Sea experts. A five-member conciliation commission comprising respected, independent experts on the Law of the Sea will seek to understand each State's position, taking into account the letter of the law as well as other relevant elements such as historical factors and the presence of natural resources. The goal is to go beyond interpreting the law to help the parties to forge an equitable and sustainable agreement that reflects the principles of international law.

In the event no agreement is reached, the commission will submit a report to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, with recommendations to assist resolution. While the report is not binding, the States are obliged to engage in bilateral negotiations in good faith on the basis of the commission's report.

As a half-island nation for whom the sea is of crucial importance, Timor-Leste currently has no permanent maritime boundaries with either of its two neighbors. Clear boundaries will provide the certainty needed to attract international investment for the development of the country's economy.

The post-independence relationship between Timor-Leste and Indonesia has been excellent. Demarcation of Timor-Leste's land border with Indonesia is almost finished, and Jakarta has committed to complete the drawing of maritime boundaries.

Despite the disagreement over the delimitation of maritime boundaries, the ties between Timorese and Australians remain strong and warm.

Earlier this year, thousands of Timorese demonstrated peacefully in front of the Australian embassy in Dili, in Manila, Jakarta, Kuala Lumpur and in cities across Australia, where they were supported by locals, including many Australian students and veterans.

Australian veterans remember a "debt of honor" toward the Timorese for their sacrifice during World War II when a proxy war was fought on Timorese soil by Australian soldiers and their Timorese friends against the Japanese Imperial Army. This kept the war largely off Australian soil, but led to the deaths of tens of thousands of Timorese.

For many Australians, this is also a matter of fair play. It upsets Australians' inherent sense of fairness and decency to take advantage of Timor-Leste's vulnerability, and for their government to have extracted deals from a much smaller and poorer neighbor under questionable circumstances.

On the Timorese side, passions run high when it comes to the issue of sovereignty. Timorese feel they paid in blood for independence – for sovereignty over their land, as well as their seas. Virtually every Timorese family has lost family members to the conflict and privations of occupation from 1975- 1999.

Fourteen years ago, U.S. President Bill Clinton and world dignitaries gathered in Timor-Leste to celebrate the country's independence – the newest country of the 21st century – pledging help and support.

Fourteen years later, Timorese perk up their ears at the words of President Barack Obama, and look to America's leadership to put substance to words, to uphold international law, to ratify UNCLOS, and to encourage the United States' friends and allies to do the right thing in order to build – in the words of President Obama – an international order of mutual security rooted in rules and norms.

[Grace Phan is a former investment banker and award winning broadcast journalist. She is currently a special advisor to the government of East Timor. The opinions expressed in this article are the author's own.]

Source: http://thediplomat.com/2016/06/timor-leste-blazing-a-trail-for-maritime-dispute-resolution/