Tom Allard Malcolm Turnbull's keynote speech in Washington DC last week, the first serious articulation of his foreign affairs stance since becoming prime minister, gained plenty of plaudits on both sides of the Pacific.
Turnbull was insightful and eloquent, quoting the ancient Greek historian Thucydides as he traversed the great geopolitical challenges of our times. He was also breathtakingly hypocritical.
Musing on the rise of China, its territorial ambitions in the South China Sea and the resulting tensions with the United States and its allies, Turnbull made an impassioned plea for nation states to embrace the rules-based international order.
This order based on the United Nations, multilateralism and respect for international law was "possibly the biggest story of modern times". It had, he intoned, "delivered the greatest run of peace and prosperity this planet has ever known".
"Differences should be resolved by international law," he said, citing the deliberations in the Hague under the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to settle a dispute between the Philippines and China over a 200 nautical mile portion of the South China Sea rich in oil and gas.
"We look forward, in the coming months, to learning the outcome of the tribunal's deliberations."
So far, so apparently uncontroversial. Except that Australia itself does not adhere to international law when it comes to maritime boundary disputes.
In 2002, after negotiating a temporary boundary with the transitional administration in East Timor that hugely favoured Australia and placed the bulk of oil and gas reserves within its territory, Australia quietly withdrew from the jurisdiction of UNCLOS.
The reason was obvious. It had negotiated a deal with an impoverished, war-ravaged and fledgling state that was so unfair it would not stand up to challenge under international law.
If the boundary was drawn midway between East Timor and Australia as is standard under international law most of the oil and gas reserves would lie within Timor's territory.
During later negotiations over sharing the oil and gas reserves worth between $40 billion and $100 billion Australia infamously bugged East Timor's negotiating team. East Timor got a better deal but not anything approaching its rightful share.
East Timor is still fighting for a permanent, equidistant boundary and a better share of the oil and gas reserves. The Coalition government despite being rebuked by the International Court of Justice for its espionage is refusing to enter talks and won't allow the independent arbiter in the UNCLOS Tribunal make a determination.
In his speech, Turnbull chipped the US for not ratifying UNCLOS. "Non-ratification diminishes American leadership where it is most needed."
Australia may have ratified UNCLOS but it has cynically recused itself from being subject to its jurisdiction. Turnbull's reproach of the US about "diminished leadership" applies equally to Australia.
Why would China, the US or any country heed Turnbull's urgings for the potential explosive disputes in the South China Sea to be settled by international law when Australia won't do likewise?
In his Washington speech, Turnbull quoted Book 5 of Thucydides history describing how the ambassadors of the powerful city state of Athens rebuffed the leaders of the island of Melos, who wished to remain neutral in the conflict engulfing the ancient Hellenic world.
The ambassadors told the Melians that "justice is to be found only as between equals in power. As for the rest, the strong do as they will and the weak suffer as they must".
"Now, the international order, the rule of law," observed Turnbull, "seeks to ensure that that is not so, that might is not right."
Yet the ignoble treatment of East Timor since its independence means Australia is acting just like the Athenians.
For East Timor's former president and prime minister Xanana Gusmao, Australia's conduct recalls the British statesman Lord Palmerston's famous maxim "Nations have no permanent friends or allies, they only have permanent interests".
"This is the mindset of powerful nations when they deal with small countries like ours," Gusmao said last year.
To be fair, it seems Turnbull has not focused on East TImor or the maritime boundary dispute since becoming prime minister. He has had plenty on his plate. He most likely unknowingly betrayed Australia's foreign policy hypocrisy in Washington.
This year, he should switch his gaze to the near north. Turnbull has an opportunity to end Australia's diplomatic double standard and begin a meaningful negotiation with East Timor's government over the boundary.
This is in our national interest. Australia's credibility as an advocate of a rules-based global order is at stake. So, too, is East TImor's future: its one productive oil and gas field will be all but exhausted in three years. Its sovereign wealth fund could run out in a decade
Without action, Australia may soon have a failed and hostile state as a neighbour.
Surabaya, East Java Indonesian navy warship KRI Dr. Soekarso (KRI SHS)-990 has arrived in Dili, Timor Leste, for a health service mission.
The warship arrived in Dili on Friday, Indonesia's Eastern Fleet Command spokesman Lt. Col. Maman Sulaeman, said in a press statement to ANTARA here Saturday. "This health mission is the first carried out by KRI SHS-990 abroad in cooperation with the ministry of defense," he said.
The mission involves medical personnel from the army, the navy and the air force. The Landing Platform Deck type ship functions as a hospital support ship under the command of the Support Ship Unit of the Eastern Fleet Command led by Lt. Col. Azhari Alamsyah.
"The arrival of the ship was greeted with the welcome dance, Checuvo from the Los Palos district of Timor Leste," he said.
"This activity is a realization of the good relationship between the Indonesian and Republic Democratic of Timor Leste governments which was initiated several years ago by the sixth Indonesian President Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono," Timor Lestes Minister of Defense Dr. Serilio said at the welcoming ceremony.
This social service was a concrete form of defense cooperation between Indonesia and Timor Leste, in the form of a health service to the community of Timor Leste, Director General of the Defense Forces of the Ministry of Defense, Rear Admiral Agus Purwoto, said.
After the ceremony, the RDTL Minister of Defense and wife Isabel toured the ship along with RDTL officials to see the facilities to be used in the mission until February 1.
For the mission, KRI SHS prepares five operation rooms, six polyclinics, 51 specialists ready to serve more than 2,000 patients, as well as a helicopter ready to carry out evacuation.
The ceremony was also attended by the wife of Indonesian defense minister, Nora Ryamizard Ryacudu, head of the Dr. Ramelan Navy Hospital, Commodore I Dewa Gede Nalendra and other navy officials.(*)
Paulina Quintso The Chief of the Department of Non-infectious Diseases, at the Ministry of Health, Dr Herculano Seixas do Santos said now the Tobacco Control Law has been approved by the Timorese Council of Ministers, the ministry has begun socialising its contents to the community.
He added so far information has been shared through the mass media, television, radio and newspapers including about the sanctions that apply based on the law so that people are not caught by surprise when these start being implemented.
He said also that the health ministry has also started sharing information about the law across all the municipalities including messages about the harmful effects of smoking to health.
"The law was approved by the Council of Minister so now the ministry of health has six months to socialise it to the community," said Dr Santos in Dili. "We are expecting to start implementing the law by June."
Dr Santos explained that according to article 32 cigarettes cannot be sold to anyone under the age of 17; it also bans cigarette advertising; it bans smoking in public spaces and in particular in offices, in health facilities and in school precincts; and in public transport.
The illegal sales of cigarettes is also banned and it includes also a ban on the sale of electronic cigarettes. It also prescribes that cigarettes packaging must include health message warnings.
"It also defines sanctions and for instance anyone smoking inside public transportation will get a fine of $20 to $50."
He added the law also allows the ministry of health to establish a national authority on tobacco control that will be tasked with the implementation of the tobacco control law in Timor-Leste.
Meanwhile the Deputy Minister of Public Works, Transport and Communication (MOPTK), Eng Inacio Moreira said his ministry will work with the Traffic Police Unit of the National Police PNTL to control smoking in spaces where smoking is banned by law.
"Public transport drivers who break law will get their licenses confiscated. They will follow orders and will not the joking around," said Vice Minister Moreira. He added that even though drivers have the right to smoke that this right does not include harming passenger's health.
The Director of Youth Unity for Community Progress (UJPC) Euklidis Torrezao said his organisation is ready to work with the Health Ministry to raise awareness of the tobacco control law in the community and in public transport.
"We have already been socialising the law and the Prime Minister's circular to drivers of public transport so they are aware of the harmful impacts of smoking to passenger's health," he said.
Paulina Quintso The Chief of the Department of Non-infectious Diseases, of the Ministry of Health, Dr Herculano Seixas do Santos has urged the Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Environment (MCIA) to raise to $10 per packet of cigarettes.
Dr dos Santos added that discussions have been held with the Ministry of Commerce MCIA and with the Ministry of Finance but so far a decision has not been reached, even though legally it is allowed.
"We should do it to prevent smoking in particular among children," said Dr dos Santos at the Taibessi Youth Centre, Dili.
He added that raising the cost of buying cigarettes in Timor-Leste is an effective way to reduce the number of smokers because research shows that one of the factors contributing to the high number of smokers in Timor-Leste is because they are so cheap to buy.
According to research undertaken by the Ministry of Health in 2013, results show that 50 percent of 12-17 years olds smoke regularly and that 70 percent of males over 17 years old are habitual smokers making Timor-Leste the country in the Asian region with the highest number of smokers per capita.
Meanwhile the Director of youth organisation Youth Unity for Community Progress (UPJC) Euklidis Torrezao said he supports the idea of raising the price of cigarettes because this will protect the future generations from suffering from cigarette smoking diseases.
"We think that it is good to raise the price of a packet of cigarettes from $1 up to $20 because the cheaper they are the more people will smoke and it makes it even more difficult for people to stop," he added. He added that raising the price of cigarettes will mean that only those who can afford it will smoke.
Youth Ananias Sales also agrees with increasing cigarettes prices because it will reduce the incidence of chronic disease caused by smoking in Timor-Leste. "It is a good idea. We hope though there will be adequate control systems in place so that this can be implemented," he said also.
Paul Toohey East Timorese police have issued a wanted poster for a suspected Islamic State militant they believe has crossed into the country from the Indonesian province of West Timor.
The warning, issued on January 15, the day after the Jakarta attacks by ISIS militants, names the suspect as Fajar.
This may refer to Fajar Firdaus, who was sentenced to four and a half years prison in 2010 for sheltering a terrorist, Syaifudin Jaelani, who recruited suicide bombers for the 2009 JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton suicide attacks that killed seven people, including three Australians.
After the bombings, Syaifudin was killed along with Indonesia's most wanted terrorist, Noordin M Top, the Malaysian-born bombmaker and money man, thought to be Jemaah Islamliyah's top operative in the region.
The US State Department believes East Timor has no homegrown terror organisation, but its land border with West Timor is easily traversed though East Timor is not considered an ideal place for terrorists to hide.
Venidora Oliveira The Deputy Human Rights and Justice Ombudsman (PDHJ) Jesuina Gomes said in 2015 cases amounting to good governance offences registered higher than other types of violations.
She said that in 2015 PDHJ registered 0 cases of good governance violations, even though this was lover that the cases registered in 2014 amounting to 153 cases.
"Of the 90 cases; we were able to investigate over 40 cases which we will then forward to the relevant authorities," added Deputy PDHJ Gomes in Dili.
She explained, the types of violations amounting to good governance violations include maladministration, the abuse of power, illegal offences and incompetence.
"Mal administration occurs when procedures are not followed; resulting is poor public service delivery. Abuses of power include using one's power for personal interest; for example using the work car. Illegal offences are those where a law has been broken," she explained.
Member of the National Parliament Albina Marcal the data presented speaks about the types of violations that are taking place within the different ministries and other state institutions.
"PDHJ should warn them about their poor actions and how they can change," said MP Marcal.
She urged also PDHJ to monitor the progress across ministries and other state institutions to determine how they has been implementing PDHJ's recommendation and their progress.
Nusa Dua President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo is set to visit Timor Leste on Tuesday to discuss efforts to speed up land and maritime border resolutions, as well as to boost bilateral trade and cooperation on investment, energy and infrastructure, in his first state visit to Dili since he took office.
The two remaining unresolved land border segments, Noel Besi Citrana and Bijael Sunan Oben, are still under ongoing negotiation, although, during a bilateral meeting between Jokowi and Timor Leste Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo in Jakarta late last year, the two countries agreed to seek to resolve the two segments by the end of last year.
"The state visit will be used by Indonesia to improve ties between the two countries, as well as to assert Indonesia's commitment to becoming a main partner for Timor Leste's development [agenda]," Indonesia's Foreign Ministry stated in a press release on Monday.
Jokowi is set to fly to Dili from Bali to meet with Araujo and Timor Leste President Taur Matan Ruak on Tuesday.
Foreign Ministry spokesperson Arrmanatha Nasir confirmed that Jokowi's visit would also seek to speed up negotiations on two unresolved land border issues, saying that technical teams from the two countries had also met for negotiations.
"Currently, a joint field survey is underway. It aims to meet with traditional groups who live on and own rights to customary land in the unresolved segments [of land]," Arrmanatha said, adding that negotiations on the delimitation of the maritime border areas were still in progress.
Indonesia and Timor Leste have been negotiating border issues since 2002, soon after the latter formalized its independence from Indonesia following a UN-supervised referendum held in 1999. By 2013, Indonesia and Timor Leste had agreed on more than 900 coordinates as border points, but two land border areas, Noel Besi Citrana and Bijael Sunan Oben, remain unresolved.
Djemi Amnifu and Ni Komang Erviani, Kupang/Denpasar Indonesian authorities have called on the Timor Leste government to immediately relocate the latter's citizens from a disputed border area between the two countries following Indonesia's discovery of illegal activities in the region that was thought to be uninhabited.
Ninth regional military command (Kodam IX) Udayana commander Maj. Gen. M. Setyo Sularso said that his personnel had recently discovered 53 Timor Leste families illegally living in a border area between Noel Besi in Kupang regency, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) and Citrana in Timor Leste.
Timor Leste, according to Setyo, has also built a number of government buildings in the 1,000-hectare area whose jurisdiction status remained an unresolved issue between Indonesia and Timor Leste.
"As an unresolved [border] region, the area must be empty. Such actions have violated our [bilateral] agreement," Setyo said in Denpasar earlier this week.
Indonesia and Timor Leste have been negotiating border issues since 2002, soon after the latter formalized its independence from Indonesia following a UN-supervised referendum held in 1999. By 2013, Indonesia and Timor Leste had agreed on more than 900 coordinates as border points, but two land border areas, Noel Besi Citrana and Bijael Sunan Oben, remain unresolved.
"We have regularly conducted patrol to guard the areas, but they [Timor Leste] have never been willing to do the same. I suspect that the people who have been living in the unpopulated area are actually a part of their strategy," he said, citing a similar tactic used by Malaysia to win a dispute with Indonesia over the status of Sipadan and Ligitan islands in 2002.
Kodam IX Udayana is responsible for security in Bali, NTT and West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) provinces.
Separately, Kupang regency's Boundary Agency head Kain Manus claimed that residents from Ambenu, Timor Leste, had constructed at least three permanent houses in Naktuka hamlet, located within the Noel Besi Citrana border area, since December.
"Naktuka, located in Noel Besi riverbank, has been a subject of dispute between residents of Kupang and Ambeno due to its fertile soil," he said, adding that the conflict had almost turned violent in 2013.
NTT Boundary Agency head Paulus Manehat said that while the governments of the two countries worked on settling the border dispute, the local administration would employ social and cultural approaches to prevent violence.
"We have been asking local residents not to be easily provoked [...]. They must trust the Indonesian government to handle the settlement of this problem," Paulus said.
According to Paulus, a team consisting of representatives from several government institutions, including the Foreign Ministry, Home Ministry, the Indonesian Military and the National Police had visited Noel Besi and Bijael Sunan on Dec. 29 to survey the latest developments in the disputed border areas.
Paulus said the provincial administration had always expressed its support of the immediate settlement of border issues.
"Nevertheless, Indonesian citizens in NTT and the Timor Leste people have a close relationship due to marriage or cultural background," he said.
In August last year, during the visit of Timor Leste Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo to Jakarta, Indonesia and Timor Leste agreed to begin negotiating unresolved land and maritime border issues and enhance bilateral ties, particularly on trade and investment.
The meeting was Araujo's first official visit since he took office in February. Araujo is the country's fifth post-independence prime minister.
Kupang The head of the Border Agency of East Nusa Tenggara Province, Paul Manehat, said the settlement boundary issue between Indonesia and Timor Leste can be resolved by involving traditional leaders as part of a socio-cultural approach.
"We have completed an internal study, tracing the history of such areas as Oepoli, Amfoang and Kupang. This border issue can actually be solved by adopting a social and cultural approach," Manehat said here.
He added that there were a number of documents that show that Oecussi, an enclave, was exchanged with Neomuti area located in North Timor Tengah district.
"Oecussi was once a Dutch colony, and was then included in the Portuguese ruled area, while Noemuti was a Dutch colony and was then part of the Portuguese colony," he said.
According to Manehat, there was a land swap between the Portuguese and the Dutch governments. "This land swap occurred in 1859," he added.
"There exist some important documents about these areas, and we will encourage a resolution to the border issue between Indonesia and Timor Leste through the socio-cultural approach," he said. (Uu.KR-LWA/INE/KR-BSR/A014)
Ina Parlina, Dili, Timor Leste Jokowi was in Dili on Tuesday, his first trip abroad this year, and met with Timor Leste Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araujo and President Taur Matan Ruak.
Jokowi said that not only did Indonesia share a similar desire to Timor Leste to enhance the existing close friendship between the two neighboring countries, but that Jakarta had reaffirmed its "commitment as the main partner in the development of Timor Leste".
Indonesia and Timor Leste have been negotiating border issues since 2002, soon after the latter formalized its independence from Indonesia following a UN-supervised referendum held in 1999. Indonesia and Timor Leste have agreed on more than 900 coordinates as border points, but two land border areas Noel Besi-Citrana and Bijael Sunan-Oben remain unresolved.
"Indonesia and Timor Leste are committed to speeding up negotiations on borders; in terms of land borders, to immediately solve the two unresolved segments; in terms of maritime borders, to start talks on the segment in northern Timor Leste in the first quarter of 2016," Jokowi told a press conference after meeting with Araujo.
The two remaining unresolved land border segments are still under ongoing negotiation, although, during a bilateral meeting between the Jokowi and Araujo in Jakarta late last year, the two countries agreed to seek to resolve the two segments by the end of last year. At that time, Jakarta and Dili also agreed to begin negotiating the delimitation of maritime boundaries.
Technical teams from the two countries have also met to negotiate the land border issues.
According to Araujo, the two countries were indeed committed to resolving the land border issues "in the spirit of goodwill and solidarity", adding, "We are confident this can be achieved very quickly."
Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said that a joint field survey which aimed to get input from customary groups with the rights to land in unresolved land border segments was expected to be held next month or in March.
On Tuesday, the two neighboring countries also signed 5 memorandums of understanding, covering: cooperation on energy, including joint research and study; illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing; youth and sports, including capacity and entrepreneurship building; climatology and geophysics; and archives.
Araujo said that Jokowi's visit reflected an enhanced, strong and positive bond between the two nations.
"While we have had a difficult past, today Timor Leste and Indonesia are global models for reconciliation and peace in an increasingly divided world. We share an island and we share a future," he added.
Earlier that day, Jokowi held a meeting with President Ruak in which he was bestowed the highest Timorese honor, the Grand Collar of the Order.
"This award means a big responsibility for us to maintain a friendship and close cooperation that will mutually benefit Indonesia and Timor Leste," Jokowi said.
While Ruak also appreciated Indonesia for supporting Timor Leste's bid for ASEAN full membership, saying that it would be important for their efforts to improve their economy and social welfare, as well as for attracting investment.
Source: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2016/01/27/ri-timor-leste-agree-boost-ties-border-talks.html
Jakarta Timor-Leste President Taur Matan Ruak will bestow the country's highest medal of honor, Grande Colar de Ordem de Timor-Leste, on President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in a ceremony at the presidential palace in Dili, Tuesday.
President Jokowi, accompanied by First Lady Iriana, is on a state visit to Dili, Ari Dwipayana of the presidential communications team noted in a statement.
The highest medal of honor will be awarded after President Jokowi and Ruak hold a one-on-one conversation.
It is Jokowis first state visit to Timor-Leste, according to information from the Indonesian foreign ministry.
The head of state is accompanied by the coordinating minister for economic affairs, foreign affairs minister, cabinet secretary, and youth and sports minister.
The visit is aimed at strengthening bilateral relations, reaffirming Indonesia's commitment to becoming a major development partner of Timor-Leste. Jokowi is also scheduled to hold a bilateral meeting with Timor-Leste Prime Minister Maria De Araujo.
President Jokowi and his Timor-Leste counterpart are expected to discuss issues and efforts to step up cooperation in trade, investment, energy, and infrastructure development, among several others.
The two countries leaders will also reiterate their joint commitment to accelerating solutions to land and maritime border issues.
They will also witness the signing of five memoranda of understanding on cooperation in: youth and sports, archives, climatology and geophysics, search and rescue, and energy and mineral resources.(*)
Jakarta President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) during his state visit to Timor Leste on Tuesday is expected to discuss the settlement of Indonesian assets in the country, according to a legislator.
"I highly laud President Jokowis first state visit to Timor Leste, and I hope the president will hold talks on seeking a settlement of Indonesian assets in Timor Leste," Martin Hutabarat of the Gerindra Party faction at the House of Representatives (DPR) remarked here on Tuesday.
He affirmed that it is an historic state visit by President Jokowi to Timor Leste as the two countries share strong emotional relations.
Hutabarat noted that almost all cabinet members and officials of the Timor Leste government had graduated from various universities in Indonesia.
Further, he reiterated that President Jokowi could achieve a diplomatic breakthrough with the Timor Leste government to reach a settlement on Indonesian assets in the form of lands, farms, and houses of thousands of Indonesian citizens of Timor Leste origin.
"They have since long been seeking a settlement of their assets, but it had never received serious attention from the government," Hutabarat pointed out.
President Jokowi and his entourage arrived in Dili, Timor Leste, at 10 a.m. local time on a state visit to the country.
Presidential Palace spokesman Ari Dwipayana remarked here on Tuesday that in the company of First Lady Iriana, the president and his entourage arrived in Dili after a two-hour flight from Denpasars Ngurah Rai International Airport aboard the presidential aircraft, Indonesia-1.
While in Dili, the president will meet his Timor Leste counterpart President Taur Matan Ruak and Prime Minister Maria De Araujo.
The main agenda of the talks between Jokowi and Timor Lestes leaders is to intensify cooperation in trade, investment, energy development, infrastructure development, and the settlement of border issues.
The Timor Leste government will award President Jokowi the highest service medal of Grande Colar de Ordem de Timor Leste.
The two governments would sign five memoranda of understanding on cooperation in the areas of youth and sports, search and rescue, energy, petroleum, and mineral resources.
Before returning to Indonesia on Tuesday evening, the president and his entourage will visit the Metinaro and Seroja military cemeteries.(*)
Jakarta President Joko Widodo will visit Timor Leste on Wednesday as a part of a drive to strengthen bilateral relations and development cooperations with the country.
Joko is scheduled for separate meetings with Timor Leste President Taur Matan Ruak and Prime Minister Y.M. Maria de Araujo on Wednesday.
The bilateral meetings will discuss strengthening cooperations in trade, investment, energy and infrastructure development, a statement released by the Indonesian Foreign Affairs Ministry said on Monday.
The leaders will also discuss the joint-commitment to settling border issues, both on land and sea.
Both presidents are slated to sign five Memorandum of Understandings in five areas: youth and sports, archives, climatology and geophysics, search and rescue, and energy, oil and mineral resources.
Dili A Chinese Navy task force on Saturday arrived in Dili, capital of Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, to pay a five-day official visit to the country.
The task force 152, which comprises a destroyer, a frigate and a supply ship, has been Chinese Navy's first one to pay an official visit to Timor-Leste since it became a sovereign state in 2002. The three Chinese warships were anchored to Dili port at about 10 o'clock local time in the morning. Timor-Leste's Defense and Security Minister Cirilo Jose Cristovao, China's ambassador to Timor-Leste Liu Hongyang and more than 500 representatives from local Chinese companies and overseas students gave a warm welcoming ceremony to the task force.
Minister Christovao said at the welcoming ceremony that the first official visit by Chinese Navy's task force will definitely further promote the development of the bilateral relationship and defense cooperation, and be of significant importance to world peace and regional stability.
Wang Jianxun, commodore of the task force 152, said that the visit will improve the bilateral friendship, especially the cooperation between navies of the two countries.
After the welcoming ceremony, Timor-Leste government officials and military personnel as well as Chinese nationals attended the ceremony there got on board and visited the Chinese navy destroyer Jinan and frigate Yiyang.
During the visit, officers and soldiers of the task force will hold a deck reception and the two sides' military personnel will visit each other's warship. The task force will also hold an anti-piracy seminar and sports games with Timor-Leste's counterparts.
Commodore Wang Jianxun will pay a visit to the Ministry of Defense and Security of Timor-Leste to meet its minister and commander of Timor-Leste's Defense Force. While the task force's political commissar Ye Jianlin will visit a local school.
Timor-Leste became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century in May 2002. Its capital Dili is the political and economic center and also a major port of the country.
The task force 152 is en route its global voyage started in August 2015 when it finished an escort mission in the Gulf of Aden. Timor-Leste is the 13th stop of its global goodwill visits after a 10-day cruise from Australia's Brisbane.
Source: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-01/16/c_135015547.htm
"The Tale of the Timorese Coffee Farmer" Timor-Leste's booth at the 2015 Milan Expo showcases one of the region's main exports. This exhibition marks the country's biggest international promotion event to date, representing a significant moment for the country's ascension onto the world scene. Members of the Timorese government have visited Milan, and a permanent delegation has been established to help promote a country that remains, for the most part, completely unknown around the world.
The exhibit conveys much about what Timor-Leste hopes to achieve in terms of its development tourism included and about the challenges it faces in doing so, all against the backdrop of the country's coffee production. The Timorese coffee farmer who has "experienced not only the effects of colonisation, war and political upheaval" but also "has [had] to compete internationally with other much larger and established coffee producing nations globally through means of producing organic, premium coffee" has met these challenges by maintaining organic farming in order to promote sustainable development and environmentally friendly practices. This sort of streamlined solution has yet to be achieved in the context of tourism.
In tourism, as in coffee, Timor-Leste must bear the burden of its past for example, lack of infrastructure and adequately trained human resources and it faces stiff competition from other established and emerging markets. There are many popular tourism destinations nearby, notably in the vast Indonesian archipelago, where infrastructure is better, prices more accessible, and the tourism sector better prepared.
One of the least visited countries in the world (it is difficult to come up with real tourism statistics as most tourism visas are obtained by people who actually work temporarily there), Timor-Leste welcomes perhaps only a few thousand tourists a year. Encountering visitors travelling the country is still quite a novelty, despite the growing number of programmes, tours, options, and destinations. Many simply fly into Dili on prepaid and pre-booked tours to go diving, returning to the airport immediately. Others are "political tourists" visiting the revolutionary sites and stomping grounds of political change in the newest nation of the 21st century, partaking in the history of a nation that was, in 1999, the focus of global media attention.
A study published in early 2015 by the Asia Foundation based on a survey of 700 visitors concludes that the country's tourism sector is promising. Based on inbound arrivals, it estimates that the industry is currently worth US$14.6 million per annum, placing it close behind coffee, which remains Timor-Leste's primary export in the non-oil economy at US$15 million per annum. "The study also indicates high satisfaction with 83 [percent] of travellers believing their experience met their expectations with almost equal proportions saying they would recommend Timor-Leste to their friends and family," the study notes.
This satisfaction is not reflected in the numbers, however. Compared to other nations in the region, for example, a recent ANZ analysis confirms that in the case of Timor-Leste, the contribution of tourism to its GDP is "n/a", while it represents 13 percent in the Solomon Islands and 40 percent in Fiji. While it is difficult to compete with the huge oil and gas industry (which almost entirely funds the country), tourism should and could have a greater impact.
To be sure, Timor-Leste is not currently a major destination on the tourism map, as a recent newspaper article would indicate: "Timor-Leste: what it's like to travel in a land without tourists." But there have been advancements in the past few years that could turn the tide: there are now regular diving tours, both on the main island as well as on the island of Atauro, and "political tourism" continues to attract people from all over the world. Personal recommendations often by people who live or have lived in the country also account for a percentage.
Overall, the tourism industry has grown significantly: flights to and from the country have increased with availability from Darwin, Bali, and Singapore; there are more boats for hire; accommodation has increased; and the shopping and restaurant industries have expanded. This rapid growth is significant for a country that almost burned to the ground only 16 years ago and has since had to weather a significant civil conflict in 2006.
The capital, Dili, is a prime example of Timor-Leste's ability to meet the needs of global events. It hosted the 10th Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries in 2014, and accommodated in June of this year (despite the scepticism of many Timorese and foreigners living in Dili), a one-day unprecedented influx of hundreds of tourists from the Pacific Jewel Ship, the first ever cruise ship to dock in Timor-Leste. The city's infrastructure responded well, tours were organised both in Dili and outside the capital, and tourists reported positive experiences overall. But this may not be enough for tourism development to truly thrive.
In a highly competitive global tourism market, in a region where tourism is king and visitors already have an unending range of options from luxury to off-the-beaten-track Timor-Leste barely registers, and changing that will require significant investment not just in marketing and brand development. Perhaps more important to determine is what ilk of tourism, exactly, Timor-Leste wants to offer and how to go about laying the groundwork for the development that would accomplish such a goal.
The majority of visitors to the country, for example, note that they relied on word-of-mouth recommendations to inform their itinerary ahead of their trip, as there was little or no information available online or in other traditional media sources. Nor was this void filled when they entered the country. For example, hotels offer little or no promotional materials at all for guests.
Currently, the government's strategy centres on five pillars: ecological and maritime tourism, historic and cultural tourism, sport and adventure tourism, religious tourism, and tourism partnered with conferences and conventions. Areas, which require shared improvements, such as basic infrastructure, but target completely different audiences and markets therefore require completely different public and private projects, which will prove both costly and inefficient. The strategy planning documents also acknowledge difficulties in a crucial element of any tourism development: human resources. Timor-Leste lacks trained staff particularly in the service industry where better language skills are required and specific technical expertise necessary.
Of course, one of the biggest challenges is the lack of infrastructure. Despite the improvements made in the 13 years since independence, much remains to be done, most notably in areas such as roads, water, sanitation, and other basic commodities, which any large-scale tourism strategy requires. Such large-scale promised investments remain on paper, and actual improvements, for example, in roads, have been slow and difficult.
On the consumer side, just getting to the country is expensive (from Singapore it can cost upwards of US$500 and from Darwin even more so); travelling in the country is equally expensive (a 4WD car can cost up to US$100 per day); and the accommodation available generally offers little value for money spent, despite recent developments and new spaces. Comparatively, the tourism dollar does not stretch far in Timor-Leste. The Asia Foundation survey, for example, notes that a visit to Timor-Leste (flights excluded) would cost around US$638, suggesting that "the annual economic value-add by travellers who have participated in leisure travel during their visit to Timor-Leste is approximately US$14.6 million".
For the government, tourism is alongside agriculture and oil and gas one of the pillars for the country's future economic development. After all, Timor-Leste has "considerable advantages" in these industries due to the country's "natural resources, geography, and economic profile." Yet, the government recognises that consolidating this objective is a mid-term endeavour, expecting that it may not be until 2030 that Timor-Leste will "have a well-developed tourism industry, attracting a large number of international visitors, contributing substantially to the creation of community benefits, locally and nationally, and creating jobs in the country". The Strategic Development Plan (2011-2030), which serves as a guide for government and state strategy across all areas, considers the "natural beauty, rich history, and cultural patrimony" of Timor-Leste of containing "great potential for the development of tourism as an important industry for economic development".
Effectively utilising this potential towards the end goal, however, has proven more complicated and less realistic: of the objectives for 2015, only one has been achieved the Archive and Museum of the Timorese Resistance. The five Regional Cultural Centres have not been opened; the National Archive and Library remain, largely, a theoretical project; the project of building outdoor cinemas around the country has yet to take off; and the National Creative Arts Academy still does not exist at all.
This, unfortunately, points to a sluggish development of the tourism industry. But this cloud may contain a silver lining: for now, visitors to Timor-Leste may have the unique experience of travelling around a country unadulterated with the consequences of tourism. A country in its raw, genuine form. Enjoy it while you can. (Macao Magazine, by Maya Leonor in Dili)
Sarah Marinos It's a weekday afternoon at Coburg Library and Kirsty Sword Gusmao and her youngest son, Daniel, 11, are browsing. Since she and her three sons settled in Melbourne's northern suburbs last year, the former First Family of East Timor has relished quiet moments like this.
Each morning during the school term Sword Gusmao's two eldest sons, Alexandre, 15, and Kay Olok, 13, hop on a tram in Sydney Rd and head to University High School, blending peacefully into the rush-hour crowd.
"When we moved to Coburg one of the first things we did was get on Gumtree and buy bikes," Sword Gusmao says.
"We love exploring the Merri Creek Trail. The boys love their independence and anonymity here. Timor is a small place and we're known everywhere - from the mountains to the local shopping centre. We love being 'normal' people and being able to disappear."
Sword Gusmao returned to Melbourne last March after she and Xanana Gusmao, her husband of 15 years, announced their separation. He remains in East Timor, but he and Sword Gusmao, 49, make frequent trips to visit each other.
"Xanana and I have always had a strong and productive partnership, and that will continue," she says. "I look back on my time there with a sense of real privilege. It was challenging and I could have had an easier life if I'd married an accountant from Box Hill - but I wouldn't do anything differently. "I can't think of any regrets. It's been a rich life."
Sword Gusmao first met Xanana Gusmao in December 1994. He was imprisoned in Jakarta for leading an East Timorese resistance group fighting for independence from Indonesia. She was based there as an aid worker and human rights campaigner. Their mutual desire to see East Timor achieve peace and independence brought them together.
Sword Gusmao first became aware of the plight of the East Timorese while studying Indonesian at the University of Melbourne. There she met students who recounted Indonesia's horrific human rights abuses.
So, after graduating, Sword Gusmao joined what is now Australian Volunteers International, working on Indonesian programs. She was also engaged as a researcher and interpreter for a TV documentary about human rights abuses in East Timor.
"That galvanised my will to do something more than just participate in demonstrations on the streets of Melbourne," she says. "It confirmed everything I knew about the terrible atrocities going on in the country."
In 1992 she moved to Jakarta and became enmeshed in helping the East Timorese resistance, operating covertly under the alias Ruby Blade.
"I don't like the term 'spy'. It was human rights activism-plus. First and foremost I was a human rights campaigner and I had that extra bit of courage - or foolhardiness - to do a bit more," she says.
"For example, I met visiting UN special rapporteurs because the Timorese wanted access to them to give their testimonies. But, of course, the Indonesian authorities wouldn't let the Timorese anywhere near these people. So as a white foreigner I'd front up at their five-star hotels and pass on reports from the Timorese."
Her clandestine work brought her into contact with Xanana Gusmao and a relationship blossomed. They married in 2000, soon after Xanana was freed. So began Sword Gusmao's journey from Bendigo schoolgirl to First Lady of East Timor. She admits it sounds more glamorous than it was.
In 2001 she began the Alola Foundation, aimed at improving the lives of women and children. It still takes up much of her time. Last year her service to Australia-East Timor relations - particularly in the areas of education and health was recognised when she was appointed an Officer of the order of Australia.
As well as the challenges in rebuilding East Timor, Sword Gusmao has also faced challenges of a personal kind - most recently a diagnosis of breast cancer. She and her boys temporarily relocated to Melbourne during treatment.
Now recovered, Sword Gusmao is making the most of being home permanently. "I miss Timor but I have regular and reliable electricity and water now. And the children are enjoying the enormous opportunities here," she says.
"But they've gained a huge amount from their upbringing in Timor. Each has grown up with a great deal of empathy for people who are not as fortunate as them and with a commitment to doing something to change that.
"I see myself and my husband in each of them. The youngest is extremely caring and if he sees someone begging in the streets he is adamant he has to give them money. My oldest is a little shy and I was a shy and retiring child, too, so I see a little of myself in him."
And what of Kay Olok? Sword Gusmao laughs. "My middle son is very charismatic. He's a sportsman and he's ambitious and quite competitive," she says. "If any of them will become the politician like their dad, it will be him."
Paul Rogers Two decades on, an inspiring example of successful direct action against powerful states and the arms industry is recalled.
20 years ago this week an action by three women to damage a Hawk jet soon to be exported from Britain to Indonesia was successful. On 29 January 1996, Joanna Wilson, Lotta Kronlid, and Andrea Needham were arrested and charged with causing over a million pounds' worth of damage, while Angie Zelter was charged shortly afterwards with conspiracy. All four were in prison for six months pending the seven-day trial which took place at Liverpool crown court in July 1996.
The defence case was that the women were preventing a greater crime the use of the jet by the Indonesian military against people in East Timor, who had been engaged in a struggle against cruel occupation and for national independence since 1975. The outcome was one of the most remarkable verdicts in recent legal history: not guilty.
At the time, that judgment was typically described as "perverse". But it stood, and the four women were released. Now, two decades later, a remarkable account has been published by Peace News of the series of events that led to the trial as well as of the women's week in the dock.
The Hammer Blow: How Ten Women Disarmed a Warplane is a lucid personal narrative by Andrea Needham of why they decided to do what they did. It charts the work by the four and their six close supporters, which stretched over years of effort before culminating in the mid-winter action.
The brutal Indonesian counterinsurgency campaign against the independence movement in East Timor was already a matter of controversy when their protest began. The Hawk Ploughshares group had tried many ways of campaigning conventionally to get the government and British Aerospace to stop the export of the Hawk jets. BAe claimed that the planes were being exported as trainers, but there was ample evidence of their active military role; the Hawk Ploughshares group came to recognise that direct action would be needed, though aware that as a consequence its members might face many years in prison.
Of the many fascinating themes in Andrea Needham's book, four are worth noting. First, the amount of work involved. The women spent months pursuing the usual routes before embarking on the action, and then many more considering how to respond to what would inevitably follow, while maintaining their focus on possible success.
Second, the meticulous research and observation of the BAe plant at Warton in Lancashire, north-west England that provided the information they needed to undertake the action. The detail here of how they avoided security is worthy of a spy novel. But also at one stage of a comic one: for having done the damage, they couldn't attract the attention of BAe staff! After two hours in the hangar, they ended up phoning the Press Association to get the message out.
Third, the group's experience of months on remand in Risley prison, near Warrington, which provides a revealing picture of how a women's prison operates in modern-day Britain. This period was taken up with preparation for the trial, in which aid from lawyers and support from many people proved invaluable.
Fourth, the trial itself. This was presided over by a judge who, to put it as kindly as possible, was not sympathetic to their case. One high point was the appearance of witnesses from East Timor, who provided graphic descriptions of the force being used by Indonesia's government. Another was BAe's persistent attempt to maintain that the planes were trainers, even against evidence that they were to be deployed to a squadron with a known counterinsurgency role and at an airbase within combat-range of East Timor.
These are but a few details of a determined and inspiring action which has now resulted in a hugely readable and informative book. I was fortunate enough to read the whole text at the proof stage. A sample chapter is available online and gives a good indication of its quality. If you live within reach of central London, then Andrea Needham will be at the launch at Friends House, opposite Euston Station, on Friday 29 January, at 7pm. Go there if you can. If not, then read the chapter and buy the book. This is a story of change-making that works.
Source: https://www.opendemocracy.net/paul-rogers/disarming-war-hawk-ploughshares-story
Dili (ANTI/Pacific Media Watch) Human rights advocates have appealed to President Joko Widodo to "end impunity and consolidate democracy" on the eve of his first visit to Timor-Leste today.
The group ANTI (Timor-Leste National Alliance for an International Tribunal) sent a copy of this appeal to Pacific Media Watch, saying: "We welcome the President of Indonesia to Timor-Leste, but cannot forget cases of crimes against humanity."
The letter said:
"Although we still cry and be sad from the unhealed wounds to our bodies, we are also glad to receive the visit of the President of Indonesia with a commitment to look for a solution for the serious crimes committed during the illegal occupation from 1975 to 1999. We hope that this visit can serve as an initial step to resolve crimes against humanity which have not yet had final accountability.
"Cruel acts and inhuman treatment committed by the Indonesian military against Timor-Leste's people have not yet been erased from our memories. The principal leaders of these serious crimes are still free, repeating similar violations in West Papua, Maluku and other places in Indonesia. The Indonesian people now have a President without a military history, but former officers who were involved in serious crimes still have power and influence in the Indonesian government, which closes every route toward justice for serious crimes.
"Many reports, including the Chega! report, relate information about various violations by the Indonesian military against the Timorese people. These violations include torture, killings, forced disappearances and denying civil, political, economic and social rights.
"For 24 years, there were uncountable violations. For example, after destroying Falintil's support base in 1978, Indonesian soldiers and their Timorese collaborators forced the civilian population into concentration camps. Everybody involved knows how difficult that situation was. During this concentration, noncombatants were not allowed to farm or produce food for themselves and their families. People starved and suffered severe malnutrition, and many died. People were deprived of food, education and health, creating structural poverty which continues today.
"Although processes for some serious crimes have been conducted in Dili and Jakarta for 1999 cases, there has never been justice and no legal solution has been found for people, victims or the international community. Of the perpetrators who designed and commanded these crimes, only two Timorese went to prison, and many continue to live free from a credible trial, such as Prabowo Subianto, Wiranto and other generals who have so far avoided justice processes.
"We know that the democratic process in Indonesia continues to progress because people and journalists freely raise the cases of 1965-1967 to the public. We hope that Indonesian government is willing to pursue other past crimes under national and international laws and mechanisms. We continue to urge both states Timor-Leste and Indonesia, as well as the United Nations to discuss the Chega! report, along with the Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF) in order to start to implement the recommendations in the report, in particular the establishment of a Commission for Missing People. It has been nearly ten years and the two Governments have not yet been serious in fulfilling their obligations as per the CTF recommendations. We do not forget the many promises from the international community that it will establish an international tribunal when the two states fail to end impunity for serious crimes.
"We trust that Sr. Joko Widodo respects the law, democracy and human rights, and we ask how we can work together to overcome the tremendous challenges which are preventing the people of Timor and Indonesia from achieving these goals.
"As human rights activists, we and the Timorese people, together with activists and people from Indonesia, continue to advance democracy in Indonesia and justice for Timor-Leste's people.
Thank you. ANTI Dili, 25 January 2016
Ken Westmoreland Jordan Peterson's piece "Should Timor-Leste Turn to Portugal?" has had the unintended effect of asking a question to which virtually everyone in the country, irrespective of generation or language, will give the same answer: No. (Or, in Tetum and Portuguese, lae and nso!)
While the idea of restoring constitutional links with Portugal may have been something some opponents of the Indonesian occupation may have dreamed about twenty years ago, it is something with no more support in Lisbon than in Dili.
Leaving aside how distasteful such a relationship would be, however symbolic, Timor-Leste already enjoys links with Portugal and other Portuguese-speaking countries through the CPLP, a Lusophone equivalent of the Commonwealth and the Francophonie. While it may not be as well-funded or as well-established as its Anglophone and Francophone counterparts, the CPLP offers all its members a framework for cooperation without the colonial baggage. As it happens, its creation twenty years ago was partly a response by Lisbon to Mozambique joining the Commonwealth and Guinea-Bissau joining the Francophonie.
Critics of Timor-Leste's use of Portuguese as an official language frequently argue that CPLP countries are too far away for it to be practical, although geographical distance is not in itself a problem. After all, Tahiti and New Caledonia remain French, despite people traveling from Paris having to change planes in Los Angeles or Tokyo, but France is a large and wealthy country, whereas Portugal is a small and poor one. Had Portugal been in a position to develop the then Portuguese Timor as France was to develop its Pacific outposts, it would have felt no need to jettison it in 1975.
Interestingly, in 1998, Australia's Prime Minister John Howard suggested to Indonesia's President B J Habibie that the Matignon Accord, under which France granted New Caledonia wide-ranging autonomy with a built-in review mechanism, could serve as a model for East Timor. Habibie, however, was so incensed by the comparison of his country to a European colonial power that he decided to give the Timorese an immediate vote on independence, rather than go on subsidizing them.
Portugal is not so much handicapped by geography in its relationship with Timor-Leste as it is by its low profile in the surrounding region, with which its trade and diplomatic links have been limited. Although it might have had a trading empire in the seventeenth century, modern-day Portugal has fewer trade ties with Asia than do other small European countries like Denmark. Attempts by its national airline, TAP, to fly between Lisbon, Bangkok and Macau in the mid-1990s were soon abandoned, while until recently, there were more Portuguese consulates in France than embassies or consulates in Asia.
It is only in the wake of the European financial crisis that there has been a renewed interest in Asia, illustrated by Emirates now flying twice daily between Lisbon and Dubai, with connections to cities like Singapore and Denpasar in Bali. However, few Portuguese traveling on to Dili will be tourists, as Timor-Leste simply does not have the infrastructure for mass tourism from anywhere. Dili airport's runway is inadequate for large aircraft and long-haul flights, while the nearest suitable airport in Baucau, the country's second city, is 120 kilometers away.
The only Portuguese-speaking country with economic and political clout is Brazil, but it punches far below its weight, especially in "soft diplomacy." Brasilia lacks a cultural body comparable to France's Alliance Francaise or even Portugal's Instituto Camoes, and doesn't have international TV channels like TV5MONDE, which broadcasts French-language programs subtitled instead of dubbed, or news channels like Russia's RT, Qatar's Al-Jazeera, or France's France 24, broadcasting in other languages.
Unlike Angola and Mozambique, which actively supported East Timor's independence movement, Brazil gained its independence from Portugal in the 19th century and did not have the sense of shared history. In his 1987 memoir, Jose Ramos Horta, later Timor-Leste's second president, remarked that a delegation of Brazilian businessmen who visited Indonesia at the time "had probably never heard of East Timor, and couldn't have cared less if they had."
In fact, the largest Portuguese-speaking community in Asia is to be found not in former Portuguese colonies like Timor-Leste, Goa or Macau, but in Japan, home to 210,000 Brazilians, accounting for Portuguese-language public signs and cash machine instructions, pay-TV channels, and community radio and newspapers. However, unlike the Timorese, these are generally native Portuguese speakers, or the children of them, and feel a strong sense of affinity with Brazil.
Similarly, thousands of Timorese have already taken advantage of Portuguese nationality laws to work in the European Union, albeit mostly in the U.K., not Portugal. While some officials in Dili bemoan this as a "brain drain," it also constitutes "money gain," and in rural areas of Timor-Leste, the smartest houses are those of people with relatives from towns like Oxford, Dungannon, Crewe, Peterborough and Bridgwater sending back remittances.
Although few speak Portuguese, many cannot speak English either, despite it being portrayed as the key to boundless prosperity and modernity, and local authorities often have to use interpreters or translate documents into Tetum, ironically, something state institutions in Dili do not bother to do.
The paradox is that Timor-Leste is linguistically lusified, with Portuguese influencing Tetum, but not linguistically Lusophone, or Portuguese-speaking. On a visit to the country in 2009, I saw a newspaper article in Tetum headed Lian Portuges La Benefisia Estudante or "Portuguese Language Does Not Benefit Students." Despite more than half of the words being of Portuguese origin, it was comprehensible to most Tetum speakers, even those unable to conjugate a Portuguese verb.
To paraphrase the Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore commenting on Indian influence in Indonesia, one sees Portuguese everywhere in Timor-Leste, but one does not recognize it. Tetum speakers can use Portuguese words with no more care as to their origins than Indonesian speakers care about the Sanskrit origins of the words they use.
In any event, the extent of Portuguese cultural influence in Timor-Leste over the centuries is debatable. While the Portuguese, like the French, had an assimilationist colonial policy, in Timor the Dominican missionaries used a form of Tetum to convert people to Catholicism much as their Jesuit counterparts in Brazil originally used a form of Tupi.
Indeed, when Portugal left East Timor in 1975, most of its people were animist, not Catholic, and the phenomenal growth in the Church's membership during Indonesian rule was prompted by the requirement that all citizens must belong to an officially recognized religion, with Catholicism being seen as the least alien compared to Islam or Protestantism.
Similarly, in Dili until as late as the 1870s, Bazaar Malay was the most important foreign language, rather than Portuguese. In addition, a local Portuguese creole never developed in Portuguese Timor, despite ones being found elsewhere in Asia, including parts of the Indonesian archipelago, even following the establishment of the Dutch East Indies.
Unlike the Portuguese, the Dutch followed a segregrationist colonial policy and, rather than actively promoting their own language in their colony, developed and standardized a form of Malay, which would later become the basis of modern Indonesian.
When Indonesia incorporated East Timor as its "27th province" in 1976, it expanded its education system, in which far more Timorese were educated than in the Portuguese era. Like Dutch before it, Portuguese was vilified as a relic of the colonial era, although unlike Dutch, the association of Portuguese with the independence movement meant it had to be actively suppressed.
As if the task of reintroducing Portuguese after 1999 were not difficult enough, in the face of resentment from those who never learned the language, it was made far worse by the duplication of already scarce resources. In 2006, the Portuguese teacher Joso Paulo Esperanca wrote that when he first came to Dili, he found teachers from the Instituto Camoes, the Portuguese Ministry of Education, and the Federation of Portuguese Universities working in competition and in isolation from one another.
Unlike most other Portuguese in Timor-Leste, Esperanca not only speaks Tetum, but also Indonesian, and has espoused ideas which are an anathema to his fellow expats, like the subtitling of Portuguese-language films and TV programs in Indonesian as well as Tetum, and the use of Indonesian as a means of teaching Portuguese.
Timor-Leste's fledgling radio and TV services are available across the region via an Indonesian satellite, but it is only now that a comprehensive two-way Portuguese-Indonesian dictionary, published in Jakarta, has finally become available.
Sandwiched between two giant neighbors, Indonesia and Australia, Timor-Leste needs to find counterweights to them, but Portugal and other Portuguese-speaking countries are more likely to serve as cultural rather than economic ones. By happy coincidence, however, the country best served to act as a geopolitical counterweight is the country in Asia with the most interest in the Portuguese-speaking world: China.
Unlike elsewhere in the region, not least Australia and Indonesia, journalists and academics in China do not ritually denounce Timor-Leste's Portuguese language policy, not least as Beijing uses Macau to host its Forum for Economic and Trade Co-operation between China and Portuguese-speaking Countries. China buys soya and ethanol from Brazil, and petroleum and diamonds from Angola, so does not dismiss either as too poor or far away to be of economic importance.
It may seem counterintuitive that China should use the Portuguese language as a Trojan horse to make inroads into Timor-Leste rather than use Mandarin, but the practice of a rising expansionist power using the language of its predecessor is not without precedent; the British East India Company used Persian, inherited from the Moghuls, rather than English, while the Romans used Greek in the eastern part of their empire, rather than Latin.
By contrast, the idea of a country restoring constitutional links with its former colonial master, as Jordan Peterson suggests, is unprecedented and highly improbable.
Source: http://thediplomat.com/2016/01/why-should-timor-leste-turn-to-portugal/