Mouzinho Lopes de Araujo East Timor is readying to stand on its own feet as international forces withdraw by the year-end. But for some in the 10- year-old nation, one of the poorest in Asia, the exodus also comes at a steep price.
The bars and restaurants on "the avenida" that runs along the coast of the capital Dili are now lonely haunts with the odd NGO worker or energy company representative dropping in.
The nightly roar of helicopters on patrol has subsided, while the UN's four-wheel drives that once packed the Avenida are replaced by old sedans and ramshackle yellow taxis looking to pick up Timorese for a $2 flat rate.
"Not many UN people come to our bar and restaurant anymore," Dili Beach Hotel manager Domi Riu told AFP. The bar-restaurant alone used to take in $2,000 a day, but since peacekeepers began withdrawing in large numbers last month, it is lucky to make $500.
Sixteen UN workers once occupied the hotel's most expensive rooms, between $700 and $1,500 a month, but today only five rooms are filled and the hotel may be empty by December 31, when all 1,200 peacekeepers will have returned home. "We have three options: cut the number of staff, cut their hours or go out of business," Riu said.
On Saturday, Portugal withdrew the bulk of its police, may of whom employed drivers and maids who will have to find new jobs. Some 850 Timorese UN staff and around 1,300 security guards will also be dismissed, according to the UN.
The UN said it was running a training program that involved more than 90 percent of its employees and it hoped the mission had given local staff an opportunity for professional development.
"We see pretty good prospects for our professional officers, who have really advanced their skills and experience here," the UN mission's chief of staff Gary Gray said.
"It may be a little more problematic for what you might call the unskilled part of the labour force the cleaners, the drivers and the security guards. It's going to be a lot tougher for them."
Francisco Moniz, who has been working as a driver for the UN since 2000, said he was looking for work and expected to make less than the $570 monthly salary he has become accustomed to.
"The money I get from the UN is enough for our daily needs, including paying for my children's school fees," the 40-year-old with four children said. "But I'm happy that our country is trying to develop. East Timor is stable now so it's a good thing the UN is leaving."
The UN entered the territory after violence broke out in 1999 following the resounding "yes" vote for independence from neighbouring Indonesia.
Unemployment is 18.4 percent, according to the CIA World Factbook, but the percentage of young Timorese without a job is more than 40 percent, AusAID reported recently.
While industries that cater to foreigners will be hardest hit from bars and hotels to high-end real estate the overall economy in real terms will be little affected. The UN reports its mission contributed around $40 million to GDP of around $1 billion last year.
The impoverished half-island nation has bigger economic hurdles to leap, chiefly how to wean the nation off the energy reserves that have fattened its GDP and government coffers in recent years but are fast depleting.
Almost half of East Timor's population of 1.1 million lives below the poverty line, the World Bank reports, and the nation grapples with widespread malnutrition and high maternal and child mortality rates.
But many in the half-island nation that celebrated a decade of formal independence this year feel ready to take back the reins to combat the social woes that are hindering development.
"It's time for the Timorese people to govern ourselves and not depend on the UN," said Riu, the Dili Beach Hotel manager. "We want to show the world that we can lead ourselves."
Portugal withdrew the bulk of its police officers from East Timor on Saturday as international forces wind up a 13-year mission in the country.
Seventy-five of the officers boarded a Lisbon-bound plane in the former Portuguese colony, among the last of 1200 UN peacekeepers to return home before the official end of their mission on December 31.
Only around three dozen UN Police remain in the country, including several from Portugal, Australia, Malaysia and Pakistan. Most of them will leave next week and all will have to withdraw by December 31.
International forces began pulling out in earnest last month with Canberra this week saying it was sending home hundreds of troops from the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force (ISF), ending a six-year operation.
At the UN's terminal in Dili's Presidente Nicolau Lobato International Airport, officers in Portugal's black police uniforms and UN blue berets bade a tearful farewell to Portuguese expatriates who had come to see them off.
Captain Jorge Barradas, commander of the Portuguese police contingent, said he had mixed feelings about leaving a country where he has served on and off since 2001.
"It is kind of a sad feeling for us to leave East Timor. But on the other hand, leaving means that East Timor has developed and is secure so it's also a pleasure to leave," he said.
The UN entered the territory after violence broke out in 1999 following the resounding "yes" vote for independence from neighbouring Indonesia.
The referendum was organised by the UN after Indonesia announced it would end a brutal, 24-year occupation in which around 183,000 people, or a quarter of the population, died from fighting, disease and starvation.
The nation conducted peaceful presidential and parliamentary elections this year, and UN peacekeepers last month handed full responsibility for policing back to the nation, which celebrated a decade of formal independence in May.
Portugal, which controlled East Timor for more than 300 years before Indonesia invaded, is among 44 nations that have served in the current UN Police mission dispatched after a second wave of violence hit in 2006.
It has made one of the biggest contributions to the force, sending 2000 officers since 2006, when unrest ahead of elections left 37 dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.
Australia is ending its security mission in East Timor, six years after sending troops to restore stability.
The Australian-led International Stabilisation Force (ISF) was deployed in 2006 amid violence that forced thousands of people from their homes. Some 460 Australian and New Zealand ISF troops currently remain in East Timor.
They ceased operations on Thursday and will be fully withdrawn by April 2013 after closing down bases and returning equipment.
East Timor had seen its economy grow and institutions strengthened, the Australian defence and foreign ministers said in a joint statement. Elections had been held this year and a new government formed.
"Timorese security services have risen to the challenge and served their nation well throughout these events," the statement said. Engagement would continue through continued support for the local police force, the ministers added.
UN peacekeepers will also draw down their mission by the end of the year. Last month, they formally returned full policing duties to the country's national force.
Both the ISF and UN missions were brought in after the sacking of several hundred soldiers in March 2006 sparked violent clashes that threatened to push the country into civil unrest.
Several dozen people were killed and large numbers were displaced. Since then, stability has been restored and, earlier this year, general elections passed off peacefully.
At a ceremony in Dili late on Wednesday to mark the end of the ISF mission, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao thanked Australia and New Zealand for their help. "As a result we now look to the future with optimism and hope," he said.
East Timor gained independence in 2002 after three years of UN administration, which followed more than two decades of bloody guerrilla warfare during Indonesian rule.
Australia has quietly ended its military mission in East Timor, with the flag officially lowered on the 13-year deployment at a ceremony in Dili.
The deployment officially ends on Thursday, although Australian personnel will remain through to April next year to return equipment to Australia, close bases and return property and buildings to the East Timor government.
Australia will maintain an ongoing defence relationship by way of the Defence Cooperation Program. As well, Australian Federal Police (AFP) will continue to support local police.
Australia first deployed troops into East Timor in 1999, with 400 remaining under the United Nations International Stabilisation Force (ISF). The ISF was formed in 2006 after widespread civil unrest, which prompted the East Timor government to invite Australian and international forces to return to restore order.
Defence force chief General David Hurley said the ISF would cease security operations and begin returning equipment and personnel to Australia and New Zealand.
"For more than six years the International Stabilisation Force has provided security to our close neighbour and good friend," he told soldiers parading in Dili on Wednesday.
"We have witnessed the successful conduct of national elections, the formation of a new government and we celebrated the 10th anniversary of the restoration of independence. Each of these demonstrates marked progress."
East Timor Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao thanked the departing soldiers on behalf of his government and people.
"As a result we now look to the future with optimism and hope," he said. "The departure of the ISF also represents a new stage for our nation in which we must take responsibility over our own security and for the future of our country."
As the sun rises in East Timor this morning, Australian troops stationed there will begin packing up and pulling out. The Australian-led International Stabilisation Force made up of almost 400 soldiers, mostly Australians, is shutting up shop.
Sara Everingham
Tony Eastley: Australian troops stationed in East Timor will this morning begin packing up and pulling out. The Australian-led International Stabilisation Force made up of almost 400 soldiers, most of them Australians, is shutting up shop.
Sara Everingham reports from Dili.
(Sound of a truck)
Sara Everingham: Australian soldiers in East Timor are packing up and heading home. Major Dave Halliday is in charge of logistics.
Dave Halliday: We're loading up containers for all the equipment that's returning back to Australia.
Sara Everingham: Is there a lot to be done?
Dave Halliday: Yeah. As you can imagine we've been here for quite some time and it's our unit's responsibility to get all that stuff straight back to Australia.
Soldier: Attention!
Sara Everingham: A ceremony in Dili late yesterday marked the end of the mission of the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force.
David Hurley: The International Stabilisation Force will cease security operations in this country and begin returning equipment and its people to Australia and New Zealand.
Sara Everingham: The chief of the Australian Defence Force General David Hurley thanked the soldiers for their services.
David Hurley: For more than six years the International Stabilisation Force has provided security to our close neighbour and good friend.
Sara Everingham: In 2006 Australian troops returned to East Timor to help restore order after a mutiny split East Timor's new army. At its peak the International Stabilisation Force was made up of more than 1000 soldiers.
East Timor's prime minister Xanana Gusmao says international help was needed to put an end to the widespread violence.
Xanana Gusmao: On behalf of the government and the people of Timor-Leste, I give thanks to Australia and New Zealand and the brave soldiers that served with ISF for helping us achieve stability. As a result we now look to the future with optimism and hope.
Sara Everingham: The withdrawal of Australian troops coincides with the exit of the United Nations peacekeeping mission which has been supporting East Timor's police force. Xanana Gusmao described yesterday's ceremony as a landmark moment for the nation.
Xanana Gusmao: The departure of the ISF also represents a new stage for our nation in which we must take responsibility for our own security and for the future of our country.
Sara Everingham: General Hurley says East Timor's security forces have risen to several challenges this year.
David Hurley: We have witnessed the successful conduct of national elections, the formation of a new government and we celebrated the 10th anniversary of the restoration of independence. Each of these demonstrates marked progress.
Sara Everingham: East Timor's secretary of state for defence Julio Pinto says he's confident East Timor's army is much stronger than it was six years ago.
Julio Pinto: We have a security sector reform from five years, we have a lot of progress and we still step by step to change the mentality of our force to professionalise them.
Sara Everingham: The withdrawal of the Australian-led force is expected to be finished by April next year.
A separate defence program that's been helping train East Timor's army will remain in the country.
This is Sara Everingham in Dili for AM.
Jimmy Ellingham South of Dili, East Timor's hot, dry and dusty capital, a narrow pot-holed road snakes its way over the hills.
It clings to the sides of gullies and groans under the strain of four-wheel-drives and buses so full of people that some have to cling to the outside. Their luggage and even the odd live goat somehow stay tied to the top as they make their way across the Southeast Asian nation.
A trip to Madabeno, about 50 kilometres from Dili, takes a couple of hours on this road. It's cooler in the hills and it's like taking a step back in time. Homes are simple and, although new power pylons hang overhead, the electricity hasn't yet been turned on.
A high proportion of the area's 1665 people are young, but unlike in Dili, where there is more development, including a shopping mall, the locals haven't been living among United Nations peacekeepers and foreign forces.
After an on-and-off presence dating back to 1999, foreign forces are leaving East Timor, and its internal security is being left to the Timorese.
By the end of the year, police acting as UN peacekeepers will be gone. New Zealand's last rotation of 80 troops arrived home in Christchurch last week.
Timorese and the departing leaders seem confident that the country will be fine, that it has broken free of its troubled past.
The police force, which disintegrated in 2006, is now back together, while the military has even reached the stage where its members can go on UN missions overseas.
"It will be good so we can stand alone and serve our country," says the chief of Madabeno, Francisco Rodrigues Pereira. "I believe that, with the training we've already got, they can serve this country peacefully."
Further up the road, at Bandudato, the village chief, Mario Viera da Costa, says the 2006 trouble did not reach his area. But the flow-on effects did, as people left the city to seek refuge or return to their districts.
That year wasn't a good one for East Timor, as Dili was swept up in a wave of violence. Rogue elements of the military revolted, the police force collapsed and the city was on fire.
New Zealand troops arrived to restore order, some running straight off a Hercules aircraft in full combat gear. Fearful for their safety, New Zealand embassy staff locked the gates of their beachfront property and hid inside.
Kiwi police followed to act as peacekeepers. Some are still posted to the country as part of the UN mission that ends on December 31. "I arrived to find that the rule of law had broken down in Timor," Superintendent John Spence recalls.
New Zealand, Australian, Portuguese and Malaysian police filled the breach. Since then about 300 New Zealand officers have served there. "There were armed gangs wandering the streets of Dili. There was rebellion," Spence says.
For Timorese forced to flee from their homes, there were primitive refugee camps, which were "hotbeds of trouble".
"There were no police officers around, so villagers used to throw rocks at the IDP (internally displaced persons) camps and the camps would throw rocks back." The last of these camps was dissolved two years ago, as East Timor has transformed, but in 2006 and into the next year, instability was rife.
Lance Corporal Stu Triggs says in Dili and in the countryside, patrols would have to take arms off people machetes, slingshots, guns and even poisoned darts.
When the first New Zealand troops arrived 13 years ago, the former Portuguese colony had voted overwhelmingly for independence from Indonesia, which invaded it in 1975.
A wave of violence then swept though the country as pro-Indonesia militia, backed by that country's military, couldn't accept the result.
Horrendous crimes were committed, including a massacre in the southwestern city of Suai, where about 200 people were murdered as they sought shelter in a church.
And in 2000, Private Leonard Manning became New Zealand's first soldier to die since the Vietnam War when he was killed by jungle militia near the Indonesian border.
The situation calmed down again in the early part of the last decade, as independence was achieved in 2002 and foreign troops went home.
This year, East Timor held largely trouble-free presidential and parliamentary elections and it is felt the country can now handle its own internal security, so the stabilisation force and UN police are going home.
Since 2006, 13 rotations of New Zealand soldiers have travelled there on six-month tours of duty, costing about $100 million.
They leave behind only a small team to clean up, and five advisers working with the East Timorese military.
Similarly, while the New Zealand police have finished peacekeeping duties, senior officers will stay on for four years to advise on community policing.
The New Zealanders who just left stayed at a camp known as "Kiwilines", a well-established site on the southwest of Dili. Six years ago makeshift camps were slung up wherever they could find spare land a world away from life back in New Zealand.
Now one of the old camps is a deserted and crumbling building on the waterfront, home to a few families, chickens and some men selling art.
Their living quarters is a small square tin room, with no air-conditioning and no comforts of home. But there is still peace, something that seemed a world away at the turn of the millenium.
Major Tim Tuatini, the officer in charge of the final rotation of Kiwi soldiers, was first in East Timor in 2001. Like many who have come back, he says the country has changed immensely.
"It's just the small things. There are a lot of children. There are a lot of scooters now, yellow taxis, vehicles moving up and down. It's the hustle and bustle I'd expect from any Asian city," he says. "When I was here last time, if you saw an SUV or large vehicle moving around, it was normally an international who was driving it. Now, you have Timorese driving them."
This isn't typical in a poor country, where many of the 1.1 million people are subsistence farmers who live in areas devoid of contact with the outside world.
A lack of jobs could be the spark that sets Dili off, says United States doctor Dan Murphy, who runs a stretched and busy medical clinic in the city. He is "sceptical" about the withdrawal of foreign troops and police, saying the situation could turn bad again.
"People still aren't that professional. There's still a lot of self- interest. There are still a lot of problems from the past."
During the past couple of weeks, Murphy has noticed gangs roaming the streets at night and the odd shotgun sound.
"It doesn't take much to start something," he warns. "The whole thing could go down the drain again. Most people have no job and they don't have much to do. They're sitting around and they've got all this testosterone pumping through their veins."
Dili is a city of about 200,000 people and it's growing quickly. There, the New Zealand military has remained, under the banner of the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force that officially ended its mandate on October 31.
It seems the Kiwi soldiers have left a good impression with the Timorese. As a group of them have dinner at a restaurant in Dili, a boy passing by says "Kia ora, bro". Others put it more simply: "Kiwi, good".
While East Timor may be more stable, it is not trouble-free. Poverty and disease are rampant, unemployment is high and basic nutrition is lacking.
New Zealand Ambassador to Dili, Tony Fautua, has talked of moving the two countries' relationship away from one of enforcement towards trade, education and development. He hopes future delegations to East Timor will be from businesses, rather than the military or police.
Stephanie March, Canberra Hundreds of East Timorese will be forced to find new jobs when the United Nations withdraws from the country at the end of this year.
900 East Timorese directly employed by the UN peacekeeping mission will be out of work, as will a further 1300 security guards employed by a private firm contracted by the UN.
Acting Chief of Staff for the UN mission, Gary Grey, says while the impact will be noticeable, the UN has been preparing staff for the transition.
"More than 90 per cent of our staff have taken part of this program we have called National Staff Certification where we have offered a number of training courses in all kinds of areas, like information and technology, translation and interpretation, administration, even creating small businesses," he told Radio Australia.
Mr Grey says professional staff will have "very little problem" gaining employment with NGO's or embassies, but lesser-skilled staff may face a more difficult time.
Small businesses are also likely to be affected. Dili Beach Hotel owner, Michael McGovern, says 50 percent of his business comes from the United Nations. "I expect 2013 to be extremely hard, very very hard," he said.
The United Nations peacekeepers first withdrew from East Timor in 2005, but in 2006 the country descended into violence, and the Australian military and UN returned.
United Nations A UN official says peacekeepers are on track to leave East Timor by year's end, but the international community will remain engaged in one of the world's youngest nations through other channels.
Finn Reske-Nielsen, head of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste, told the Security Council Monday that the tiny Asian state still faces many challenges but that a peacekeeping mission is no longer the best way to address them.
The peacekeeping mission was established in 2006 when a major political, humanitarian and security crisis rocked the country that had only gained independence from Indonesia in 2002.
Nielsen said the reconstitution of East Timor's police force was a key milestone that allowed the mission to be mostly drawn down by Dec. 31. But he said that significant capacity challenges remained.
This afternoon (12 November), the Security Council is scheduled to hold a debate on the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT), whose mandate will expire at the end of December.
The Acting Special Representative for Timor-Leste, Finn Reske-Nielson who assumed the role in June is expected to brief. Timor-Leste's Foreign Minister, Jose Luis Guterres, is also set to make a statement. No outcome is planned for the debate as UNMIT's mandate will not be extended and no resolution is required to authorise the UN's post-UNMIT presence. (The Council has, however, chosen to sometimes adopt a presidential statement highlighting key issues when a mission ends as it did when the UN Mission in Nepal closed in January 2011.)
Council members have a positive and seemingly united view of the situation in Timor-Leste. There is general agreement that the country has made considerable progress since its independence in 2002 and particularly after the crisis in 2006 that led to UNMIT's establishment. As the mission draws down, attention has turned to the UN's relationship with Timor-Leste post- UNMIT. (The government has stated that it no longer requires UN support through the presence of either a UN peacekeeping or political mission beyond the end of this year. Instead, it would like to establish an "innovative working relationship of cooperation" focused on development and strengthening its institutions.)
The exact role the UN will play from next year has yet to be confirmed. However, Timor-Leste has been clear that it no longer considers it necessary for the Council to consider its affairs and does not seek to remain on the Council's agenda. (As is customary, Timor-Leste will formally remain on the Council's agenda for three years even though there will be no regular reports or debates on the situation.)
In a recent letter to the UN Secretary-General (S/2012/736), Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao suggested that a Special Envoy could be appointed for, say, a two-year period, focusing on development and "institutional strengthening." It is envisaged that such a special adviser on Timor-Leste would not be based in-country but rather visit intermittently and work with Timor-Leste to implement its long-term Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030.
An issue which has drawn attention from Council members and the wider core group is the ongoing investigations of serious human rights violations committed in Timor-Leste in 1999. (Resolution 1704, which established UNMIT in 2006, enabled the creation of a Serious Crimes Investigation Team which assisted the Office of the Prosecutor-General of Timor-Leste to conduct investigations into these serious crimes.)
It seems that during the recent visiting mission by some Council members, Gusmao assured the mission that the remaining cases would be a priority and dealt with by the Prosecutor-General. The issue has been of ongoing interest to some member states and NGOs who have sought assurances that following UNMIT's departure the international community would continue to emphasise the need for accountability for these serious crimes.
Briefing on council members' "mini-mission" to Timor-Leste
Prior to the debate, the Council will be briefed by Ambassador Baso Sangqu (South Africa), the leader of the visiting mission to Timor-Leste from 3-6 November. Sangqu is expected to speak about the progress made over the last few years but also highlight the challenges Timor-Leste still faces and the importance of a continuing UN partnership with its government.
The visiting mission, which also included Azerbaijan, India, Pakistan, Portugal and Togo, went to Timor-Leste to reaffirm the Council's commitment to the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of the country and the promotion of its long-term stability. The mission met key political figures in the country, including the President and Prime Minister, as well as the leader of the main opposition party. Meetings were additionally held with NGOs, judicial and security actors as well as representatives from UNMIT and other UN agencies.
One of the key messages that the visiting mission sought to convey to the Timor-Leste authorities was that while UNMIT was withdrawing, the strong partnership between the country and the UN would continue. While the UN would support national institutions and implement programmes aimed at accelerating Timor-Leste's development, the mission emphasised in its meetings that this new phase would be characterised by national ownership.
The visiting mission also received a briefing from the International Stabilisation Force, led by Australia and New Zealand, whose operations- like those of UNMIT-are drawing down in the coming weeks, save for a limited number of troops who will continue to work with the Timor-Leste Defence Force at the latter's request.
The mission had a timely meeting with senior members of the national police force, which only days earlier (31 October) had received the final certification of its "reconstitution." As of 1 November, the national police force is no longer operationally supported by UNPOL. Although institutional challenges still remain for Timor-Leste's police force such as budgetary assistance issues and its disciplinary regime, its progress has generally been favourably assessed by the Secretary-General in his recent report (S/2012/765) and most recently by a joint UN-Timor-Leste police working group.
Matthew Russell Lee, United Nations Timor Leste is called a rare UN success story, and it is slated to come off the agenda of the Security Council through the expiration of its mandate. But even on this, there are residual questions of impunity, not only for the killings in Santa Cruz in 1991, but also for the 1999 killings.
After an afternoon of largely self congratulatory speeches in the Security Council chamber the Permanent Representatives of the US, UK, France and Germany weren't there, on which we'll have more later Inner City Press asked the UN's acting Special Representative Finn Reske-Nielsen about Santa Cruz and the 61 cases from 1999 that will not be finished before the UN leaves.
He did not answer on Santa Cruz, and said follow through the 61 cases remained to be determined.
During the debate, UK Deputy Permanent Representative Philip Parham said that the UN "should keep the Council informed of any warning signs in this regard, perhaps through the reports of a Special Envoy, or through the horizon-scanning conducted by the Department of Political Affairs."
Since not all Security Council members during their presidencies schedule these "horizon scanning" briefings by DPA, Inner City Press asked Reske- Nielsen how the UN intends to monitor and report. He said that too remains to be determined.
Still, many insist this is the Council's rare success story, a graduation from the Security Council's agenda. One wag joked that when India came on to the Council, Nepal was taken off the agenda. And now with India about to leave the Council in less than two months, Timor Leste is coming. Many non-permanent members leave much less of a legacy of removal. Watch this site.
The last contingent of New Zealand troops will return from East Timor this week, ending New Zealand's 13-year presence in the country.
The New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) contingent of about 80 personnel, which was part of the Australian-led 2006 International Stabilisation Force, is due back in Christchurch on Friday evening. A "theatre-extraction team" will remain to organise the return of equipment and vehicles.
The contingent's commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel Steve Watts, says the local police are ready to take over after four to six years of training and building up numbers.
The New Zealanders had prepared for leaving by actually lowering their profile, so as not to give the impression foreign military forces were necessary for peace, especially during this year's successful elections, he told NZ Newswire.
The 470-strong ISF comprised mostly Australians, but the New Zealanders had made a significant contribution.
Lt Col Watts said United Nations security council members had described East Timor as one of the few successful UN missions around the world, but the country still faced an uphill battle. "Timor Leste is definitely a third world country. It's got a lot of hard work ahead of it."
However, the NZDF, along with New Zealand police, will retain a presence in East Timor for the foreseeable future, with five personnel continuing to mentor the Timorese military in small arms training, logistics, administration and English.
The former Portuguese colony was invaded by Indonesia in 1975, and the NZDF has been there since it started towards independence in 1999, when violence erupted following a referendum result that supported independence.
At the peak of the Australian-led Interfet, New Zealand contributed 830 troops.
In 2000, Private Leonard Manning, 24, was shot during an ambush. Pro- Indonesia militiaman Jacobus Bere was jailed for six years by an Indonesian court for the murder. Three more New Zealand servicemen were killed in accidents in East Timor and one took his own life.
Rights groups marking the 21st anniversary of the massacre of 270 Timorese by Indonesian forces are demanding justice for this and other crimes committed during Jakarta's occupation of Timor Leste.
In a joint statement issued on Monday, Amnesty International and the Timor Leste National Alliance for an International Tribunal (ANTI) pointed out that no one had been held to account for the Santa Cruz massacre in 1991, in which Indonesian security forces opened fire on a peaceful funeral procession-turned-pro-independence rally of some 3,000 Timorese people marching to the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili.
"Impunity persists for perpetrators of serious crimes committed by the Indonesian security forces and their auxiliaries during the occupation of Timor Leste and in 1999 [following an independence referendum]," the groups said.
"These crimes included unlawful killings, enforced disappearance, rape and other crimes of sexual violence against women and girls, torture and other ill-treatment. Many of these crimes amount to crimes against humanity and violate international law and standards."
They also said that although more than 300 people had been indicted for crimes against humanity and gross human rights violations during the occupation that lasted from 1975 to 1999, none had been imprisoned for their offenses.
"The Indonesian authorities have refused to cooperate with the UN-sponsored justice system in Timor Leste and to extradite their nationals suspected of crimes against humanity to stand trial in Timor Leste," they said.
"In Indonesia, all 18 defendants originally tried for crimes committed in Timor Leste during 1999 by the ad hoc Human Rights Court in Jakarta were acquitted by the court or later on appeal."
Amnesty and ANTI said that given the lack of action against the suspected rights violators, the UN should "take concrete and effective steps to establish a long-term comprehensive plan to end impunity for all the perpetrators of human rights violations committed in 1999 and during the Indonesian occupation."
They also called for the ratification by both countries of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, and for the full implementation of recommendations from the bilateral Commission of Truth and Friendship to establish the fate and whereabouts of disappeared persons.
The UN and the governments in both Jakarta and Dili "must ensure that victims of the Santa Cruz massacre, and all those who suffered during the Indonesian occupation and in the context of the 1999 referendum, have access to justice, truth and reparation," the groups said.
"Continued inaction will further entrench a culture of impunity, and leave a dark stain on the UN's record in Timor Leste," they added.
The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) also urged the UN, the United States and other governments to fulfill outstanding promises of justice for the victims of rights abuses during the occupation and after the referendum.
"Impunity for decades of systematic Indonesian military and police atrocities prevents both countries from consolidating the rule of law as they transition from military dictatorship to democracy," John M. Miller, the US national coordinator for ETAN, said in a statement.
The Santa Cruz massacre, unlike earlier atrocities during the occupation, was witnessed by Western journalists and prompted congressional action in Washington to restrict US weapons sales and defense cooperation with Indonesia.
Havana East Timor's Education minister Bendito dos Santos Freitas underscored Cuba's cooperation with his country in the fields of education and healthcare.
Cuba's cooperation is very beneficial, said the Timorese official in statements to PL news agency. Dos Santos is participating at the World Meeting on Education for All, hosted by the UN Education, Science and Culture Organization, in Paris, France.
The Cuban government has granted one thousand medical scholarships to Timorese students since 2004, while Cuban doctors are currently working in remote areas of that South-eastern Asian country.
East Timor, with 1.1 million people, is implementing the Cuban literacy methodology known as Yes, I Can and expects to get rid of illiteracy in 2013.
The UNESCO World Meeting, which is considering the pace of efforts to achieve Education for All in 2015, will conclude on Friday following three days of sessions. (ACN)
Paris The Minister of Education of Timor Leste, Benito dos Santos Fleitas, highlighted on Friday at the Unesco headquarters the cooperation of Cuba with his country in the fields of Health and education.
"Cuban contribution is very beneficial", told Prensa Latina the minister, who participates here on the World Meeting on Education for All (EFA).
Since 2004, the Cuban government granted one thousand medicine scholarships to the Timor Leste people and doctors from the Caribbean island are working in intrincate areas in that small nation of the Southeast Asia, that became independent since a decade ago.
Timor Leste applies the method "Yes, I can", through which that territory, with a population of one million 100 thousand inhabitants, expects to be declared free of illiteracy in 2013.
The education minister said that at this moment his country is working for the opening of more schools and training teachers.
The global meeting which analyzes the achievement of the objectives to obtain an EFA by 2015 will end on Friday, after three days of meetings at the headquarters of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
Charlotte Maugham There is no doubt that much is being done politically to tackle gender inequality in Timor-Leste. The government is redressing the power imbalance with a quota system that sees more women in parliament than anywhere else in south-east Asia, though whether this has any impact on policy remains to be seen. And even at a village level, foreign and local NGOs are helping women set up their own advocacy groups to champion specific rights and needs.
In the village of Estada, there are three women on the council. Nevertheless, they are indignant that their voices are still not heard. "It is good that we are at last represented in the council," says Luciana Pereirra, 32. "But the men send us outside to make tea when it's our turn to speak because they don't take us seriously."
Progressio is among several international NGOs helping women group together to tackle such deeply ingrained prejudice, teaching them the necessary skills to lobby local government for better acknowledgment of their needs.
"We want to learn to write proposals for grants - only the men can do this, so we don't always get what we want," says Pereirra. "We want sewing machines to make tais [traditional cloth] to sell," says Nilda Salsinha, 34. This call is echoed by many other women's groups.
But while they are in a country with no real access to markets, it is unlikely that sewing traditional handicrafts will lift them out of poverty. The administrative, management and advocacy skills these women are learning, however, just might.
Catherine McGrath & staff East Timor's Finance Minister wants her country and other post-conflict nations around the world to gain greater control over foreign aid programs.
Emilia Pires is chair of the G7-Plus Group of Fragile States a grouping of 18 nations that are emerging out of conflict, including Papua New Guinea, Afghanistan, Solomon Islands and several in Africa.
G7-Plus is promoting the idea of a "New Deal" between aid donors and recipient states that would ensure aid is delivered in a responsible way to these countries.
The global financial crisis has led many nations to question aid spending while recipient countries often argue that aid offered is not appropriate and not well targeted.
Ms Pires spoke about G7-Plus's New Deal while delivering the Harold Mitchell Development Policy Lecture at the Australian National University in Canberra. "We wanted to end the monologue spoken at us and promote a dialogue spoken with us both globally and locally," she said.
Ms Pires also asked Australian Foreign Minister Bob Carr for Canberra's assistance in the development of trade skills for East Timorese.
"Mostly donors believe that is a very expensive program, the vocational training," she says. "However, it is a fact that is a critical element in getting countries out of crisis."
East Timor's National Police Commissioner, Longuinhos Monteiro, says he is confident his force will be able to maintain law and order in the country.
Yesterday, the United Nations officially handed back full control of policing operations to the East Timor National Police (PNTL).
The current UN deployment, known as the United Nations Integrated Mission in East Timor (UNMIT), came in 2006, after a deadly crisis involving the police and army.
Mr Monteiro told Radio Australia's Connect Asia program both sides had resolved their differences and were ready to work together.
"We are really, really confident that these two institutions that deal with security and defence now have tidied their relations, not only in the command level but also on the ground level," Mr Monteiro said.
Mr Monteiro paid tribute to the efforts of its international partners, and praised the support given by the police forces of Indonesia, Australia, Portugal and the United States.
"The trust has to be built. It's not only a one-day, 24-hour issue," he said. "But, I believe that we together can bring peace and prosperity for all our people."
Jakarta Indonesian diplomats and scholars recalled the arduous struggle of former foreign minister late Ali Alatas during the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre in East Timor (now Timor Leste), one of the most challenging moments in the nation's foreign policy.
Indonesia Defense University lecturer Bantarto Bandoro applauded Alatas (foreign minister from 1988-1999) for successfully strengthening Indonesia's international relations following the bloody event, which claimed the lives of about 200 people, mostly East Timorese pro- independence demonstrators.
"He led at a time when the country was dealing with a string of crises, including the Santa Cruz killings. Alatas managed to stave off the mounting criticisms toward Indonesia in the wake of the incident," he told The Jakarta Post recently.
Indonesian military personnel shot demonstrators, who were at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili following a peaceful street march on Nov. 12, 1991. Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975 and occupied it for 24 years.
Sabam Siagian, who served as Indonesia's ambassador to Australia at the time, witnessed Alatas' ability in coordinating ambassadors and diplomats in the aftermath of the bloody incident. "At that time, I perceived Pak Ali Alatas as a wise and resilient patriot and leader," he said during the Tribute to Ali Alatas event recently.
Veteran journalist Parni Hadi said that Alatas embraced the mass media in improving the nation's ailing reputation. "He was aware of the importance of 'press diplomacy' as a 'second track of diplomacy', said Parni, a former head of Antara news agency. Alatas used to be a journalist for the Aneta news service, which later merged to become Antara in 1962, Parni added.
While acknowledging the minister's astonishing diplomatic efforts, political researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, said the Santa Cruz tragedy tarnished Alatas' astonishing diplomatic career.
"The massacre eliminated his chances of advancing his diplomatic career to become a candidate for UN secretary-general. Moreover, only one-and-a-half years after serving as foreign minister in [former president] BJ Habibie's administration, he had to accept the president's decision to offer a referendum to the East Timorese in August 1999," Ikrar said.
One senior diplomat and Foreign Ministry's Director General for American and European Affairs, Dian Triansyah Djani, however, noted that the diplomatic measures adopted by Alatas provided a strong foundation for the bilateral relations that currently existed between Indonesia and Timor Leste.
In spite of all the bitterness during the turmoil, the international community still remembers Alatas as an important player in regional and global diplomacy.
Alatas, Indonesia's longest-serving foreign minister, played a pivotal role in drafting the ASEAN Charter, which was adopted by the organization's members in 2007.
Dian pointed out that Alatas, affectionately known as Alex, also brokered peace negotiations in the region, including the 1991 peace settlement that ended the war with the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia.
"Pak Alex also initiated the peace negotiations between the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front [MNLF] in 1996. His achievements in Cambodia and the Philippines prove his ability as a peacemaker and peace-builder," he said. (yps)
The leaders of Australia, Indonesia and East Timor have held their first official trilateral meeting, discussing the strength of relations between the three countries and the potential for greater economic co-operation.
Prime Minister Julia Gillard also held bilateral talks with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono earlier on Friday on the sidelines of a democracy forum in Bali.
Dr Yudhoyono praised the relationship between the two countries, telling Ms Gillard that he looked forward to an even stronger partnership in the future.
"Our relationship is strong and progressing well," Dr Yudhoyono said. "Of course you will agree with me, that there will be more (co-operation between us) in the years to come. "That's my view, that's my hope."
Ms Gillard pointed to agreements on the economics of defence co-operation as evidence of the strength of the bilateral relationship. "We've actually got a lot done in quite a short period of time," she said.
The two leaders held a private meeting, accompanied by Foreign Minister Bob Carr and his Indonesian counterpart Marty Natalegawa. They were then joined by East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao for the trilateral meeting.
Ms Gillard has been attending the Bali Democracy Forum, along with almost a dozen other world leaders, as well as representatives from more than 50 countries. The forum, which ends on Friday, aims to promote democracy and peace.
"This is really a moment in history," Ms Gillard said of the meeting. She said the discussions focused on co-operation between the three nations, particularly in the area of "connectivity" and ways to boost economic opportunities.
The leaders also talked about improving co-operation in the areas of infrastructure, transport, communications and capacity building.
Ms Gillard also announced that there would be a meeting in Dili in March or April next year involving officials from all three countries to work on issues discussed in Bali on Friday.
George Roberts Prime Minister Julia Gillard is claiming a first in regional diplomacy, after securing a joint meeting with the leaders of Indonesia and East Timor.
It is the first time the three countries' leaders have met together and comes just over a decade after Australia played a key role in East Timor gaining independence from Indonesia.
Indonesia occupied East Timor for more than 20 years and the two countries have had an at-times violent and bloody shared history.
Ms Gillard said her meeting with Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and East Timor's prime minister Xanana Gusmao focused on the countries cooperating on infrastructure.
She says the discussions with Mr Yudhoyono and Mr Gusmao were primarily about cooperation on what she called "connectivity".
"That's a focus on infrastructure, it's a focus on transport, it's a focus on communications, it's a focus on capacity building," she said.
The Prime Minister says the three countries are arranging a special meeting of technical experts in the East Timorese capital Dili next year.
On the last day of the Bali Democracy Forum, which Ms Gillard co-chaired, she also held a separate meeting with the Indonesian president. The Prime Minister says the pair discussed a range of issues including economic opportunities and people smuggling but that no additional measures were discussed in preventing asylum seekers getting on dangerous boats.
"We talked about our continuing cooperation, that's right," she said. "We are intensively engaged with Indonesia, every day on combating people smuggling."
In the last quarter the Petroleum Fund of Timor-Leste increased by nearly US$400 million to US$11.05441 billion dollars, indicates a report released on the official website of the Banco Central de Timor-Leste (BCTL).
The BCTL's quarterly report on the Petroleum Fund shows that its capital for the period ending on 30 September 2012 was US$11,054.41 million, versus the capital of US$10,600.74 million posted on 30 June.
According to the report from East Timor's central bank, gross cash inflows from taxes, royalties and other revenue during the quarter was US$629.47 million. Cash outflows amounted to US$390.32 million, of which US$389 million were transferred to the state budget, the document indicates.
The Petroleum Fund Law was enacted in 2005 to help ensure effective management of East Timor's oil resources. The fund is jointly managed by the Banco Central de Timor-Leste, which is responsible for operational management, and by the Finance Ministry, in charge of overall management.
Ati Nurbaiti, Baucau/Ermera/Dili The UN mission in Timor Leste is closing down next month and at least 1,000 local staffers are seeking other means of income. Already, some residents are seeing the usual signs of unrest, while others see the perceived tensions as paranoia.
"People have been losing cattle almost daily in Viqueque," says Rosito Belo of his home district. Cattle is among the main investments, with buffalo priced around US$1,000 and adult pigs fetching $300.
Sparks could fly, says Belo, a staffer at the Hak Foundation, an NGO on human rights, especially since losers in the April presidential election are still disappointed, and their local leaders could feasibly whip up and cause trouble.
Unemployment and poverty, failure to see campaign pledges delivered, and the widening gap of the nouveau rich and poor, are among the issues that resemble time bombs, local residents say.
Resentment against veterans collecting pensions on a monthly basis up to a total annual sum of $600 million from the state budget are another source of trouble.
Lashing out at his fellow veterans, President Taur Matan Ruak said, "They are given monthly pensions and contribute nothing," reports in late October said. He added he would lobby the government to stop the allowances but former guerrilla leader and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao himself had granted veterans' entitlement to pensions and also to projects.
The capital, Dili, will soon have its streets cleared of roadside stalls, from those selling gadgets to rice, secondhand clothes and chickens adding to expected unemployment in the following months.
Frustrated locals say highly charismatic leaders, mainly Gusmao, are unable to settle rifts and most importantly, cannot rein in creeping corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN) that the country's former occupier, Indonesia, is still noted for.
"The reckless KKN and threat of higher unemployment, with high expectations and political rivalry, are a ticking time bomb," a businessman said. Other Dili residents say the Timorese are still jumpy over any sign of unrest, and tend to react over mere rumors.
Sources say there is unnecessary waste through KKN, ending in shoddy projects, on top of large projects beyond the needs of the country.
Of a new power project in the Hera hills near Dili, another said, "It could even cater for Kupang," in neighboring Indonesia's East Nusa Tenggara province, with 300 megawatts, which was much too large for Timor Leste.
Yet a neglected resource is right under the feet of the Timorese, according to the head of the Baucau agricultural office, Amaro Ximenes. Each Timorese male has an inheritance of a plot of land, large or small.
"They go all the way to the UK or Ireland," said Ximenes of a number of migrant workers. "They earn up to $1,500 a month and after all their spending are still left with a few hundred dollars, while they can also earn from planting on their own land."
The head of Cailaco, a Baucau-based NGO for civic education, Augusto Pires, also said agriculture would have to provide a buffer for more unemployment from those relying on roadside businesses, besides those about to lose their UN jobs.
Saldanha, however, criticized the government's handouts of hand tractors for farmers, who had lost much of their cattle in the 1999 rampage. The tractors, never used before, would require repairs after being left idle. Ximenes urged the government to provide agricultural credits to enable farmers to access $1,000 each to prepare for the new season.
The young graduate of agriculture from Brawijaya University in Malang, East Java, was confident that with support and a campaign to consume local produce, Baucau could prosper given its potential in maize, vegetables, sweet potatoes and fruits, apart from rice and candle nuts.
Timor's unreliable coffee supply further exposes farmers to fluctuations in the international coffee trade. Government data shows the average total of arable land planted is at just 45 percent, with a harvest of just once a year, whether it's rice or coffee.
An economy based on oil, agriculture and also tourism and services, and later on industry, would be solid enough for the tiny nation of a little over 1 million people, said economist Saldanha.
Ati Nurbaiti, Jakarta The Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili was full of people on Nov. 1. In preparation for Nov. 2, the Day of the Spirits, they cleaned the tombstones and the graves, gave them a fresh coat of paint and bought candles for the following day.
As the small flower business in Timor Leste's capital is still too costly for most people, residents resorted to asking for flowers from neighbors' gardens or buying plastic bouquets. The flowers were brought to churches to be blessed, before they were laid at the grave of loved ones on Nov. 2.
Across the street, the Seroja Heroes' Cemetery was quiet, and understandably so as hardly any relatives of those buried here remain in Dili, or in the nation that has become Indonesia's independent neighbor.
Nevertheless, those buried here are heroes to Indonesia, and mainly to their beloved families regardless of the fact that the military invasion of East Timor in 1975, to which the US and Australia turned a blind eye, and the subsequent Indonesian presence until 1999, was illegal in the eyes of the international community.
The days before Nov. 12 also saw busy preparations for Timor Leste's 21st anniversary of the shootings at Santa Cruz. At the cemetery, the spot of the Black Cross was expected, as usual, to draw a dense crowd of people tossing candles and flowers into a fire.
This is where families pay respect to the dead whose graves are not in Santa Cruz either because they could not make the trip to home districts to where family members are buried or, as in the case of the Nov. 12 casualties family members have no idea where victims are buried, locals say.
Hence, those crowding around the Black Cross on Monday included friends and family of an estimated figure of 200 dead and missing since Nov. 12, 1991. This estimate was agreed upon by the government-appointed Commission for Truth, Reception and Reconciliation (CAVR) in its 2005 report. Several pages are dedicated to the "Santa Cruz Massacre" (cavr-timorleste.org), while the Indonesian government reported 19 dead.
On that November day, Indonesian soldiers many of them perched behind the low walls of the Seroja cemetery shot at a crowd of demonstrators that had entered Santa Cruz, following a peaceful street march from the Motael church.
The CAVR report leaves several unanswered questions until today, such as why soldiers continued to shoot demonstrators in the back and stab them even outside the cemetery, why combat soldiers were used instead of mobile brigade police trained to deal with riots, and so on.
But the Nov. 12 incident is only one of hundreds of samples compiled by the CAVR, which investigated and exposed human rights violations since the 1970s in Timor Leste.
Yet as the massacre in the capital had many witnesses, and even resulted in a documentary film, it is the commemoration of the "Santa Cruz Massacre" that has become one of the symbols of Timor Leste's existence and a landmark in its popular resistance to Indonesia.
For Indonesians, news of the commemoration would be likely met with a shrug. There are too many unresolved incidents in Indonesia's past alone.
Thus, the ignorance of Nov. 12 among Indonesians, in contrast with the commemorations mainly in Dili, does not only reflect the nature of bilateral relations in which leaders of tiny Timor Leste are not yet in any mood to call Big Brother to account for past atrocities (the prospects of disrupted supplies of rice or cement from Indonesia are not quite a pretty picture).
The ignorance neither merely reflects a legacy of impunity of the Indonesian armed forces. Yet worse, the ignorance of Nov. 12 reflects Indonesians' incapacity to deal with their past.
Where would we start anyway, what with too many immediate problems such as the economy and corruption?
Even though the authoritarian state that imposed the virtual ban on dissent is no longer here, we are not capable of critically questioning what exactly happened in many of our history pages.
Or we also think we would not understand the inevitable gush of information and views over each mysterious incident even if we did raise long- suppressed issues.
We would have to weigh who was really a hero and who was a villain, which would very likely lead to a need to overhaul all our comfortably familiar pictures of black and white.
Historians have not even succeeded in rewriting the history books regarding "G30S/PKI", the political upheaval following what was said to be an aborted coup attempt by the outlawed Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).
Historians' efforts have been met with resistance, with critics saying children could be confused with attempts to explain different versions of the "G30S" other than what was known under the New Order.
So, if the decisive moment in 1965, which propelled three decades of the New Order, is still treated with silence and resistance, Indonesians might be forgiven for not paying attention to one date in the former province of East Timor.
They might merely think Timor Leste's independence was won with heavy international support anyway, at the cost of the world cursing Indonesia for its atrocities.
Likewise, any date ticked off by Papuans regarding this or that shooting or killing is far from conversation material among their fellow, non-Papuan Indonesians.
So far, the inability to question Indonesia's past among its citizens is even more difficult regarding Timor Leste and Papua. Regarding 1965, for instance, many still believe the New Order's claim that suspected communists should have, indeed, been hunted down, killed or detained without trial.
In regards to Timor and Papua, many still believe that these should be rightful parts of Indonesian territory without questioning why anyone would leave Indonesia, if not for a mischievous international conspiracy.
Hence, with different issues of atrocities, the similarity lies in the inability to question the New Order's version.
Thus, if human rights violations were seen as an excess in defending "national interest", few would be interested in demanding accountability from the perpetrators.
Indonesians may indeed be ignorant of Nov. 12 in Santa Cruz, but it seems that we are even more ignorant of our own rights as citizens, and as humans.
Mark Fenn, Singapore This has been a big year for Timor Leste, with one of the world's smallest and most impoverished countries passing a series of important milestones.
July's parliamentary elections took place without incident, which means the United Nations a highly visible presence in the country will pull out its peacekeeping troops before the end of the year.
This follows peaceful presidential polls held over two rounds in March and April, and the 10th anniversary of independence from Indonesia on May 20. Just after midnight that day, on the outskirts of the capital Dili, new president Taur Matan Ruak was sworn into office in front of tens of thousands of Timorese and dignitaries including Indonesian President Suslio Bambang Yudyohono.
I was also in the crowd, and although the atmosphere was relatively subdued, the enthusiasm of the Timorese people for their hard-fought freedom and democracy was clear. It was certainly a long time coming.
Centuries of Portuguese colonial rule ended in 1975, but weeks later the fledgling state's powerful neighbor, Indonesia, invaded on the pretext of fighting communism, backed by the US. A bloody guerrilla war followed, ending with independence in 2002.
Walking home after the 10th anniversary ceremony, I got lost. After wandering for some time in the early hours, I noticed someone beckoning to me from an SUV parked in traffic. I gratefully climbed in the back and got chatting to the driver, a pleasant, sharp-suited man who said his name was Juvencio and he worked for the Ministry of Internal Affairs. He spoke good English and appeared to be in his late 30s.
Juvencio told me he'd had a grandmother in England; I was intrigued and asked him about her. She wasn't his real grandmother, he explained, but a Quaker and peace activist who had written to him during the seven years he spent in jail for his role in the resistance movement.
When he was released she invited him to the UK, but he couldn't get a visa so he flew to Dublin and met her there instead. She is dead now, but he spoke of her warmly. His affection for her was as clear as his enthusiasm for urban planning and improving the lot of Dili residents, which was his focus now.
He dropped me back at my hotel and reached around to shake my hand. I didn't even get a good look at his face. But I have thought of Juvencio often since that night, for he symbolizes to me both the tragedy and the hope of Timor Leste.
The task of reconstruction after decades of conflict has been made easier by the nation's large reserves of oil and gas, but nearly half the population of 1.1 million still lives in poverty and corruption is widespread.
Political violence has also been a sad feature of independence, with widespread unrest in 2006 and the attempted assassinations of the president and prime minister in a 2008 failed coup. The UN Integrated Mission in Timor Leste with around 3,000 military, police and civilian personnel was deployed to keep order following the 2006 crisis, which displaced tens of thousands. There is also a 450-strong contingent of Australian and New Zealand peacekeeping troops.
"We fought for our country and we got it. Now, we have to fight to fulfill our independence, and that task is not easy," says Zesophol Caminha, a Timorese journalist and former guerrilla fighter - an old comrade of Juvencio now based in the US.
"The majority of Timorese, especially in the districts, still lack their basic needs such as water and sanitation, and basic health services. The development issues are also challenged by the inequality that exists on many levels between men and women, the urban and rural areas, those with political connections versus others, and wealthy versus poor. This can contribute to future instability and perpetuates the ongoing interpersonal violence that currently exists within homes and communities."
Still, there are good reasons to hope that better days are ahead. The country has one of the fastest-growing economies in the Asia-Pacific region, and is saving for the future by depositing revenue from offshore oil and gas fields in its sovereign wealth fund, which now stands at around $10.5 billion. Around 75 percent of children now attend primary school, a significant increase from a decade ago.
The past five years have been mostly stable, and Caminha feels that now is the right time for the UN to leave.
"I think it is important to give us an opportunity to run our own country now," he says. "I understand that to build a nation and to unite all the people who were so long oppressed by the invaders is not as easy as we might have expected. It requires extra energy, extra work in order to fulfill our dream of being an independent state standing on our own feet. We restored our independence a decade ago. Like a child we were crawling, learning how to walk and sometimes falling, but we got up and now we are reaching our teenage years as a nation. I believe if all the Timorese work hand-in-hand together, and leave our differences behind, we can build a prosperous Timor-Leste for us and our future generations."