News & issues

Scholar digs deep to find East Timor's rich past

Canberra Times - December 12, 2008

Emma Macdonald – East Timor might be the newest sovereign state in the world, but for PhD graduate Nuno Oliveira the tiny country's ancient history is its most compelling feature.

Dr Oliveira graduated from the Australian National University's department of archaeology and natural history yesterday, having spent the past four years flitting between Canberra and East Timor completing his research on the origins of agriculture in the region.

Originally from Portugal, Dr Oliveira was on a scholarship paid for by the Portugese Government and last year, just after completing his final field work assignment, was offered a job as an adviser to the Secretary of State for Culture in East Timor, Virgilio Simith. The broad sweep of his role has seen him involved in writing that country's heritage management and curation policy, but also in setting up a national library, a national museum and a school of music and the arts.

His research included digging archaeological sites looking for evidence of what people have eaten in East Timor over the past 10,000 years. By showing that early inhabitants existed on root crops, fruit and nuts before the introduction of rice, Dr Oliveira's work identifies what are more sustainable crops for the future in a time of climate change.

"The archaeological record seems to suggest that rice is not really an appropriate crop for the climate of the island and other crops would be more sustainable and could be reintroduced," Dr Oliveira said. "Of course rice and corn crops have subsequently killed a lot of diversity in East Timor and this is a worldwide issue." Dr Oliveira said it was good to be back in Canberra "where life is a lot easier than in East Timor".

But he was also thrilled to be working there, in a role which was so important. "It is an amazing job, and my contract has just been extended for another year so that is great news." Dr Oliveira said there were 45 settlements pre-dating Portugese settlement in the 16th century, which had yet to be investigated.

"There is so much left to discover and so many important sites to examine, partly a result of the fact East Timor has been closed to research for the past 25 years."

But he also noted that the fledgling country "has so many things to do in terms of nation building that archaeology while important is something of a minor issue". Dr Oliveira said he felt privileged to have been able to complete his doctorate at the ANU, but it had its challenges. "I think having to write in a language that was not my first language was really hard, but I managed to get through," he said.

There are 'attacks on the Portuguese language', says Alkatiri

Reuters - December 10, 2008

Dili – The Secretary General of Fretilin and former Prime Minister of East Timor, Mari Alkatiri, said today in Dili that there are "attacks" against Portuguese as official language in Timor-Leste.

"Today we are witnessing the successive attacks against Portuguese as official language," Mari Alkatiri accused in the II National Congress of Education, which runs until Friday in Dili.

"They want to create a new conflict of generations in our country instilling ideas against our language policy already reflected in our Constitution," accused the leader of Fretilin.

"Are we witnessing a new colonization? I hope not, "said Mari Alkatiri, recalling the "strategic choices" of East Timor in the field of language.

"They have been made. Tetum and Portuguese as official languages to mark our difference identity (together and in interaction with other national languages) and 'Bahasa' Indonesian and English as working languages for the deepening of relationships with the region and world, "said Mari Alkatiri.

"The option bilingual (Tetum and Portuguese) is option that has nothing to do with the whim of the old generation. It is an option that aims to defend national independence and thus defend the interest of all generations, "added the former prime minister.

The leader of Fretilin, the largest opposition party, said that "an increasing number of young East Timorese begin to speak and write Portuguese."

"We are seeing a process of cultural back, maybe better, resurrection of cultural and linguistic, reaffirming what is ours rather than what is imposed on us," he added.

Mari Alkatiri said the Portuguese as "an instrument of colonization which later became a weapon of resistance."

The leader of the Fretilin II spoke in Congress on Education of "The identity of the people of East Timor and the Portuguese language" and recalled the evolution of languages in the territory and the Malay archipelago.

"The repeat attempt to Indonesia in East Timor with what the Portuguese did with the Dutch in the post-independence Indonesia," said Mari Alkatiri.

"The prohibition of the use of the Portuguese opened the door to the Catholic Church in East Timor had opted for language Tetum as liturgical, contributing it to the top of a more systematic process of development of the Tetum-square," said Mari Alkatiri.

"In the development of Tetum for liturgical use, the Portuguese found a way to resist submerged and survive in the world of Tetum," argued the former prime minister.

"A truly strategic vision of development necessarily entails strengthening of our difference, not for its dilution in search of ways supposedly easier," said Mari Alkatiri.

"We have nothing against the English. We also want to have the field without it being dominated by it, "he explained.

Mari Alkatiri concluded his remarks saying that does not understand "much controversy" surrounding the official languages. "We did not understand because they say we want to help. Is it? "Asked the former prime minister.

Social conflicts/refugees

Timor-Leste: IDPs face difficult journey home

IRIN News - December 1, 2008

Dili – More than 100,000 people fled their homes in 2006 for welfare centres and relatives' homes when violence erupted following splits within the police and military.

Forty-one camps have now closed and the government hopes to close the last 16 by February 2009 and help the remaining displaced people (IDPs) – about 2,200 families (15,000 people) – to return home. However, the government is struggling to provide essential services such as water and education to communities where large numbers of IDPs have returned.

Unresolved land ownership issues are also a continuing problem for people trying to rebuild their lives, according to authorities, and the government fears a lack of employment opportunities will lead to frustration once the money from the returns package has been spent.

Finn Reske-Nielsen, deputy special representative of the UN Secretary-General, said both short- and long-term issues had to be considered.

"There is a need to address the social jealousy issue," he said, with many residents in communities receiving IDPs resentful that they were returning with large sums of money while the residents received nothing.

He was also concerned that the economic and social support mechanisms should be in place to ensure that IDPs could reconstruct their livelihoods and that any tensions with permanent residents be reduced.

Short-term problems

Jose da Silva's house was virtually destroyed during the 2006 crisis. "The roof is gone. They destroyed the windows, doors and all that is left is the walls," he told IRIN.

Da Silva has received a government recovery package of US$4,500 to rebuild his house, but says the money is not enough.

"It's difficult because right now everything is becoming expensive," he said. "I can only use the government payment to fix the house, not to buy furniture and things for cooking inside the house which were destroyed," he said. "If we include those things I don't think $4,500 is enough."

Da Silva is now living at his brother's house, and even when he does move back to his community, there is no guarantee he will have access to adequate water, sanitation and education for his children.

Community chiefs from eight of the 10 neighbourhoods in Dili that have accepted returnees have reported tension over access to resources, the Minister for Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Fernandes Alves, said.

Some returnees are reluctant to start rebuilding their damaged or destroyed houses because of unsettled land ownership issues, she said. "Many cases have emerged that involve problems with returns because of pre-crisis disputes over ownership," she said.

Many returnees were still living in tents or squatting on empty land after leaving the camps, she said.

Sustainable returns

"The challenges to sustainable return are a manifestation... of the 2006 crisis and of the broader societal and political problems that led to it, including security sector reform, access to justice, and unresolved land disputes, among others," Reske- Nielsen said.

At a 21 November government retreat on closing IDP camps, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao agreed, saying that not all the conflicts surrounding the crisis had been resolved. "It will... be necessary that the government honestly assess and acknowledge the root causes of the crisis and work closely with communities to deal with them," he said.

The government is conducting vocational training programmes for young people and ensuring pensions are paid to the elderly. Government teams involved in dialogue and mediation efforts are employed in neighbourhoods throughout Dili and the districts to assist in reducing tensions and resolving problems between returnees and the permanent communities.

However, Alves said the government and agencies needed to work in close coordination to ensure IDP returns succeeded.

"Closing camps is a good first step; however, we will all need to work together on maintaining community stabilisation, by addressing the... challenges, to ensure the good work we have done so far is not wasted," she said.

Transition & development

East Timor hits out over UN report

The Australian - December 29, 2008

Mark Dodd – East Timor has lashed out at a UN report that labels the country's police and judicial systems as dysfunctional.

A statement released by the Government in Dili at the weekend questioned the authenticity of the report and accused The Australian of waging a "campaign of disinformation" against Dili.

The UN report, revealed in The Weekend Australian on Saturday, appeals for urgent action to fix the East Timorese police and judicial systems, warning that the struggling nation could revert to anarchy.

The government statement released on Saturday accused unnamed "political and geo-strategic" interests of being behind the leaked UN report.

East Timor's internal security situation was "perfectly normal", said the statement from the Xanana Gusmao-led Government. "Thus, the alleged report did not come from the UN. Once again we are dealing with speculation, other interests and even worse whose aim is achieving certain objectives, political, economic and geo-strategic," it said.

Mr Gusmao and President Jose Ramos Horta are understood to be angry over the report's findings, which paint an unflattering picture of political disunity in East Timor's upper echelons.

Their anger is easily understood as the report recommends generational change among East Timor's political elite. "To achieve more fundamental stability, it would be vital to focus on considerably enhancing political institutions, particularly the parliament, and invest an extra effort in grooming a second line of national leaders," the report says.

The report, dated December 1, has been independently verified as genuine by the UN after two senior officials contacted The Australian last week seeking details of this newspaper's plans to publish excerpts from it.

It was prepared by UN Assistant Secretary-General Dmitry Titov from the Department of Peacekeeping Operations and covered an official visit to Dili and Canberra from November 22-29.

During the visit to Dili, which focused on security sector reforms, Mr Titov met Mr Gusmao and Mr Ramos Horta, and senior officials in the UN Mission in East Timor for talks on "the resumption of policing responsibilities by the PNTL (Timorese police)."

East Timor president, UN play down unrest fears

Agence France Presse - December 24, 2008

Dili – East Timor's president and the United Nations played down reports Wednesday that the tiny Asian nation was staggering under the weight of social and economic problems and on the brink of chaotic unrest.

The Australian daily newspaper reported this week that a confidential UN report found East Timor's shambolic police and legal system, economic turmoil and bitterly divided politics risked sparking violence similar to the unrest in 2006.

The unrest, triggered by the desertion of 600 troops, led to fighting among police, military and gangs that killed at least 37 people and caused around 100,000 of the country's one million people to flee their homes.

However Jose Ramos-Horta said there was no sign East Timor was set to slip into anarchy again.

"It's better if I read what (The Australian) is saying first, but I do want to say the situation in Timor Leste is very calm, there has been extraordinary progress on every front." Ramos-Horta told AFP, referring to the country by its Portuguese name.

"I believe that peace is gaining root in Timor Leste and anyone who suggests otherwise are either misinformed or pesimistic, or they want Timor to remain unstable so that they can have influence here," he said.

The UN mission in East Timor (UNMIT), which was established in the country in the wake of the 2006 violence refused to confirm or deny the existence of the confidential report, but said East Timor is progressing towards peace and stability.

"In UNMIT's view, we can say clearly that we feel very good about the progress that has been made in Timor in 2008 and the resiliency demonstrated by the Timorese people in a year that started with great challenge," acting special representative Finn Reske-Nielsen said in a statement.

"The country is at peace and the people of Timor-Leste are ready to celebrate the Christmas holidays in a calm and dignified manner," he said.

East Timor gained formal independence in 2002 after a bloody 24- year occupation by neighbour Indonesia that led to the deaths of up to 200,000 people.

East Timor 'at risk of anarchy' says UN report

The Australian - December 23, 2008

East Timor risks a repeat of the anarchy that gripped the country in 2006, as it has a dysfunctional police force, a chaotic justice system, a divided political leadership grappling with "dismal" social problems and an economy facing a "precipitous fall" in oil revenue.

The findings are contained in a confidential UN report, obtained by The Australian, which warns that urgent international intervention is required to strengthen East Timor's police and judicial systems to ensure the nation's stability.

The leaked copy of the security assessment, by the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations and dated December 1, warns that the troubled half-island nation remains vulnerable to rapid political collapse.

Australia was forced to send in peacekeepers after the capital Dili exploded into violence in May 2006 when an armed forces mutiny pitted ethnic easterners against ethnic westerners.

The violence led to dozens of deaths, the ousting of the Alkatiri government and tens of thousands of people being left homeless.

The Australian Defence Force has recently withdrawn several hundred troops from East Timor, but 750 Diggers serving as peacekeepers remain.

The report was prepared as part of the UN's evaluations on the future of its peacekeeping operations in the country. It recommends UN forces remain in the country despite growing pressure from within East Timor for them to depart.

The report is a frank admission of failure by the world body and donors, including Australia, to build a credible and effective police force and judicial system in East Timor.

While focusing mainly on the country's security sector, it sketches a depressing picture of a senior political leadership riven by internal bickering.

The report says political stability in the country continued to depend on the "personal chemistry" of the four leading state actors: Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao, President Jose Ramos Horta, Fretilin opposition leader Mari Alkatiri and army chief Tuar Matan Ruak.

Mr Gusmao is facing a political balancing act, with Timor's economic outlook weakening because of the collapse of oil prices sparked by the global financial crisis.

Despite this, Mr Gusmao must deliver on the need to improve "dismal" socio-economic conditions in the country while trying to strengthen law and order.

"In order to solidify the precarious social conditions, the country may need a special massive employment generation project(s), for example in areas of infrastructure building and agriculture," the report states.

"With regard to the security institutions, there will be no easy choices, and donors should be prepared to provide new reinvigorated assistance in the security area while the Government continues to be under pressure to redeem on its social promises."

While there had been some successes, attempts to create a credible and unified national police force had failed.

"Tremendous institutional gaps persist, including weak management and command and control, lack of core capacities (eg investigations) and an almost total absence of logistics and systems maintenance capacity."

The report describes as "most troubling" the fact the local police appeared to have no budget and noted rising tensions with UN police stemming from unrealistic demands by the Timorese for a bigger policing role.

The Australian Defence Force Academy's East Timor expert, Clinton Fernandes, said time was running out to fix East Timor's legal system.

"Out in the districts, people are just waiting for the next crisis before they start taking action with their own hands," he said. "I actually see the place cracking and I think the UN report is spot on."

East Timor's court system also attracted a scathing review. The report called for an independent review of the entire Timorese justice sector.

Courts are choked with a backlog of more than 5000 cases, a problem exacerbated by an "acute shortage of judges, legal defenders and rehabilitated court structures" and, apparently, language.

The Government's insistence on the use of Portuguese as an official language means more court bottlenecks because of a requirement for multiple translation services.

While most East Timorese speak native Tetum or Indonesian, few except for the political elite speak Portuguese, the language of the former colonial power.

A demand by Mr Ramos Horta that all court cases be presided over by East Timorese judges from June next year is likely to further stall the delivery of justice, it says.

Portuguese-speaking international judges currently act in a mentoring role and sit with Timorese on cases.

Timor Leste on road to progress, says Vice-Prime Minister

Bernama - December 23, 2008

Kuala Lumpur – Timor Leste, which witnessed assassination attempts against its president and prime minister February this year, is now making good progress in the development of the country, said its Vice-Prime Minister Jose Luiz Guterres.

In a recent exclusive interview with Bernama here, Guterres said this followed the measures taken by the government under Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao which had successfully restored peace and stability and putting the economy on the right track.

On the security side, efforts are made to improve the living conditions of the police and army and laws to regulate promotions, in order to build a professional army and police force.

Guterres said the government had also started paying pensions to the liberation war veterans, thus helping to create social stability and develop a professional civil service.

"When we came to power (Aug 2007), there were about 150,000 internally displaced people in camps since 2006, but now 80 per cent of them are back in their homes," he said.

The young nation of the former Portuguese colony gained independence in May 2002 after a long and bloody struggle against Indonesia.

During the February assassination attempts led by Timor Leste top fugitive, Alfredo Reinado, President Jose Ramos-Horta was seriously injured. The country was also rocked by violent clashes between government forces and rebel soldiers in May 2006.

"The previous government (under Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri) had made several mistakes in administrating the country, resulting in problems and grouses but since we came to power, we have been making a lot of progress in solving the country's problems," he said.

According to Guterres, the previous government failed to use part of the revenue from oil and gas to invest to create jobs and carry out infrastructure development in a country where those below the poverty level had risen from 33 per cent five years ago to 46 per cent in 2007.

"We changed many things... in less than a year. We started paying monthly allowances to the elderly and handicapped people. This is the first time this is being done and about 80,000 people are benefiting," he said.

Tackling unemployment, currently at about 20 per cent, has been identified as important for social stability and to address this, besides creating job opportunities locally, the government decided to export workers where about 5,000 workers are to be sent to South Korea.

The Timor Leste government is also investing in the development of rural areas – creating a new irrigation system where according to Guterres, the country has enough land and water to be self-sufficient in food production for its 1.2 million people.

Efforts have been geared towards developing basic infrastructure and the government will be extending the runway of Dili Airport and build two power plants.

Guterres said the government hoped to provide 24-hour electricity supply daily to town areas and villages by 2012.

On investment opportunities, Guterres pointed out that the small country, which is largely agriculture-based, was open to all investments such as in agriculture, infrastructure development, construction, manufacturing and financial services.

Independence struggle

British filmmaker takes on burden of history in Timor

Agence France Presse - December 4, 2008

Jerome Rivet, Dili – From his terrifying footage of the 1991 massacre at Dili's Santa Cruz cemetery, British journalist and filmmaker Max Stahl has tracked every step of East Timor's transition to independence.

Having helped break the Timor story to the world, Stahl says it is now his life's mission to give East Timor an audio-visual record of its bloody split from Indonesia and its tumultuous first years of independence.

Without it, he says, no one will remember where the tiny half- island state came from or what values were there at its birth.

"It is enormously important because you cannot forge an identity without memory," says the 53-year-old, sporting a hat in the black, red and yellow colours of his adopted country.

Stahl's audio-visual centre in the Timorese capital of Dili is devoted to preserving that memory in digital recordings of events leading up to and after the 2002 declaration of independence. Backed by the United Nations and the French national audiovisual institute, the centre aims to "gather and preserve East Timor's recent history and culture in audiovisual form," he said.

The story begins around November 12, 1991 when Stahl filmed Indonesian troops firing into hundreds of peaceful demonstrators in Dili. Some 270 people were killed, another 400 were injured and 250 were listed as missing, according to East Timorese figures.

Stahl's exclusive footage shocked the world and humiliated Jakarta, which held a referendum on self-rule eight years later, which in turn led to independence in 2002.

The Briton has been there through thick and thin, seeing the euphoria of the declaration turn into violent infighting between the security forces in 2006 and an assassination attempt against President Jose Ramos-Horta this year.

He has not lost hope that East Timor, one of the poorest countries in the world, can become a viable country. "It will take time but this country will become more mature," he says.

And if East Timor – a country where almost half the population is under 18 years of age – is to finally grow up it must first form an understanding of the past, he says. "They don't have to forget that what unites the Timorese people is the struggle for independence against Indonesia," he says.

East Timorese technician Ivo Tilman, who works at the audiovisual centre, said he wanted to honour the victims of the independence struggle by preserving their stories for future generations.

"It is very important for us and for the next generations to know what happened," he said. "I lost my brother, who was a clandestine warrior, after he was kidnapped by Indonesian special forces in 1995. We still don't know how he was killed. My mother lost six brothers during the occupation from 1975."

But despite the upheaval of 2006, which saw tens of thousands of people flee factional violence in Dili, and the assassination attempt in February this year, he said he was optimistic for his country.

"I am very optimistic about my country's future if we learn about our past and try not to repeat the 2006 crisis," he said.

East Timor lives in memories of survivors

ABC Online - December 2, 2008

Eleanor Hall: In their country's quarter of a century long struggle for independence, around 10,000 East Timorese people were taken as political prisoners by Indonesia.

Nearly half of them were women and many of them were tortured, died or disappeared. But many of those who did survive have been telling their stories as part of East Timor's Living Memory Project. Sarah Hawke has our report.

(A Timorese woman speaking)

Sarah Hawke: This is the story of Maria da Silva Benfica.

In 1977, the then 23-year-old was captured by the Indonesians for sending supporters to help the Timorese guerrillas. Maria was imprisoned for over a year. She was beaten and punched, and at one stage, says she forced to be in a cell with a corpse.

Maria has told her story on video, as part of The Living Memory Project. She's one of 52 video testimonies from ex-prisoners recorded so far. Veteran journalist on East Timor Jill Jolliffe is directing the project. She says not only are the recordings important for history but also for the healing process.

Jill Jolliffe: We find that violence is repeated and mimicked as a result of unhealed trauma, and children are affected. So it's really a very large proportion of the East Timorese population.

Sarah Hawke: Olga do Amaral was student in 1997 when she took part in an Independence demonstration. She was captured and imprisoned for a year.

Olga Do Amaral (translated): She got sexual violence, she got beat and punching.

Sarah Hawke: On release she went and joined the guerrilla fighters in the mountains until Independence. Olga is now pregnant with her fourth child and later this month will be decorated for her efforts in the resistance. She says recognition and support of the continuing struggle of ex-prisoners by the Government is important.

Olga Do Amaral (translated): When she get married it's always, something that from her husband, always say that you are from this background and something that she still thinking about this, but there is no recognition from the Government.

Sarah Hawke: Jill Jolliffe says the push for support is a struggle but inroads are being made.

Jill Jolliffe: I think there's a long way to go and we do have, we have been accepted as one of the, as belonging to a group known as the Psychosocial Group of NGOs. We consider the, the filming itself is rather a healing process, a therapeutic process. Our core work is producing the archive but we get sufficient funds, we would also develop the health aspect at the same time.

Sarah Hawke: Is there any desire for other care and assistance for the political prisoners at this stage, or is it mainly the recognition?

Jill Jolliffe: I mean, our project is quite ambitious and our ambitions aren't generally realised but we would like to also establish a social centre where they can develop their sense of common identity and also where older ex-prisoners can come, and many of them are isolated, they're getting old, they're getting sick, so we'd like to get a little room where they can come and play chess and read the daily newspapers, have a coffee, chew the fat, do what older people do and younger people and maybe give some assistance to their children, also in school work, where having access to the computers and the Internet and books.

Eleanor Hall: The Director of East Timor's Living Memory Project Jill Jolliffe speaking with Sarah Hawke.

Human rights/law

Justice minister sues East Timor newspaper

Radio Australia - December 24, 2008

A respected newspaper in East Timor has been charged with defamation over a series of stories it published accusing the country's Justice Minister of corruption, collusion and nepotism. The newspaper's director, Jose Belo, says he's prepared to go to jail to defend his publication.

Presenter: Stephanie March

Speakers: Jose Belo, director Tempo Semanal; Mario Carrascalao, East Timorese MP and former president of the Social Democratic Party

March: East Timor's prosecutor-general is bringing a defamation action against the Tempo Semanal newspaper, based on a series of articles it published concerning alleged activities of the Justice Minister. In October, the newspaper accused Justice Minister Lucia Lobato of engaging in corruption, collusion and nepotism during the issuing of a number of government tenders. The reports were based on alleged SMS communications.

Tempo Semanal's director Jose Belo has been a journalist for 13 years, and has worked for a number of international news organisations including the ABC and Associated Press.

Belo: We are not simply just trying to, accuse a minister or defame a minister, but because she is a minister of the justice, this is really in the interest of the public.

March: The government passed a new penal code that decriminalises defamation, however the president hasn't promulgated it yet. That means Jose Belo is being charged under the Indonesian penal code, which considers defamation to be a criminal act. If found guilty he could be fined, or sent to prison. Jose Belo fears the minister is exploiting his limited budget and resources.

Belo: You know the Tempo Semanal is a very poor newspaper in this country – we don't have any money or any resources. So we can't fight a person who has influence [and] who has money. So I presume it is very, very difficult to win this case in the court.

March: In a written response to Radio Australia, Lucia Lobato stated she feels the articles were hurtful and have discredited her both personally and professionally. She says she supports free and fair media, but also supports accountability and responsibility in reporting. Minister Lobato stated she would accept any verdict handed down by the court. Despite the prospect of jail time, Jose Belo says he'll fight the charges.

Belo: If I just give up, to this kind of attitude by the government it seems likely that I am going to give away to the government to shut down the media here, and it is really bad for the independence of media in Timor-Leste. So I am committed to go and fight in the court, with the evidence we have, based on the evidence we publish these stories.

March: Jose Belo fears the action against his newspaper will discourage other media organisations from investigative reporting.

Belo: I think the other media is very, you know, self-protective. They don't really want to go after this investigative reporting because they know the risk. And I myself understand this risk. But you know we have to come out. If we are serious media we have to come out.

March: Justice Minister Lucia Lobato is a member of the Social Democratic Party – or PSD – one of the members of the coalition government led by Xanana Gusmao. Mario Carrascalao is an MP and member of PSD. He says while he is certain there is corruption in some government departments, he doesn't believe Minister Lobato is guilty of any wrongdoing, but he too says the case could have a negative impact on press freedom.

Carrascalao: Of course it sounds not good because this also will prevent some journalists to have the courage to publish what they know, and to stop corruption here we need in fact, how do you say, the press to be really open and to publish everything they know about the wrongdoings made by officials here.

March: A number of corruption allegations have been made against East Timor's government over the past twelve months. The opposition has called for Minister Lobato and a number of other government officials to be sacked in light of the claims, however the only action taken so far has been the charges against the Tempo Semanal newspaper.

During his time as both President and Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmao has spoken often for the need for media freedom and transparency in government. Jose Belo says his words have not translated into action to deal with the growing problem.

Belo: Until today is very, very little action has been taken to investigate these cases, and I am apessimist – I'm very, very pessimistic that Xanana will be taking these actions against these ministers.

March: The Prime Minister is developing a new anti-corruption commission. The government hopes it will start functioning in 2009. Mario Carrascalao says it would be impossible to eradicate corruption entirely, but has high hopes the commission will make a big difference.

Carrascalao: I believe in one year, two years, corruption will come to a level. It will never be acceptable, but a level that would be reasonable for a country just like ours that doesn't have skilled people and even without mechanism to prevent corruption to happen.

Death threats after East Timor graft claim

The Australian - December 18, 2008

Mark Dodd – An Australian businessman in East Timor says he has received death threats after he questioned an allegedly corrupt $3.1 million government fuel contract.

Jack Salatian, a director and shareholder of Sunshine Petroleum, said he was threatened after questioning the awarding of a fuel contract to a rival bidder offering diesel fuel to the state electricity provider at US6c a litre higher than his bid.

The Pualaka Petroleum company, owned by Americo Lopes, the husband of East Timorese Justice Minister Lucia Lobato, was awarded the contract – a decision that led to widespread corruption concerns in Dili.

Ms Lobato is suing Jose Belo, managing editor of the weekly Tempo Semanal, for defamation after the newspaper ran a story that raised serious questions about the contract.

The row underscores claims of increasing corruption in Southeast Asia's poorest country – much of it allegedly linked to ministers and their spouses.

Mr Belo claims the contract smacks of favouritism. He told The Australian the grounds for awarding the tender were even more questionable, given Mr Lopes lacked funds to purchase the diesel fuel intended for the state electricity provider EDTL.

Instead, he was issued a Treasury letter of credit for $US3.1 million, a copy of which has been obtained by The Australian. Mr Belo accused the Government of covering up corruption by muzzling the country's media.

Mr Salatian has claimed his life was threatened by Pualaka Petroleum executives after he expressed concerns about the contract and demanded the company first settle a $US51,500 ($76,000) debt to Sunshine.

Fretilin opposition MP Jose Teixeira rejected Ms Lobato's claims of innocence and repeated his party's demand for the Government to sack the minister.

Health & education

Literacy campaign with Cuban program advances in Timor-Leste

Cuba News Agency (ACN) - December 18, 2008

Havana – Timor-Leste carried out its second National Literacy Teaching Graduation, a campaign developed with the Cuban program Yes I Can.

The Head of State of this Asia-Pacific nation, Jose Manuel Ramos, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, presented a group of 400 graduates from 13 districts with their certificates, during a ceremony held at the Ministry of Education in Dili, the capital.

Also participating in the ceremony were Education Minister Joao Cancio Freitas; the Secretary of State for Culture, Virgilio Smith; Cuba's ambassador in that country, Raman Hernandez, and other personalities, the Granma newspaper reports on Wednesday.

This new graduation is the result of the second stage of work that began in April, with the arrival of 35 Cuban advisors that are offering their services in these territories.

After the ceremony, the president, like the Education Minister, thanked the Cuban people and government for the help provided to his country in the fields of education and public health.

For his part, Hernandez highlighted the efforts made by the students, facilitators, Cuban advisors and coordinators in Timor Leste to achieve this goal.

He also underlined the call made by the President to declare Timor-Leste a territory free of illiteracy in a two year term, with which it could become the first nation in Asia-Pacific and the fourth in the world to accomplish this objective, after Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia.

Economy & investment

East Timor kills Chinese power deal

Asia Times - December 3, 2008

Matt Crook, Dili – A US$390 million power project tendered to Chinese investors was to be the defining action of the Parliamentary Majority Alliance (AMP) coalition government, with the infrastructure seen as crucial for improving livelihoods and attracting foreign investment to this impoverished island nation.

It was announced in October that the Chinese Nuclear Industry 22nd Construction Company had been awarded the tender to build two power generating stations – one in Manatuto district in central Timor and another on the country's south coast – and an electricity grid, with the project budgeted over four years.

That ambitious deal is fast coming undone, raising new questions about China's commercial diplomacy in the region. The project was dealt a legal blow when the Court of Appeal on October 27 upheld a petition submitted by 16 members of parliament, many from the opposition Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (FRETILIN) party.

The court ruled in line with their complaint that the budget was unconstitutional and illegal because the money for the China- tendered deal would entail a withdrawal beyond the amount permitted by existing laws governing the country's oil revenue- financed sovereign wealth fund, known as the Petroleum Fund.

The controversy represents the latest botched government-to- government deal in the region to ensnare Chinese business interests. Beijing's commercial diplomacy hit a snag in the Philippines this year when a Chinese state-linked firm contracted to build infrastructure for broadband telecommunications came under fire on allegations the company paid kickbacks to high- ranking government officials to pave the way for the deal.

No such allegations have surfaced around East Timor's power plant deal. But the controversy has made clear how hard at work Beijing's soft power commercial diplomacy is in oil-and-gas rich East Timor. China was the first country to establish diplomatic relations with the country after it achieved independence in 2002 and has since been a major donor to the oil-and-gas rich nation, providing everything from food to military equipment.

Chinese assistance went towards building a new building for the government's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and an elaborate new presidential palace is on the way. The two structures have represented the biggest construction projects the capital, Dili, has seen, according to locals. A huge new Chinese Embassy is also on the cards.

In a seeming quid pro quo, Chinese investors may obtain 50-year land leases in East Timor, where most other foreigners are limited to 30-year deals. That's encouraged Chinese investment, witnessed in the growing numbers of Chinese-run businesses in Dili ranging from electronics stores to restaurants to bars. Despite its slim national coffers, East Timor donated $500,000 to China in September for relief efforts in Sichuan province, hit by a severe earthquake last May.

Relations between the two countries go beyond the commercial. In April, East Timor agreed to buy two Chinese naval vessels to improve its ability to patrol its sovereign waters, where it loses millions of dollars every year to fishing poachers and smugglers. Before turning to China, Dili had only two aging Portuguese boats to patrol the country's 870 kilometers of coastline.

Chinese counterbalance

Some analysts have suggested that East Timor is moving closer to China precisely because of Australia's unwillingness to accommodate Timorese strategic development, including a reluctance to help the small nation establish a naval force. Australia has until now taken the lead in patrolling East Timor's territorial waters. The two countries dispute the boundaries of the oil-and-gas rich Greater Sunrise field in the Timor Sea, but reached a joint revenue-sharing agreement in January 2006.

Australian energy company Woodside Petroleum plans a $14 billion Greater Sunrise project, with the aim of piping gas to Darwin, in the north of Western Australia, or build a floating plant. Timor wants the gas piped to its own soil. Neither side is prepared to back down and now it seems East Timor is cozying with China to bolster its negotiating position. President Jose Ramos-Horta was quoted as saying he would "prefer to forgo Greater Sunrise than surrender to the dictates of a bunch of oil executive millionaires".

Ian Storey, a security analyst at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, notes, "China gave a lot of support to the Timor independence movement in the second half of the 1970s, so there are friendly feelings. China has been looking into energy deals with East Timor for the past few years."

John Virgoe, Southeast Asia project director for International Crisis Group, said, "I think China should be congratulated for providing aid to [East Timor]. It would be better if the aid were more focused on relieving poverty and sustainable development than on prestige projects – but China is still early on the learning curve when it comes to foreign assistance."

Nor are China's interests limited to East Timor. "[China] is also stepping up its engagement across the Pacific region as a way of extending its regional profile," Virgoe said.

The circumstances surrounding the power project are raising new questions about how China conducts its business in the region. Tibor van Staveren, a researcher for La'o Hamutuk, a non- governmental organization that monitors development issues in East Timor, translated the Appeal Court's recent ruling against the power plant project tendered to Chinese investors.

The verdict said the deal "violates Timor-Leste's [East Timor] constitutional prohibition against secret budgets and parliament's power to oversee budgetary operations".

The government has withdrawn $300 million from the Petroleum Fund this year, according to La'o Hamutuk. This year's state budget was $686.8 million, but the court's ruling now limits that amount to $391 million.

In August, the government proposed to increase the budget by 122% to about $800 million. The revised budget was discussed in parliament and the budget line for the extra $390 million for the Chinese tendered power plants was voted down. Yet the $390 million earmark still went through after an alleged mix up with the paperwork, said Staveren.

Staveren also noted the speed of the tendering process for the heavy-fuel-oil power plant – three months from when the tender was announced to the contract being signed.

"A project like this would normally need almost a year to get through a concept stage and the drawing of technical specifications, to send out tenders, evaluate tenders and do an environmental impact study. They rushed it," said Staveren. "For a project like this, the [tender] documents would be the size of a telephone book – these were five pages."

The government remains adamant that the tendering process was legitimate. Secretary of State for Electricity, Water and Urbanization Januario da Costa said, "The tendering process was announced through the Internet. It was not done too fast. Fourteen companies offered their quotations."

Of the international companies that initially bid for the contract, one was rejected for a late submission and nine others were struck off for not complying with the full proposal. The five remaining proposals, according to a government media release, were then submitted to a committee comprising the National Procurement Director, two electrical engineers, and international advisers from the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry for Infrastructure.

Information about the company that won the bid, Chinese Nuclear Industry 22nd Construction Co, was not made readily available by the government. The Chinese company started as a construction outfit building elements mostly for nuclear power plants, La'o Hamutuk noted. It also built apartment complexes and roads and was involved in construction for the Three Gorges dam project in China.

As part of the deal, the Chinese company would have maintained management control of the plant for five years before handing it over to the Timorese. Critics note the technology the government proposed for the plants – two heavy fuel oil power stations – was an unusual move for a signatory to the Kyoto agreement on greenhouse gas emissions. Others have suggested hydropower would have been a more efficient energy strategy for the power-starved country.

[Matt Crook is a East Timor-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at writer@whatismatt.com.]

Police/military

Australian police to expand East Timor training role

The Australian - December 27, 2008

Mark Dodd – Australia is poised to take a bigger role in the training of East Timor's police force, described in a UN report as beset with "tremendous institutional gaps", weakly managed and lacking a budget.

Indications of a beefed-up Australian Federal Police role in Timor follow a little-publicised meeting in Canberra last month between officials of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Australian Federal Police, AusAID and the UN. Minutes of the meeting, which focused mainly on East Timor's security sector, are included in a confidential report by UN Assistant Secretary- General Dmitry Titov, dated December 1, a copy of which was obtained by The Australian.

Following a one-day visit to Canberra on November 28, the UN team foreshadowed a bigger role for the AFP in helping rebuild a new Timorese national police force. "We also visited the International Deployment Group (AFP-IDG) which is impressively developing into a world-class centre for training Australian, Pacific Islands and other regional police," Mr Titov's report says.

"The IDG is keen to further support the development of UN policing, including increased collaboration on such issues as pre-deployment training and doctrine development."

The East Timor National Police Force (PNTL) remains weak, poorly managed, without a budget and lacking any investigative capacity, the report says. Tensions are also again on the rise between the Timorese police and defence force (F-FDTL).

"The mistrust between the F-FDTL and the PNTL is still obvious, with the former claiming that the police are not yet ready to resume responsibility for law and order," the UN report says.

It warns against the Timorese defence force taking on a policing role. "In this environment, the F-FDTL (army) has positioned itself as the guarantor of stability even though it has no clearly defined role or responsibilities. If not corrected this may present a long-term security danger and may portend further friction with the PNTL."

One of Asia's poorest countries, East Timor exploded into ethnic gang violence in 2006 following a government decision to dismiss 600 striking soldiers protesting at discrimination by majority eastern-born commanders. The unrest led to the downfall of the country's first prime minister, Mari Alkatiri.

The PNTL imploded along ethnic lines during the crisis and efforts by the UN and key donor nations, including Australia and former colonial power Portugal, to rebuild a new national police force have so far proved elusive.

The Australian understands from sources close to the AFP that current options include a bigger training and mentoring role to help expand the PNTL.

During the Canberra meeting the UN and DFAT agreed it would be premature to set deadlines on the transfer of policing responsibilities from UN Police to the PNTL despite growing pressure.

"First Assistant Secretary (Peter) Woolcott agreed with our assessment of developments in Timor-Leste and stressed the need to avoid any artificial deadlines in the rule of law area in Timor-Leste, in particular in regard to the transfer of policing responsibilities," the report says.

East Timor uneasiness on troops

Melbourne Age - December 18, 2008

Lindsay Murdoch – Many complaints against Australian soldiers in East Timor remain unresolved because there is no formal means to deal with them, Australian MPs have been told.

In one case, the family of a Timorese man killed when his motorcycle and an Australian army truck collided in August 2007 has received no direct condolence or compensation even though UN police found the Australian driver "bore the greater responsibility for the accident as he was speeding".

The victim's family has been unable to pursue civil damages or settlement because Australian soldiers serving in the International Stabilisation Force in East Timor are not answerable to either the country's court system or the UN mission in Dili.

Human rights activists say Australian soldiers serving in East Timor effectively have immunity for any crimes they commit, both on and off duty.

In 2006, the Howard government refused requests by the government in Dili and the UN for Australians troops being sent to Dili to quell violence to be put under UN command. Under the UN's system of accountability, national forces operating in foreign countries must answer to an outside body.

La'o Hamutuk, a Timorese non-government organisation, told the Australian Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Trade and Defence the Australian forces in East Timor should be integrated into the UN peacekeeping force chain of command.

La'o Hamutuk told the committee's Inquiry into Human Rights Mechanisms in Asia-Pacific there needed to be a "clear, independent and transparent process for Timorese citizens to report to resolve complaints against the Australian military".

La'o Hamutuk's submission cites repeated efforts by human rights lawyer Natercia Barbosa de Deus to arrange a meeting between the ISF and the family of the dead motorcyclist, but each time the meetings were cancelled.

Ms de Deus was told the driver of the ISF vehicle was scared of meeting the family and left the country soon after the accident. The man's death meant his wife could not meet rental payments for where she was living with five children. They now live in a shack with 20 to 30 others.

La'o Hamutuk also criticised the Australian soldiers for the way they patrol the streets.

"Carrying long arms at all times, on and off duty, even where there is a low security risk, such as speaking to small children, playing sport, shopping in supermarket, eating at a restaurant or relaxing at the beach, is inappropriate and insensitive to a population traumatised by a brutal military occupation," it said. "It makes people feel unsafe."

About 750 Australian soldiers are deployed with New Zealand troops in the ISF.

East Timor: Missing the beat

Time Magazine - December 8, 2008

Rory Callinan – East Timor is struggling to repair its police force, but individual dedication can't make up for a lack of equipment and training.

Last month a baby was shot dead in an inner suburb of East Timor's capital, Dili. His father, a policeman, had returned home from his shift and put his pistol atop a cupboard before lying down for a nap. A short time later, his frantic wife burst into the room, saying their six-year-old son had hold of the gun. Then a shot rang out. Rushing outside, the couple found their youngest child, a six-months-old boy, dead from a bullet wound.

Two weeks later, standing beside the baby's concrete gravestone in his dusty backyard, the officer says he can't discuss the matter, or be named, because he is under investigation. But the incident is symptomatic of the troubles plaguing the Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste. Responsibility for the nation's internal security will soon be transferred to the PNTL from United Nations police and an international peacekeeping force. But concerns about weapons training, discipline and loyalty have some observers wondering if the PNTL is ready to make that transition.

Two years ago, East Timor's police and military fractured along political and geographic lines, leading to bloody street battles in Dili. The conflict left 37 dead, including eight police officers, and displaced 150,000 people, most of whom have only recently returned to their villages. It also led to the dissolution of the Fretilin government.

Since then, the country's fragile internal security has been entrusted to a 1,500-strong contingent of UN police and an International Stabilisation Force made up of 920 Australian and New Zealand troops. As part of the security program, the UN and the East Timorese government signed a Reform, Restructuring and Rebuilding plan to regenerate the PNTL.

The plan entailed a comprehensive screening process to remove those involved in the violence, followed by a six-month mentoring period for officers, a five-day training course and later a firearms certification course. Ninety-five per cent of the force has now undergone retraining, and in the New Year the first districts are expected to be returned to PNTL control as Australia withdraws 100 of its troops. Assuming the force meets certain benchmarks, the East Timorese government intends the PNTL to be responsible for about 70% of the nation's security by mid- 2009

Fragile gains

The scenario makes some observers nervous. Says one UNPOL source: "If the s__ hits the fan, the PNTL will just head for home. They will go back to their villages and it will be every man for himself." Australian academic Bu Wilson has just completed a review of the PNTL's capability. She fears that "rather than rebuilding the PNTL, the UN mission may be instead bequeathing a weak and unstable police force to Timor-Leste."

Wilson found glaring problems with the retraining process. Screening and certification were politicized and confused, she wrote, while some PNTL officers whom the UN mission had recommended should be dismissed for breaching integrity rules had instead been promoted. Mentoring by UNPOL had been scaled down, and many UNPOL officers preferred to do the police work themselves.

Some UN police are reluctant to speak on the record butprivately agree with Wilson's claims. Senior officers acknowledge some shortcomings but remain confident the force will be able to handle security duties. "This is a very young police service," says acting UN East Timor Police Commissioner Juan Carlos Arevalo Linares. "We cannot expect to have a police service like Australia's when this country has only had a police service for a little more than six years."

Linares concedes there is much work to do on discipline and the correct use of force, but he cautions against reading too much into the shooting of the baby. "That cannot disqualify the PNTL," he says, "because it's the kind of incident I have seen in other countries with police forces with much more assistance."

But the problems of policing are on plain view in Dili. Late one night, in a shanty-lined street, Time is hailed by a man bearing an assault rifle and surrounded by a group of drunken friends. He claims he is part of the Health Minister's police bodyguard and says the weapon is kept close at hand in case of an urgent call for help. Secretary of State for Security Francisco da Costa Guterres, who has responsibility for the police, has told Time that police are required to leave their guns at the station when they go off duty. He alleges that the officer in the shooting case "made a mistake and took the weapon home with him." But UNPOL sources say observance of the rules varies among police units.

In recent weeks, the PNTL's most visible presence in the country has been at checkpoints on main roads into Dili. They are part of an operation to block any armed protesters from taking part in an anti-government march proposed several months ago by the Fretilin opposition. The roadblocks have raised UNPOL fears that Timorese police could become politicized, further destabilizing the force.

In short supply

It's widely agreed that the force is woefully under-equipped. Logistics officer Sub-Inspector Lucerio Lay says the PNTL owns no working radios (it relies on the UN's network) and has only 190 vehicles and 271 motorbikes for more than 3,000 police. New radios have been bought from Australia, he says, but they can't be used until special software arrives. While Lay talks, his noisy, cramped office is intermittently blacked out by power cuts.

Police have only 46 computers, mostly old and running a variety of software. Small patrol boats have been ordered to watch the country's 700 km of coastline, but they have not arrived because of a dispute with contractors. There is hardly any equipment for recording or electronically storing fingerprints. There are only 120 tear-gas guns and 150 pepper-spray canisters, equipment UN forces found indispensable during the rioting that followed the 2007 elections.

At the PNTL police posts within the Comoro district of the city's west, poorly equipped officers paid $125 a month live in tents without mosquito nets or proper toilets. At one post the single radio shared by eight men is broken, forcing them to call in reports on their personal mobile phones. At another post, responsible for a 4-sq.-km district, officers have no patrol vehicles and sprint to jobs on foot. "The UN is providing everything," says one UNPOL officer. "Even the toilet paper."

Another issue is the country's 228-km land border with Indonesia, which squirms its mostly unmarked way through dense jungles, over rugged hills and along broad rivers. Just beyond Batugade, at the most northwesterly point of the border, barbed wire and guards block the road into Indonesia. But a kilometer south is a large unfenced clearing amid thickets of stubby palm trees where the constant smugglers' traffic has flattened an area the size of a basketball court. It is littered with the yellow hessian bags used to carry contraband and the remains of smugglers' campfires. "I see the police about once a week," says Alfredo, an Indonesian petrol smuggler. Other smugglers say the regular local police patrol consists of two unarmed officers who walk to the clearing and turn back.

Faction victim

The force is disunited as well as over-stretched. Edward Rees was a former adviser to Ian Martin, the special envoy to East Timor who was sent by the UN to assess the situation after the violence of 2006 Now living in Dili, Rees says there are factions in the PNTL that have not forgotten the fighting. "They are trying to work together now, whereas in 2006 they may have been trying to shoot each other." All the same, he worries that the force lacks the cohesion to deal impartially with a large protest or riot, an ever-present threat.

Earlier this year an anonymous brochure was circulated predicting 2006-style trouble should a new police commissioner be chosen from the country's east, but Acting PNTL Commissioner Afonso de Jesus dismisses it as scaremongering. "I don't believe any of this," he says. "We have a strong structure. In 2006, the police split at the top but not down the bottom. At the lower level all the police remained the same." And he is upbeat about his men's ability. "Though we lack support and logistics, as Timorese we will sacrifice those things to do this job." Former UN adviser Rees is also optimistic. "Dili is a safer city than it has been in a very long time," he says. "On a day-to-day basis, the PNTL is in a better position to provide safety than UNPOL is."

At Gleno police station, 30 km southwest of Dili, there are signs of progress. While overworked Australian UNPOL officers complain good-naturedly about having to pay $200 out of their own pocket to buy a cell door, an off-duty PNTL task-force officer brings in a drunken man who has been terrorizing local market traders with a machete. Says an admiring UNPOL district commander, Paul Harvey: "There are PNTL officers here I would rather work with than some officers back home." The long-suffering people of East Timor hope his confidence is well founded.

Book/film reviews

Ringside view to the 1999 East Timor debacle

Jakarta Post - December 21, 2008

[Timor Timur, Menit Terakhir – Catatan Seorang Wartawan (East Timor, The Last Minute – A Journalist's Notebook). C.M. Rien Koentari, Mizan Pustaka, 2008. 438 pages]

Endy M. Bayuni, Jakarta – How much did we really know about East Timor in 1999 (now renamed Timor Leste) – particularly about the aspirations of its people – when an overwhelming majority of them voted, in an UN-organized plebiscite, to reject Indonesian rule and to establish their own separate state?

An Indonesian journalist assigned to cover East Timor that last fateful year of Indonesian military occupation learned, to her surprise and somewhat dismay, that Indonesia knew very little about the people and what they had gone through the previous 24 years.

Rien Koentari, reporting about East Timor for the Jakarta-based Kompas daily, has written a personal journal of her journey of discovery of the people, who in many respects are much like Indonesians, but for historical reasons, are very different from Indonesia and have now chosen a different path from Indonesia.

The book exposes our ignorance about a people who experienced such hardships during most of Indonesia's military rule that they not only had so much hatred toward Indonesia, but also and more importantly, had a strong desire to be free at almost any price.

It was this sentiment that many Indonesians grossly underestimated. No one, not even the most pessimistic of predictions, had expected that as many as 78 percent of the East Timorese would vote to reject Jakarta's offer to remain under Indonesian rule with the widest autonomy, and instead opt for independence.

Truth is always among the first casualties of war. Truth was indeed a scarce commodity when the military imposed an effective blanket news blackout between 1975 and 1991. Not that it mattered all that much. The world was not just ignorant of the disputed territory, it was also uninterested.

The only news to come out of East Timor then was largely put out by Jakarta's Indonesian military and Radio Fretilin, the voice of the armed separatist rebels, broadcast from Darwin. It was difficult to discern the truth from among the propaganda that both sides put out.

Things changed following the massacre of peaceful demonstrators in the streets of Dili in Nov. 1991. East Timor began to attract international attention, media reporting improved, and Indonesia's appalling human rights record, particularly but not exclusively in East Timor, was now constantly on display.

By the time of the 1999 plebiscite, we had learned a lot more about East Timor, but obviously we still did not have the entire picture. There was still so much truth to uncover, as the author of the book learned.

Rien, among the few journalists who covered East Timor intensively throughout 1999, had a ringside view to that year's evolving debacle, and she learned a few more truths about the wishes of the people and the main reason why: The atrocities of the Indonesian military occupation.

After reporting directly about the process that had led to President B.J. Habibie's offering the East Timorese the option to vote in a plebiscite, she then covered the UN-sponsored vote. This included its preparations with its accompanying violence, the peaceful and orderly vote in September and its tragic aftermath when East Timor erupted into mayhem.

Last Minute details the personal dilemma the writer faced as she learned more truth during her work. A true Indonesian patriot, she changed her perceptions of the nature of the conflict as she dug deeper into her story.

At times, the book reflects her Indonesian bias (and ignorance); at other times, it reflects her sympathy toward the oppressed people.

But as her reports were becoming more balanced (or less distorted), some in the Indonesian military and government openly accused her of being too sympathetic to the rebels, so much so that she began to take the heat from the pro-Indonesian camp and possibly (she never found out) from elements in the military establishment.

Initially taking the official line that the East Timor conflict was between its own people, she learned during her journey that this was also about a conflict between the occupied and the occupier. The more she spoke to the East Timorese, the more she learned about their hatred of Indonesia and their desire for freedom.

One of the things that changed her perception of the war was her encounter with Taur Matan Ruak, a senior commander in the Falintil, the rebel's armed wing. Ever the tough journalist, she went through all kinds of hazards and obstacles to secure this very important meeting and interview. Another time, she learned that many East Timorese working as civil servants employed by the Indonesian government were disloyal to the state and privately supported the rebels.

But what probably affected her most deeply was the violence that she personally witnessed, perpetrated either by the Indonesian military and police or by the pro-Indonesian militias.

There was her vivid account of a cold-blooded murder of an East Timor student by a sharpshooter. Angry at what she saw, she reported it to the police's higher command, only to be told that the sharpshooter was an Indonesian soldier in a police uniform.

Concerned about her safety, at one point she asked to be removed from East Timor. It was not only her life that was in danger when she felt she had become a target, but also that of her colleagues. But, she soon recovered from her fears and asked her editors to send her back.

She returned, but again as tension mounted during and after the election, she had to do some maneuvering to keep out of danger's way, and finally escaped. She returned the third time to East Timor in September as a guest of the Australian-led international peacekeeping force.

The book's chief strength is the use of the first-person narrative style, truly an account taken from her reporter's notebook. It may not be coherently presented, but Rien takes us through her own personal journey and struggles, and thus her own evolving perceptions of what this conflict really meant for East Timorese – and for Indonesians.

If Rien's reports published in Kompas were the first drafts of East Timor's history in 1999, this book coming out a decade later should count as the second draft. This time she wrote with more distance and thus a clearer perspective, but not necessarily with less passion. It will be up to historians perhaps in another decade or so to write up the history – perhaps from these various drafts – of this tragic episode in Timor Leste.

Book attempts to lift veil over East Timor

Jakarta Post - December 5, 2008

Jakarta – Unanswered questions about East Timor's break for independence in 1999 were brought to the forefront with the Thursday launch of East Timor, One Final Minute – a journalist's memoirs of his experience reporting on the debacle.

Written in narrative form, Kompas journalist Rien Kuntari's book attempts to draw back the veil covering what exactly occurred in the crisis that eventually led to East Timor breaking away from Indonesia nine years ago.

"I wrote this book truthfully, without any intention to harm anybody, for I hold onto the norms of journalism. There are some facts that I couldn't reveal because they concern the fate and lives of my sources," said Rien, who has covered conflicts in various regions across the globe.

The book attempts to answer who masterminded the rebellion that saw the province break away from Indonesia to become Timor Leste and to analyze the roles of the main players in the event, including Australia, the UN, the pro-integration and pro- independence groups and the Indonesian Military.

"This one-last-minute process, which I perceived as the 24-year journey of Indonesia in East Timor, is a very important episode. I believe that there is no single truth, but I appreciate Rien's efforts to tell the truth from her perspective about East Timor nine years ago," Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda said.

Attending the book launch was Timor Leste Ambassador to Indonesia Arlindo Marcal. Official speakers at the launch included military analyst J. Kristiadi, rights activist and lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis and The Jakarta Post's chief editor Endy Bayuni.

Todung said it was difficult to deny that crimes against humanity had been rampant at the time of the rebellion. "As a member of the commission for inquiries into human rights violations back then, I saw destruction was everywhere before the referendum. I hope this book can spark new research that reveals what has been obscured," he said.

Kristiadi of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies said the book exposed a national tragedy that had been the result of a hastily made political decision. "Learning from the tragedy, the book can inspire a new strategy for Indonesia to build good relations with Timor Leste," he said. (pmf)

Opinion & analysis

The bloody career of Admiral Dennis C. Blair

Counterpunch - December 26-28, 2008

Obama's new intelligence chief ran interference for Indonesia's butchers

Bradley Simpson - The presumptive appointment by President-elect Barack Obama of retired Admiral Dennis C. Blair as his new Director of National Intelligence is being greeted with cheers by the national media, which hail his experience, bureaucratic infighting skills and comparatively moderate views on national security issues. The New York Times, in a recent profile, seemed much impressed by the fact that the 34-year Navy veteran once water skied behind an aircraft carrier, in addition to his stints with the National Security Council, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Institute for Defense Analysis (from which he resigned in 2006 over conflict of interest charges involving the F-22 raptor).

But human rights supporters are right to be worried that Dennis Blair will hardly lead the charge for reform in the nation's intelligence community after the Bush Administration's embrace of torture, rendition and other crimes. For in the period leading up to and following East Timor's August 1999 referendum on independence from Indonesia Blair, from his perch as US Commander in Chief of the Pacific (CINCPAC) from February 1999 to May 2000, ran interference for the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) as they and their militia proxies committed crimes against humanity on an awesome scale.

Following the ouster of long-time dictator Suharto in 1998, Indonesian president B.J. Habibie signaled that Indonesia would be willing to allow East Timor an up or down referendum on independence following 24 years of brutal Indonesian occupation. The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), hoping to sway the vote in Jakarta's favor, launched a campaign of terror and intimidation led by the Army, Police and local militia proxies in which they killed hundreds of people displaced tens of thousands, most infamously on April 6, 1999, when militia forces massacred 57 Timorese in a church at Liquica on the outskirts of the capitol Dili.

Two days after the massacre, the Pentagon dispatched Blair two days later to meet with Wiranto and demand that he disband the militias and allow a fair vote in East Timor. Instead, Blair offered assurances of continued US support for the TNI and invited Wiranto to Pacific Command Headquarters in Hawaii as his personal guest. According to top secret CIA intelligence summary issued after the massacre, however (and recently declassified by the author through a Freedom of Information Act request), "Indonesian military had colluded with pro-Jakarta militia forces in events preceding the attack and were present in some numbers at the time of the killings." A Top Secret Senior Executive Intelligence Brief from April 20, 1999 stated plainly that "to restore stability, the Indonesian security forces must stop supporting the militias and adopt a neutral posture." A Top Secret CIA Intelligence Report dated May 10, 1999 reported that "local commanders would have required at least tacit approval from headquarters in Jakarta to allow the militias the blatant free hand they have enjoyed." Blair's performance, which prompted a rebuke by the State Department, was part of a fierce bureaucratic struggle between the Pentagon and State Department and Embassy officers seeking to reign in the TNI's terror.

Immediately after the August 30, 1999 referendum, in which nearly 80 per cent of Timorese voted for independence from Indonesia, TNI forces and their militia proxies launched a murderous scorched earth campaign, killing nearly 1,500 Timorese, forcing a third of the population from their homes and destroying most of the territory's infrastructure. Following a global outcry and enormous pressure from Congress and grassroots activists, President Clinton finally severed military ties on September 8, with Dennis Blair personally conveying news of the cutoff to General Wiranto.

By this point the TNI's - and by extension Wiranto's - control of the terror operations in East Timor was being widely acknowledged internally by both State Department and CIA sources. On September 10 the US Embassy in Canberra, Australia dispatched a secret telegram to Washington reporting in the subject line that that the TNI was "controlling and assisting militia" in East Timor.

Yet in Pentagon news briefing two weeks later Blair continued publicly to push the 'bad apple' line - characterizing the TNI's deliberate destruction of East Timor and murder of hundreds of people as "a bad breakdown of order with some elements of TNI contributing to it and not helping it."

He went on to insist that US training of the Indonesian Armed Forces had paid dividends, with "many of those officers who did have training and education in the United States, are leading a very strong reform movement within TNI."

As Dana Priest of the Washington Post later reported, however, fully one third of the Indonesian officers indicted by Indonesia's national human rights commission for "crimes against humanity" committed in East Timor in 1999 were US trained.

Wiranto, also indicted, is now considering a run at the Indonesian presidency in 2009. The clear links between US training and TNI terror clearly did not trouble Blair, who spent much of his remaining time as CINCPAC fighting to restore the military ties to his allies in Jakarta that grassroots activists and their Congressional allies had worked since 1992 to sever, finally winning their resumption in 2002.

Blair's apologetics for murder and torture by the Indonesian armed forces in East Timor, and his opposition to trials, international or otherwise, for the high level perpetrators of mass violence, offers a sobering indication of the positions he is likely to take as Director of National Intelligence. President-elect Obama's choice suggests that he will resist - as Blair almost certainly will - demands for the prosecution of high-ranking Bush Administration officials, much less lower level employees in the Pentagon and Central Intelligence Agency, for torture, rendition and other crimes carried out in the name of the so-called War on Terror.

[Bradley Simpson is an assistant professor of history and international affairs at Princeton and Director of the Indonesia and East Timor Documentation Project. He has just published Economists with Guns: Authoritarian Development and US- Indonesian Relations, 1960-1968. He can be reached at bsimpson@princeton.edu. For additional background go here - http://etan.org/news/2008/12blair.htm.]

Indonesia's Ali Alatas tarnished by East Timor

Reuters - December 11, 2008

Jakarta – Indonesia's former foreign minister Ali Alatas, who died in Singapore on Thursday, was a widely respected figure in the region tipped at one stage to be a possible United Nations secretary-general.

But his long career was ultimately stained by the mayhem surrounding East Timor's vote for independence from Indonesia in 1999, when Jakarta-backed militias went on a rampage, killing about 1,000 East Timorese according to UN estimates.

Alatas was Indonesia's longest-serving foreign minister, taking office in 1988 under long-time strongman president Suharto and serving until 1999 amid the turbulence of the reform movement that had driven Suharto from power a year earlier.

He also twice served as Indonesia's ambassador to the United Nations in the 1970s and 1980s.

Alatas, a member of the Southeast Asian grouping ASEAN's Eminent Persons Group, also helped broker peace in other hot spots in the region, including the civil war in Cambodia.

In recent years he was an adviser to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, chaired international seminars, and was on the board of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group.

The gentlemanly Alatas' career, however, remained haunted by the Suharto era and the turmoil in East Timor, the former Portuguese colony that Indonesia invaded in 1975.

Alatas' account of events there, titled "The pebble in the shoe: The diplomatic struggle for East Timor", helped start a wider debate about the crisis among official circles.

But despite his skills as a diplomat, Alatas struggled to justify the brutal events in East Timor, said Damien Kingsbury, an associate professor at Deakin University in Australia.

"No matter how much he tried, he was always going to be trying to justify an appalling situation to the international community," said Kingsbury, who was speaking by telephone while on a trip to East Timor.

Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd paid tribute to Alatas for improving often testy ties between the two nations. "Mr Alatas contributed both vision and hard work to strengthening the political, economic and personal links between our two countries," Rudd said.

Alatas, 76, was married with three children. He died of a heart attack after being treated in Singapore's Mount Elizabeth hospital for more than two weeks.

Presidential spokesman Dino Patti Djalal said that Yudhoyono was "sad and shocked" by the news of his death.

"I cannot spell out his achievements but in the milestones of his career, his highest achievement was when together with the French government he helped to solve the bloody conflict in Cambodia. But ironically he didn't get the credit he deserved from it," said Djalal.

Officials said Muslim prayers would be held in Singapore before his body was flown to Jakarta. (Reporting by Muklis Ali and Tyagita Silka; Additional reporting by Olivia Rondonuwu in JAKARTA, Kevin Lim in Singapore and James Grubel in Canberra; Writing by Ed Davies; Editing by Paul Tait)

7 December 1975: the politics of remembering

Pat Walsh - December 9, 2008

A key principle of both good memorialisation and reconciliation is that the truth be honestly acknowledged in plain language. Memorialisation that seeks to enhance by euphemism or to evade compromises both the lessons of history and the building of understanding and healthy relationships. Such memorials obfuscate rather than enlighten. They might defuse in the short term but they can also confuse and undermine trust.

Thirty three years ago this week, those of Dili's 30,000 citizens still in the capital woke up to a real life nightmare. Around 3am on Sunday, 7 December 1975, Indonesian warships opened fire on Dili after sailing into Timor's waters under cover of darkness.

Around 4.30am, 400 Indonesian marines in amphibious tanks and landing craft stormed the Kampung Alor beach along the stretch now occupied by the Esplanada, Dili Beach, Casa Minha restaurants and other popular spots. At 6 am, 9 Hercules dropped paratroopers over the site of the new Chinese built presidential complex, then returned around 8 am.

Following skirmishes with Fretilin forces, ABRI troops terrorised citizens by conducting a number of mass and individual executions in parts of Dili well known to many today – the parks and port in front of Hotel Timor, Colmera shopping centre, buildings at various points along the Obrigado Barracks road, Matadouro, and the Maloa River in Bairro Pite, to name some.

Codenamed Seroja or lotus (who dreams up these terms?), there was nothing about the invasion to justify any association with this sacred flower, famed for its beauty and fragrance. On the contrary, as a careful reading of the CAVR report Chega! makes clear, the assault on Dili was a disaster from every point of view – militarily, morally, legally, politically and internationally.

ABRI blew its surprise moves, operated on bad intelligence, dropped its paratroopers in the wrong places, had its troops firing on each other, sustained significant loss of troop life, terrorised the city it had come to liberate, earned the condemnation of the UN, violated the Geneva Conventions and human rights, executed unarmed civilians and alienated a people who might have responded differently to less brutal behaviour.

As the then anti-Fretilin Bishop of Dili famously said: "Indonesian paratroopers descended from heaven like angels but then behaved like devils". Indonesia knew it was out of order. It invaded furtively by not declaring war, and with a guilty conscience removed insignia from its vessels and troops, used AK-47s not traceable to the US, its principal military sponsor, and claimed that its troops were "volunteers". It also attacked on a Sunday. Did the military who spent hours and weeks planning this adventure think they might catch the Timorese on their knees? Major-General Benny Murdani toured Dili the following day. He later described the operation as "embarrassing" and criticised the troops for "not displaying discipline".

The invasion of Timor-Leste was probably Indonesia's biggest military operation and was certainly its most costly in every sense. For Timor-Leste it was the opposite of Seroja, a bouquet of bullets not flowers.

Neither Indonesia nor Timor-Leste, however, have chosen to remember the attack on Dili for what it was – an embarrassing exercise in war crimes, aggression and incompetence. Both have chosen to ignore the ugly truth. Indonesia held no-one accountable, including for the deaths of its own troops, and through the inauguration of the Seroja Memorial in Jakarta on 10 November 2002, National Heroes Day, has elected to remember the event in heroic terms, code for "we did nothing wrong".

Timor-Leste has also chosen not to press the point. 7 December is officially commemorated as Timor-Leste heroes day, deflecting public attention away from Indonesia. The people of Dili are left to remember the reality as best they can and to puzzle how both sides could have covered themselves in glory that fateful day.

[For an account of the attack on Dili on 7 December 1975, see Chega!, Part 3 History of the Conflict, pp 60-67 and other references passim, e.g. chapters on self-determination and killings in Part 7. Website: www.cavr-timorleste.org.]